And in deed, it is an important player in the thinking of military establishment and their related security apparatus the most important elements of which now appear engrossed with the parameters of 4th generation warfare. Just as Marxists fused law and politics in the 20th century and challenged notions of rule of law, non state actor shave now created conditions for the fusion of war and politics (see, e.g., here, here, here, here, and here). Within this framework, and in this context all civil society organs are potentially revolutionary, and certainly destabilizing. In societies with vanguard party structures, this is threatening. In other authoritarian societies it represents a threat to authority. And in democratic states it represents the power to overturn democratic governance. Mass mobilization, and the ability to manage global social spaces now appear as critical to modern warfare as it is to the establishment and operation of legitimately constituted states, whatever their political system in place. (quoted from here).
“...for the Fascist, everything is in the State, and nothing human or spiritual exists, muchThis idea, shorn of its fascist ideology, remains both popular and foundational for the functioning of the state system and the international public-law frameworks which it supports (discussed e.g. here). But it is also at the heart of Marxist Leninist notions of socialist movement and the essence of national vanguard party obligations. That certainly was the view of Fidel Castro in his address to intellectuals in 1961:
less has value, outside the State. In this sense Fascism is totalitarian, and the Fascist State, the synthesis and unity of all values, interprets, develops and gives strength to the whole life of the people.” (Benito Mussolini, “The Doctrine of Fascism”, in: Italian Encyclopaedia of 1932, reproduced in Michael J Oakeshott, The Social and Political Doctrines of Contemporary Europe, (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1939), pp 164-68)
Esto significa que dentro de la Revolución, todo; contra la Revolución, nada. Contra la Revolución nada, porque la Revolución tiene también sus derechos; y el primer derecho de la Revolución es el derecho a existir. Y frente al derecho de la Revolución de ser y de existir, nadie —por cuanto la Revolución comprende los intereses del pueblo, por cuanto la Revolución significa los intereses de la nación entera—, nadie puede alegar con razón un derecho contra ella. Creo que esto es bien claro. (Fidel Castro Ruz, DISCURSO PRONUNCIADO POR EL COMANDANTE FIDEL CASTRO RUZ, PRIMER MINISTRO DEL GOBIERNO REVOLUCIONARIO Y SECRETARIO DEL PURSC, COMO CONCLUSION DE LAS REUNIONES CON LOS INTELECTUALES CUBANOS, EFECTUADAS EN LA BIBLIOTECA NACIONAL EL 16, 23 y 30 DE JUNIO DE 1961 ("This means that within the Revolution, everything; against the Revolution, nothing. Nothing against the Revolution, because the Revolution has its rights; and the first right of the Revolution is the right to exist. And against the right of the Revolution of being and existence, nobody --for the Revolution comprises the interests of the people, because the Revolution means the interests of the nation entirely-- nobody can rightly claim an authority against it. I think this is very clear.").
This ancient formula reconstitutes the state as the vessel within which economic, social, cultural, political and civil norms are germinated, acquire their distinctive characteristics and derive their authenticity and legitimacy. It now appears as the great worry of Cuban authorities in the face of their re-connection with a world now both global, and dominated by ideologies of global communities at once outside of their control and to a great extent incompatible with the economic, social, cultural, political and civil life that Jase developed in Cuba as it existed in relative isolation from the flows of globalization. It is not for nothing, then, that Raúl Castro draws on his elder brother--who himself drew on the great fascist dictator of a generation before--to frame the nationalist agenda in thew face of globalization.
Letter from Raúl congratulating UNEAC on its 55th anniversary
Army General Raúl Castro Ruz, President of the Councils of State and Ministers, sent a congratulatory message to UNEAC
Author: Raúl Castro Ruz | firstname.lastname@example.org
august 23, 2016 09:08:31
Havana, August 22, 2016
“Year 58 of the Revolution”
Dear compañeros of the National Union of Writers and Artists of Cuba:
Please accept my congratulations on this 55th anniversary of UNEAC, which arose during a decisive stage of the Cuban Revolution and has been at the service of culture for more than five decades, considered by Fidel the “shield and sword of the nation.”
Amid the attention and resources that defending our country required at the time, we did not neglect the strategic tasks of education and culture. Indeed, in 1961 we carried out the Literacy Campaign, the most significant cultural event in our history. This was also the year when, shortly after the victory of Playa Girón, Fidel met with writers and artists and delivered that speech of such relevance known as “Words to Intellectuals.”
UNEAC then emerged, headed by the great poet Nicolás Guillén, which, in a unitary spirit, convened the artistic vanguard which joined in the building of Martí’s “trenches of ideas.”
Today we are threatened in the field of culture on two fronts: by subversive projects that aim to divide us and by the global wave of colonization. The UNEAC of today will continue to confront with courage, revolutionary commitment and intelligence, these complex challenges.
My congratulations extend on this date to the founders and to the various generations that have provided continuity to the work begun in August 1961.
A strong embrace,
Raúl Castro Ruz
Carta de felicitación de Raúl por aniversario 55 de la UNEACThe Cuban leadership, thus, again, asserts that necessity of building a wall--a national wall, against the unwanted and uncontrolled influx of ideas. The Cuban leadership--like some of those in the Untied States, in China and across the world, demand the erection of barriers--physical, social, cultural, technological--against a globalization only part of which is viewed as useful. Thus, building walls is not merely the fantasy project of U.S. presidential candidates. It reflects, instead, a growing and quite important nationalist movement that embraces states irrespective of ideology, of history or even of placement in the power order of states within international communities.
El General de Ejército Raúl Castro Ruz, Presidente de los Consejos de Estado y de Ministros, envía mensaje de felicitación a la UNEAC
Autor: Raúl Castro Ruz | email@example.com
23 de agosto de 2016 00:08:02
La Habana, 22 de agosto de 2016
“Año 58 de la Revolución”
Estimados compañeros de la Unión de Escritores y Artistas de Cuba:
Reciban mis felicitaciones en este 55 aniversario de la UNEAC, que nació en una etapa decisiva de la Revolución Cubana y ha estado a lo largo de más de cinco décadas al servicio de la cultura, considerada por Fidel “escudo y espada de la nación”.
En medio de la atención y los recursos que exigía entonces defender nuestro país, no descuidamos las labores estratégicas de la educación y la cultura. Precisamente en 1961 llevamos adelante la Campaña de Alfabetización, el acontecimiento cultural más trascendente de nuestra historia. Ese fue también el año en que, poco después del triunfo de Playa Girón, Fidel se reunió con los escritores y artistas y pronunció el discurso de tanta vigencia conocido como “Palabras a los intelectuales”.
Luego surgió la UNEAC, presidida por el gran poeta Nicolás Guillén, que convocó con espíritu unitario a la vanguardia artística y se sumó a la construcción de las martianas “trincheras de ideas”.
Hoy estamos doblemente amenazados en el campo de la cultura: por los proyectos subversivos que pretenden dividirnos y la oleada colonizadora global. La UNEAC del presente continuará encarando con valentía, compromiso revolucionario e inteligencia, estos complejos desafíos.
Lleguen en este día mis congratulaciones a los fundadores y a las distintas generaciones que han dado continuidad a la obra emprendida en agosto de 1961.
Un fuerte abrazo,
And it is a dangerous movement. Dangerous to the effectiveness of globalization, to the increasing harmonization of rules and norms in the everyday discourse and behaviors of people seeking to maximize their own welfare--even as they seek to remain loyal to political systems who no longer can remain aloof from their people--or their political obligations (however that is specified under national ideologies). Indeed, the value of social, cultural, political and civic globalization is just its disciplinary effect--it requires governments to operate truer to the best aspects of their ruling ideology, or to change. It does not require a change in ideology. But at the same time it can serve as an instrument for power and domination in ways that ought to be avoided. But the answer may not lie in the reconstruction of those walls that nationalism once built up int he 20th century--producing a disaster and global tragedy in the form of decades of warfare and odd isolation.
Rather it may be time for the community of nations to come together to engage in candid discussion about the space that ought to be left open to the emergence and operation do global social, cultural. political and civic society. The current approach of the United Nations is sadly obsolete and to a great extent irrelevant (see, e.g. here, and here). It reflects a conceptual framework now long dead. Both challenges can be overcome. But that requires a willingness to confront the realities of state obligations both to remain true to its own ruling ideology but within that to be flexible in the movement of social, cultural, political and civic global communities operate--extracting what is most useful and ensuring, but their own fidelity to the best of their own practices, that these do not supplant native systems--except as it might occur naturally. State that seek to turn their borders into the walls of a museum of culture--protected form all influence abroad--are engaging in a dangerous cgame of isolation that will have deleterious global consequences. At the same time, societal interactions ought not b¡to be projectiles in the service of the political aims of states seeking to project power beyond their borders. That balancing is subtle and difficult. But this is part of a conversation that has not yet begun. And that is to be regretted.