Tuesday, October 18, 2022

Reflections on the Chinese Path Toward Enhanced Party and National Discipline--习近平强调,坚定不移全面从严治党,深入推进新时代党的建设新的伟大工程 [Xi Jinping emphasized that we will unswervingly and comprehensively govern the party strictly, and further advance the new great project of party building in the new era].

 

学习延安作风发扬革命传统 (Study the spirit of Yan'an, to develop a revolutionary tradition) Pix Credit HERE


 


 

Even before Xi Jinping's 70 page Work Report to the 20th CPC National Congress was widely distributed ( 高举中国特色社会主义伟大旗帜 为全面建设社会主义现代化国家而团结奋斗: 在中国共产党第二十次全国代表大会上的报告 [Hold high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics Unity and struggle for the all-round construction of a modern socialist country: Report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China]) official press organs were distributing strategic summaries that sought to develop a summary base form which meaning could be readily extracted from that Work Report.  

These efforts are particularly useful because they provide a very important window into how the Chinese leadership core would like the very long and complex Work Report to be (1) distilled; (2) interpreted; and (3) applied.  It is for that reason that it is worth reading these much shorter narratives. These will likely serve as the basis for the explanation and justification of the many many new initiatives that are expected to be rolled out at every level of the administrative apparatus in the coming weeks before the coming Spring Festival.

This post considers 习近平强调,坚定不移全面从严治党,深入推进新时代党的建设新的伟大工程 [Xi Jinping emphasized that we will unswervingly and comprehensively govern the party strictly, and further advance the new great project of party building in the new era]. This is a particularly important element of the 20th National Congress Work Report because it is at the center of some of the most sensitive and far reaching governance transformations of the last decade.  Embedded within it are the construction of the notion of the leadership core, of the core-collective binary that serves as the basic building block of Chinese Leninism governmentality, and of the role of democratic centralism (again) as a core principle and method of discipline. 

The seven key elements distilled from the Work Report reflects on what is being built as the discursive theme of Party discipline and work style. They are built around the 7 pillars of Communist Party Discipline-Self-Discipline: (1) centralized authority; (2) the ideology of authority; (3) from criticism/self-criticism to self-revolution; (4) Team building toward the constitution of the ideal cadre; (5) effective shepherds attend to their flock; the centrality of the performance of the mass line; (6) the exorcisms of old demons and failures; and (7) corruption and self-revolution (自我革命). 

More substantial reflections follow below, along with my crude English translation of the summary.

The Coalition for Peace & Ethics has undertaken a deep examination of the 20th National Congress and will make key documents and other resources available to those interested. Access the CPE 20th CPC Congress web resources here.

 

 

 

Mao Zedong and Kang Sheng Pix Credit here
1. The central role of Leninist Party self discipline has been foregrounded in the constitution, and administration of the Leninist collective in China almost from the time of its organization in 1921. But it modern form, a form that still deeply resonates, was born of the choices--crucially important choices--made  by the Party collective during the period that has come to be called the time of the Yan'an rectification (Zhengfeng), and with it the fundamental naturalization of the people's democratic dictatorship principles at the core of the disciplinary meta-structures of the Chinese Leninist vanguard.  And the essence of the people's democratic dictatorship (democracy for patriots; dictatorship for the rest) built on the hierarchical but interactive dialogue performed as democratic centralism.   That is the key--the constant interweaving of Yan'an, of the normative impulses of people's democratic dictatorship, and of the communicative tropes of democratic centralism. But Party discipline of this sort has two faces.  One is outward facing where Leninist party legitimacy as a function of correct discipline. The other faces inward where Leninist party collective integrity is understood as a function of discipline. These streams of ideological construction have for a long time been built into the core provisions of the CPC's General Program--especially in its concluding paragraphs. To that extent--the Work Report does not seek to transform as much as it seeks to refine the narratives of Party (self) discipline for the New Era.

2. That inward-outward functionality is the sub-text of the opening paragraphs of the summary of the Work report's discussion of CPC discipline and working style. The key traditional themes are invoked: (1) building the Party is not just aligned but is also fundamentally intertwined with the task of building the country, they are inextricably interlinked; (2) as the Party goes, so goes the nation, and more particularly the project of the great Chinese rejuvenation; and (3) the comprehensive and strict governance of the Party is a mirror on the character of the comprehensive and strict governance of the nation. "The great project of the party leads the social revolution with the party's self-revolution (以党的自我革命引领社会革命)."

3. What is left to the Work Report, as it was left to the preceding several Work Reports in earlier National Congresses, is the matter of implementation. Implementation, in turn, is a function of the contemporary iteration of the ruling ideology. It is offered by the general secretary in the 20th Congress Work Report  in the form of 7 key ideological and policy points.  Each of them can be traced directly to the general secretary's speeches of the last several years, and more importantly to essays that have appeared over the course of the last two years in important flagship journals like "Seeking Truth" (Qiushi)--for example the phrase  思想凝心铸魂 which appeared here, or self-revolution from a 2019 campaign (here; see also here). In a sense, then, and as it should, the Work Report sums up the projects undertaken respecting Party discipline and working style, orders them, and by including them in the Work Report, indicates that at least those mentioned now acquire a national and more formal character.

4. What are these 7 key points?

a. Centralized authority. Democratic centralism needs a center, a structure, and a hierarchy to rationalize the whole. The immediate focus is on a hierarchical system the key nexus point is the CPC Central Committee. No surprises here. Nonetheless, the point is fundamental not just to the organization of the CPC, but also to the organization of the state apparatus, of economic activity, and of social and cultural life.  But more than that, this fundamental template then is transposed to the construction of an international order in two parts.,  The first focuses on the core of China and its friendly states arranged in the Belt & Road Initiative  (with China playing the role of the CPC Central Committee); and then internationally in the reorganization of the international order  to give full effect to an internalized democratic centralist ordering--with the leading states (including China) at its center. This point is made first because it must be.  Rationalized centralization--hub and spoke, core and collective, PCP and the masses, China and its allied states, etc.--these are the core principles of Leninist vanguard organization, and of the organization of all collective life. From this all else follows--democracy and the mass line, discipline, self-revolution (the New Era version of criticism/self-criticism for a post Mao Zedong age), people's democratic dictatorship, socialist core values, and the New Era Communist International.   If the vanguard gets it wrong everything else fails

b. The ideology of authority. Leninist organs are constituted by, through, and for a purpose. That purpose serves as the operating instructions and the normative framework within which the machineries of management, leadership, and guidance can be built, operated, assessed, and modified to suit the times. None of this is, again, new.  What is new is the declaration that the ideological glue of the machinery of Leninist state, political, economic, social, and cultural systems (built around and through the CPC) has changed. More important, perhaps, that ideology must be made endogenous rather than exist exogenous from the individuals who make up the living flesh (individually and in the aggregate) of both the structures of Leninism and the performance of its ideologies.  This speaks to the fundamental mandate to ideological education--first within the CPC, and then rippling outward to the extent of the machineries of centralized authority.

Pix credit here
c. From criticism/self-criticism to self-revolution. Ideology may be dynamic, but at every temporal point it is fixed and orthodox.  That orthodoxy is a crucial element to the performance of centralization, and of the rationalizing objectives of the premises on which ideological frameworks are built and maintained.  Self-reflexivity in system construction is a flagship concept of Leninism--especially after 2013 a Leninism with Chinese characteristics. But the mechanisms of orthodoxy also require their own mechanics--and their corresponding ideologies.  And here one re-enters and updates Yan'an in a manner suitable to the times and the stage of the development of Chinese Leninism at the current stage of historical development.  Criticism-self-criticism--like Reform and Opening Up--reflects eras the intensity of which is quickly receding with its historical immediacy.  And yet the spirit of both remain powerful. In this case, where orthodoxy is simultaneously fixed (at every instant) and normatively dynamic, a system of management must preserve both the intensity of the instant and pave the way to dynamic change.  This is now offered up in the form of the recently unveiled concept of self-revolution, a concept that for foreigners cannot readily escape the wisps and vapors of Nietzsche's politics around the concept of revaluation of values. But something else is going on here as well--the much more open union of the concept of centralized authority with that normative change.  For the mass of cadres  there is the sword of political inspection: for the core of leadership there is the responsibility for defining the shifting context within which ideological expression is manifested in the current moment. One does not move from from ancient reflexes of obedience and magisterium, but with Leninist and Chinese characteristics. 

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d. Team building toward the constitution of the ideal cadre. An orthodox system built on the structures of an idealized (if dynamic) operational structure and manifested through an ideal (and also dynamic) ideology also requires an ideal community of cadres. Cadres remain both the object, source, basis, and object pf the project of Leninist system building.  And their perfection must necessarily be foregrounded in an effort to perfect the system (and its ideology) in ways suitable to meet the fickle demands of the times. None of this is new; it repeats  the beat of rectification in the service of perfection that in modern form traces back--again--to Yan'an. What is important is the refinement which leaks out even from this summary. And more importantly, its recasting in ways that are now measurable. Selection and discipline may now be amenable to a system of measurable indicators that may be operated through big-data, AI assisted systems of discipline and control (eg, Chinese Researchers Develop New AI Tech to Screen ‘Loyalty’ of Communist Party Members). That may better at ensuring  more success in "selecting high-quality professional cadres who are loyal, clean and responsible, selecting the best and strengthening leadership teams at all levels." 

e. Effective shepherds attend to their flock; the centrality of the performance of the mass line. Just as the strength of a hierarchically based religious system is based on front line collectives and the religious ministers who watch, guide, discipline, attend to the needs of local religious collectives, and report up the chain of commend, so with the strength of a Leninist party organization.  The CPC, it has long been said, is no stronger than the strength of its implementation of its mass line--correctly. And that has been the continuing challenge.  That challenge in the New Era is now re-centered around the contemporary principal contradiction of unequal distribution of the benefits of Reform and Opening Up. That provides the flavor.  The New Era returns the problem to its political roots. These are both ideological, defensive, and social (as befits the orientation of New Era theory). Thus the objective to "build grassroots party organizations into strong fighting fortresses that effectively realize the party's leadership, encourage party members to play a vanguard and exemplary role, and maintain the advanced nature and purity of party members." It is a reminder, as well, that Whole process democracy (全过程民主) i s not enough.  What is required is comprehensive shepherding--and that, in turn, requires greater discipline, control, and construction of reliable cadres at the lowest levels of party organization.  But that has always been the challenge, now made grander by the broadening scope of the mission. 

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f. Exorcising old demons and failures with the magic of legalisms. The cage of regulation can be a very slippery image.  On the one hand, it may suggest containment by the realization of the textual commands--that is of commands written into a text whose application created the bars of the prison of bad conduct.  Yet jails have doors, and text is a porous barrier made more so by the exercise of an administrative discretion undertaken with impunity. And yet, for mist political collectives, including Leninist collectives, text remains the supreme way in which constraints are articulated.  But not necessarily the way these textual cages are applied.  And that is the problem with this sixth key element of New Era CPC discipline-self-discipline. Having constructed an ideological cage of its own--the famous cage of regulation--all that can be deployed are cages of regulation. Yet textual cages can also serve as the funeral pyre of a system for which the distance between text and action at operational levels become more distant.  That, one can suppose, is the point here.  The CPCP--again--stresses the need to reduce that distance. That is now the core challenge of most rule of law political organizations (and not just the Marxist Leninist ones).  But reducing textual cages to fetish incantations carry with it dangers of its own.

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g. Corruption and self-revolution
. It is to be recalled that self-revolution began to gain currency in its contemporary form about the time of the start of the leadership of the current holder of the responsibilities of first secretary of the CPC. It attained an important status in the 2021 "Resolution on the Major Achievements and Historical Experience of the Party over the Past Century” (see here and here). Its connection with corruption was cemented on 18 January 2022 when Xi Jinping gave an important address at the annual plenary session of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection (CCDI); "“Self-revolution” (自我革命) appeared 13 times in Xi’s 3,400-character speech. In the days leading up to the anti-corruption agency’s plenary session, propaganda outlets prominently featured articles about the importance of “self-revolution” to the CCP. . . Today, “self-revolution” is almost synonymous with Xi’s anti-corruption campaign." (As Challenges Mount, China’s Xi Calls for ‘Self-Revolution’).  It is in this sense also connected to earlier efforts to use the prior iteration--criticism-self-criticism--in that context. Corruption is the manifestation of failures of quality control.  If the first six key points were aimed at developing quality measures, corruption measures  quality failures of every kind. But that is the problem. If corruption is a measure of failures of quality control, then it is not the corruption that is the issue, that is the symptom. Rather it is failures of quality that must be addressed. And for that quantifiable measures must be adopted. They might be given  inspiring names--like 自我革命. But is one context where attacking the symptom will merely prolong the agony. And that is the pity; quality control reactive systems have not worked well enough. What is required now is not quality control; what is required is quality assurance.


5. The summary ends with the context within which these seven key elements are to be woven. The unity of state, social and party is emphasized; each is merely a reflection of and reflects the others.  That composite, to be effectively managed must be subject (in good Leninist fashion) to the guidance and leadership of the vanguard, which is itself a function of its institutional structures for embedding the masses and correctly applying its guiding ideology. Cages of responsibility, or regulation, and of objectives, with respect to which there are no escape hatches--but within which there ought to be strict accountability. . . all the way to its highest levels.  But the fundamental ideological position is clear--the fate of both state and Party, of society and its organization, are inseparably interlinked. The health of one is dependent on the health of the other. A healthy vanguard promotes the health of society; but an unhealthy society may overwhelm a vanguard careless in its responsibilities and its own internal integrity.

6. But interestingly enough, there appears to be a resurrection of the old idioms of struggle. That has been a loaded term on both the left and right in global political discourse since the simultaneous rise of right error and left error, of fascism and left totalitarianism. Both left and right vanguards have centered struggle; and the temptations of struggle discourse is hard to resist. The focus here is on the struggle of youth to more correctly embed themselves within the interlinked collectives of the vanguard lead society. But it also touches on the struggle of the collective in the old fashioned sense of systemic competition against the counter-ideological forces  of liberal democracy.  The stage is set. And at its frontiers the black hand (黑手) of foreign interference and the allurement of foreign ideology (The whole Party, the whole army, and the people of all ethnic groups in the country must unite closely around the Party Central Committee, keep in mind that empty talk will mislead the country" [全党全军全国各族人民要紧密团结在党中央周围,牢记空谈误国]).


 

* * * * * * * * * * 

 (authorized to release at the 20th National Congress) 

Xi Jinping emphasized that we will unswervingly and comprehensively govern the party strictly, and further advance the new great project of party building in the new era.
Source: Xinhuanet


Xinhua News Agency, Beijing, October 16. In his report to the 20th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, Xi Jinping emphasized that he will unswervingly and comprehensively govern the party strictly, and further promote the new great project of party building in the new era.

Xi Jinping pointed out that the key to building a modern socialist country in an all-round way and promoting the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation lies in the Party. As the largest Marxist ruling party in the world, our party must always maintain the sobriety and firmness to solve the unique problems of major parties in order to always win the support of the people and consolidate its long-term ruling position. The whole party must keep in mind that comprehensive and strict governance of the party is always on the way, the party's self-revolution is always on the way, and there must be no restlessness or fatigue and war-weariness. The great project of the party leads the social revolution with the party's self-revolution.

We must implement the general requirements of party building in the new era, improve the system of comprehensive and strict governance of the party, and comprehensively promote the party's self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation and self-improvement, so that our party will stick to its original mission and mission.

We must implement the general requirements of party building in the new era, improve the system of comprehensive and strict governance of the party, and comprehensively promote the party's self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation and self-improvement, so that our party will stick to its original mission and mission and always serve as a strong leadership core for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

The first is to uphold and strengthen the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. Improve the party's leadership system that oversees the overall situation and coordinates all parties, improves the implementation mechanism for major decisions and arrangements of the CPC Central Committee, and ensures that the entire party is in the political position, political direction, political principles, maintain a high degree of consistency with the Party Central Committee on the political road, that ensures party unity.

The first is to uphold and strengthen the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee. Improve the party's leadership system that oversees the overall situation and coordinates all parties, improves the implementation mechanism for major decisions and arrangements of the CPC Central Committee, and ensures that the entire party maintains a high degree of consistency with the CPC Central Committee in terms of political stance, political direction, political principles, and political path, and ensures the unity of the party. Unite.

The second is to unremittingly use the ideology of socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era to concentrate the heart and mold the soul. Comprehensively strengthen the party's ideological construction, strengthen the education of ideals and beliefs, guide the whole party to keep the party's purpose in mind, and consciously become firm believers and faithful practitioners of the lofty ideals of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

The third is to improve the party's self-revolutionary system and normative system. Adhere to governing the party by system and rules, improve the party's unified leadership, comprehensive coverage, authoritative and efficient supervision system, play the role of the sword of political inspection, implement the political responsibility of comprehensively and strictly governing the party, and make good use of the weapon of accountability.

The fourth is to build a team of high-quality cadres worthy of the important task of national rejuvenation. Adhere to having both ability and political integrity, putting morality first, appointing people based on their merits, establishing a correct orientation for selecting and employing people, selecting high-quality professional cadres who are loyal, clean and responsible, selecting the best and strengthening leadership teams at all levels, and strengthening the cadres' fighting spirit and ability to develop , to inspire cadres to take responsibility and act actively.

The fifth is to enhance the political and organizational functions of the party organization. Adhere to the clear orientation of focusing on the grassroots, build grassroots party organizations into strong fighting fortresses that effectively realize the party's leadership, encourage party members to play a vanguard and exemplary role, and maintain the advanced nature and purity of party members.

Sixth, adhere to a strict tone to strengthen upright conduct and discipline. We must persevere to implement the spirit of the eight central regulations, continue to deepen the rectification of "four styles", focus on rectification of formalism and bureaucracy, and resolutely eliminate privileged thinking and privileged behavior.

Seventh, we will resolutely win the protracted battle against corruption. Corruption is the biggest cancer that endangers the party's vitality and combat effectiveness, and anti-corruption is the most thorough self-revolution. As long as the soil and conditions for corruption exist, the fight against corruption cannot stop for a moment, and we must always blow the charge, insist that we dare not, cannot, and do not want to be corrupt. We will fight corruption and punish evil with zero tolerance and never tolerate it.

Xi Jinping pointed out that the times are calling for the CPC, and the people are looking forward to the CPC. Only with unswerving determination and perseverance can we live up to the times and the people. The whole party must keep in mind that adhering to the overall leadership of the party is the only way to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics, socialism with Chinese characteristics is the only way to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and unity and struggle is the only way for the Chinese people to create great historical achievements. Implementing the new development concept is the only way for my country to grow and develop in the new era, and comprehensively and strictly governing the party is the only way for the party to maintain its vitality and take a new road to pass the tests it faces. This is the most important regular understanding we have come up with in our long-term practice. We must cherish it more, insist on it, insist that the green mountains will not relax, and guide and ensure that the great ship of socialism with Chinese characteristics rides the wind and waves, and travels steadily and far.

Xi Jinping emphasized that unity is strength, and unity can lead to victory. To build a modern socialist country in an all-round way, we must give full play to the creative power of hundreds of millions of people. The whole party must adhere to the fundamental purpose of serving the people wholeheartedly, uphold the views of the masses, implement the mass line, respect the people's pioneering spirit, insist on doing everything for the people, relying on the people in everything, coming from the masses and going to the masses, and always keeping in line with the people. We have always accepted the criticism and supervision of the people, we have always breathed, shared our destiny, and connected our hearts with the people, constantly consolidated the great unity of the people of all ethnic groups in the country, strengthened the great unity of Chinese sons and daughters at home and abroad, and formed a strong synergy to realize the Chinese dream with one heart and one mind.

Xi Jinping pointed out that when the youth is strong, the country is strong. At the right time, contemporary Chinese young students have an extremely broad stage to display their talents, and the prospects for realizing their dreams are extremely bright. The whole party should focus on youth work as a strategic work, arm the youth with the party's scientific theory, inspire the youth with the party's original mission, be a confidant of young friends, an enthusiast of youth work, and a guide for the young masses. The vast majority of young people must unswervingly listen to the party's words, follow the party's words, embrace dreams and be down-to-earth, dare to think and do good things, and aspire to be good young people in the new era who have ideals, dare to take responsibility, can endure hardships, and are willing to struggle, so that youth can flourish in an all-round way. In the fiery practice of building a modern socialist country, splendid flowers are blooming.

Xi Jinping finally said that the party has created a century-old great cause with great struggle, and it will certainly be able to create a new great cause with new great struggle. The whole Party, the whole army, and the people of all ethnic groups in the country must unite closely around the Party Central Committee, keep in mind that empty talk will mislead the country, and hard work will rejuvenate the country, strengthen confidence, work with one heart, work hard, and advance bravely, in order to build a modern socialist country in an all-round way and advance China in an all-round way. Unity and struggle for the great rejuvenation of the nation.

report

Editor in charge: Wang Dan

 

 (二十大受权发布)习近平强调,坚定不移全面从严治党,深入推进新时代党的建设新的伟大工程
来源:新华网

新华社北京10月16日电 习近平在二十大报告中强调,坚定不移全面从严治党,深入推进新时代党的建设新的伟大工程。

习近平指出,全面建设社会主义现代化国家、全面推进中华民族伟大复兴,关键在党。我们党作为世界上最大的马克思主义执政党,要始终赢得人民拥护、巩固长期执政地位,必须时刻保持解决大党独有难题的清醒和坚定。全党必须牢记,全面从严治党永远在路上,党的自我革命永远在路上,决不能有松劲歇脚、疲劳厌战的情绪,必须持之以恒推进全面从严治党,深入推进新时代党的建设新的伟大工程,以党的自我革命引领社会革命。

我们要落实新时代党的建设总要求,健全全面从严治党体系,全面推进党的自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高,使我们党坚守初心使命,始终成为中国特色社会主义事业的坚强领导核心。

一是坚持和加强党中央集中统一领导。健全总揽全局、协调各方的党的领导制度体系,完善党中央重大决策部署落实机制,确保全党在政治立场、政治方向、政治原则、政治道路上同党中央保持高度一致,确保党的团结统一。

二是坚持不懈用新时代中国特色社会主义思想凝心铸魂。全面加强党的思想建设,加强理想信念教育,引导全党牢记党的宗旨,自觉做共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想的坚定信仰者和忠实实践者。

三是完善党的自我革命制度规范体系。坚持制度治党、依规治党,健全党统一领导、全面覆盖、权威高效的监督体系,发挥政治巡视利剑作用,落实全面从严治党政治责任,用好问责利器。

四是建设堪当民族复兴重任的高素质干部队伍。坚持德才兼备、以德为先、五湖四海、任人唯贤,树立选人用人正确导向,选拔忠诚干净担当的高素质专业化干部,选优配强各级领导班子,加强干部斗争精神和斗争本领养成,激励干部敢于担当、积极作为。

五是增强党组织政治功能和组织功能。坚持大抓基层的鲜明导向,把基层党组织建设成为有效实现党的领导的坚强战斗堡垒,激励党员发挥先锋模范作用,保持党员队伍先进性和纯洁性。

六是坚持以严的基调强化正风肃纪。锲而不舍落实中央八项规定精神,持续深化纠治“四风”,重点纠治形式主义、官僚主义,坚决破除特权思想和特权行为。

七是坚决打赢反腐败斗争攻坚战持久战。腐败是危害党的生命力和战斗力的最大毒瘤,反腐败是最彻底的自我革命。只要存在腐败问题产生的土壤和条件,反腐败斗争就一刻不能停,必须永远吹冲锋号,坚持不敢腐、不能腐、不想腐一体推进,以零容忍态度反腐惩恶,决不姑息。

习近平指出,时代呼唤着我们,人民期待着我们,唯有矢志不渝、笃行不怠,方能不负时代、不负人民。全党必须牢记,坚持党的全面领导是坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的必由之路,中国特色社会主义是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路,团结奋斗是中国人民创造历史伟业的必由之路,贯彻新发展理念是新时代我国发展壮大的必由之路,全面从严治党是党永葆生机活力、走好新的赶考之路的必由之路。这是我们在长期实践中得出的至关紧要的规律性认识,必须倍加珍惜、始终坚持,咬定青山不放松,引领和保障中国特色社会主义巍巍巨轮乘风破浪、行稳致远。

习近平强调,团结就是力量,团结才能胜利。全面建设社会主义现代化国家,必须充分发挥亿万人民的创造伟力。全党要坚持全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨,树牢群众观点,贯彻群众路线,尊重人民首创精神,坚持一切为了人民、一切依靠人民,从群众中来、到群众中去,始终保持同人民群众的血肉联系,始终接受人民批评和监督,始终同人民同呼吸、共命运、心连心,不断巩固全国各族人民大团结,加强海内外中华儿女大团结,形成同心共圆中国梦的强大合力。

习近平指出,青年强,则国家强。当代中国青年生逢其时,施展才干的舞台无比广阔,实现梦想的前景无比光明。全党要把青年工作作为战略性工作来抓,用党的科学理论武装青年,用党的初心使命感召青年,做青年朋友的知心人、青年工作的热心人、青年群众的引路人。广大青年要坚定不移听党话、跟党走,怀抱梦想又脚踏实地,敢想敢为又善作善成,立志做有理想、敢担当、能吃苦、肯奋斗的新时代好青年,让青春在全面建设社会主义现代化国家的火热实践中绽放绚丽之花。

习近平最后说,党用伟大奋斗创造了百年伟业,也一定能用新的伟大奋斗创造新的伟业。全党全军全国各族人民要紧密团结在党中央周围,牢记空谈误国、实干兴邦,坚定信心、同心同德,埋头苦干、奋勇前进,为全面建设社会主义现代化国家、全面推进中华民族伟大复兴而团结奋斗。

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责编:王丹

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