Thursday, January 18, 2024

Brief Thoughts and Full Text of Speech by Chinese premier Li Qiang at the opening ceremony of the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2024 [李强在世界经济论坛2024年年会开幕式上的特别致辞(全文)]

 

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Be careful what you wish for. This applies especially if you do not have the capacity to keep or maintain the thing you desired.

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We live in interesting times. They are especially interesting because, having worked without pause since 1945 to develop a world that this varied, and rich, and powerful enough to seek to operationalize its aspirations,  the United States, still at the head of the (now broadened to be sure) alliance of like minded states victorious over fascism and militarism, finds itself face to face with not merely the variegation of a diverse global community, but one reluctant to continue to sip at the waters of the ideologies that made possible their present condition. That is to be expected perhaps--states, like children, grow into whatever it is was built into them that provided the premises on which national solidarity (to the extent it is maintained willingly or not). Unexpected perhaps, especially by the U.S. and its allies victorious over the forces of fascism and militarism (and this point is worth underscoring before it is relegated by those whose sense of history and its consequences extend to the length of the lifespan of the mayfly),  was the possibility, now increasingly realized, of the emergence not of variation on the post-1945 unifying themes and their materialization of the world's ordering, but also the emergence of counter-visions that might seek to supplant or replace the imaginaries of the post-1945 order (the choice of descriptive language for that revolution merely goes to the amelioration of the pain of that transformation). Most prominently, and now much on display on the global stage, by a vision of democratic socialism not from the (20th century) right, but from its left flank, a socialism moving into the new era of global historical development and shaping its course towards a particular ends.

The shape and character of the ideological forces advancing an alternative world ordering were very much on display in the quite remarkable speech delivered by Chinese premier Li Qiang at the opening ceremony at the gathering of the globe's movers and shakers at the World Economic Forum in that equally remarkably inaccessible (in terms of the cost of access as well as its geography) hamlet (the use of the term is meant as a sub-textual nod to Shakespeare) of Davos.  The speech is worth reading carefully in full, though the Chinese version may prove an equally enriching experience. I will remark only on this:

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1. 信任 [(xìnrèn) Trust; Faith; Credibility]. China has spent a considerable about of ideological effort around the concept of trust (信任 (xìnrèn) in someone) and trustworthiness (信用 (xìnyòng)). Its 社会信用体系 [shèhuì xìnyòng tǐxì) Social Credit System] has incorporated not merely a normative set of comprehensive principles around notions of trust and trustworthiness but has grounded an important set of structural legalities around the concepts. These are, in turn, tied to a fundamentally normative vision around the core Leninist notion that while trust and trustworthiness are central to the construction of a complex society, that construction requires as an essential element the guiding hand of a collective force representing the vanguard (the leading social forces of social collectives)  committed to just ends. In Leninist systems, of course, those just ends are tied to the (eventual) establishment of a communist society (until then the vanguard is socialist in character and communist in spirit--and thus much of the discursive turns in Chinese theory). All of this requires the vanguard, the leading forces of society, to guide social collectives first to appropriate states of trust, and then to the elaboration of trust in trustworthy acts, in which trust is measured, and accountability developed, around the normative expression of trustworthy acts, thoughts, institutions, culture, economics, etc. 

Understood in that way, the opening of the remarks of Mr. Li Qiang become far richer than they might have appeared at first blush.  Mr. Li Qiang could look at the global community in 2024, the way that the Chinese Communist Party might have viewed the constitution of the masses (and to some extent its own cadres) at the start of the 21st century (and certainly after 2014 on the eve of the normative exposition of the framework of the Social Credit System by the State Council) and see both great potential, and a fundamental duty to provide Leninist leadership and guidance.   

As I see it, the word "rebuild" implies at least three things. First, trust was once prevalent. To a large extent, it was trust between countries that enabled the huge progress in economic globalization over the past decades. Second, the foundation of trust has now been eroded. The lack of trust is aggravating risks to global growth and peaceful development. Third, rebuilding trust is essential. [我觉得,“重建”一词至少包含了三层意思:其一,信任曾经广泛存在,过去几十年来经济全球化取得的巨大进展,很大程度上得益于各国之间的相互信任;其二,现在信任之基遭到了破坏,信任缺失正加剧全球经济增长及和平发展的风险;其三,重建信任尤为重要,无论是克服现实的困难,] (Li Qiang Remarks).

That leadership and guidance will be shaped by the truths of the normative theory of the Chinese model, to be sure. And the need for that leadership and guidance is the result of the final playing out of the corruption and dissipation of the trust systems created after 1945 that no longer provides the leadership necessary to maintain trust (either as a force or in its direction). It is to the vanguard of social forces, who better grasp the inevitable direction of collective effort, that the task of leadership must now fall--for the good of the global masses organized in a United Front (eg here) under the leadership of the vanguard--global, national, and local. 

Where does trust come from? In my view, it comes, first and foremost, from our shared aspiration for a better future for humanity and from our common will to work together for that vision. As President Xi Jinping points out, changes of the world, of our times, and of historical significance are unfolding like never before, and the world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation. Yet the overall direction of human development and progress will not change, the overall dynamics of world history moving forward amid twists and turns will not change, and the overall trend toward a shared future for the international community will not change. [信任从何而来?我想,它首先建立在我们对人类美好未来的憧憬,并愿意为之共同努力的基础之上。正如习近平主席所指出的,世界之变、时代之变、历史之变正以前所未有的方式展开,世界进入新的动荡变革期,但人类发展进步的大方向不会改变,世界历史曲折前进的大逻辑不会改变,国际社会命运与共的大趋势不会改变。] (Li Qiang, remarks).

Now the language begins to maker sense. 信任 [(xìnrèn) means to trust or have confidence in someone--an emerging vanguard.  The old vanguard has dissipated its leadership in the administration of a global trust system . A new vanguard must necessarily rebuild trust in a way that suits the times, place and space of the global. 信用 (xìnyòng) describes trustworthiness--someone worthy of a trust that has been lost, in this case, by others (for trust wordplay in Chinese eg here). Eighty years, it seems, appears to be the life span not just of humans but of trust in a vanguard that does not change to suit the times; or one that grows old and enfeebled, unable to maintain the old order. The implication, those who lave lost trust are not trustworthy; in their place China suggests: 相信我. 我是為你好 (trust me, I am doing this for your own good (or a closer transliteration  trust me I have your best interests at heart).

2. The Five Proposals (Rationalizing Vanguard Leadership Toward a New Era of Global Leadership). As Lenin famously said (though in a vastly different context: what, then, is to be done (for the original here). On what basis can the new leading forces elaborate a normative basis for a system of trust in the new era of collective revelations? Mr. Li Qian offers a five pointed foundation as an elaboration of the consequences of trust; that is of what must be done for the collective good under the leadership of trustworthy vanguard forces.

A. Macroeconomic policy coordination. At face value this is a meaningless term. It becomes more interesting when one focuses on the underlying normative framework through which policy is to be coordinated. That, in the first two decades of the 21st century was incarnated in the battles over the Trans Pacific Partnership and in the construction of the reactive Belt & Road Initiative. But the ideological cohesion of its first principles has been dissipated in well meaning techno babble and incoherence; and its implementation focus has vanished, killed by both the extreme left and right in the West, and the indifference of those in the middle (who ought to have known better), leaving it to Mr. Trump in 2017 to do the honors of pronouncing formally plunging the knife. In its place one has a pale shadow--thought without embodiment in the form of the "rules based multilateral order" a string of words that conveys little and constructs less. The long paragraph proffered for a perhaps bored audience offers little but a statement of the fear of a fractured system of no use to imperium.  With one exception--the admission that such fracture will require not only that the "big states" play nice (whatever that means) but that the playground be rebuilt  by "jointly improve global economic governance, and foster new drivers of global growth" [共同完善全球经济治理,培育全球经济发展的新动能](Li Qiang, remarks). The last phrase, in particular can re read to say cultivate a new momentum in global economic development. One here is reminded of 徐 强培育经济发展新动能 [Xu Qiang, "Cultivate New Driving Forces for Economic Development" (13 October 2023)]. It is a concept tied to socialist modernization in ways that may influence the outward projection of the project. "高质量发展是全面建设社会主义现代化国家的首要任务。" ["High-quality development is the primary task of comprehensively building a modern socialist country."]

B. Strengthening international industrial specialization and collaboration to keep global industrial and supply chains stable and smooth. Here Mr. Li Qiang gets down to more interesting specifics. Its genesis is with the  once fashionable (in liberal democratic markets driven political economic vanguards) notion of labor specialization protected onto the labor of states.  And a variation of that vision is proposed here--though there is an irony if only because the idea was, when advanced by the United States and its allies, quite irritating to the world that viewed in the idea of state "labor" specialization a means of rationalizing hierarchy in which developed states could be able to cement their hegemony.  Perhaps that is not what Mr. Li Qiang meant.  Nonetheless, the aroma of hierarchy is hard to wash off, no matter what fragrance the ideological shampoo. On the other hand, states lower down the hierarchy have been known  to embrace all sorts of risk--advantage might be still had when drinking old wine but from new bottles; and this bottle may make the wine more palatable--for a while. And the new bottle: 

"What truly serves the common interests of all is to fully respect the laws of international industrial specialization, firmly advance trade and investment liberalization and facilitation, tighten the bond of cooperation, make the pie of mutual benefit bigger, and steadily enhance the stability of global industrial and supply chains." [只有充分尊重国际产业分工的客观规律,坚定不移推进贸易和投资自由化便利化,把合作的纽带拉紧,把互惠的蛋糕做大,不断提升全球产业链供应链的稳定性,才真正符合各方共同利益。] (Li Qiang remarks).

What one needs--what the international order requires--is trust trust (信任 (xìnrèn)) in a vanguard, with a leadership core at its center that is itself trustworthy (信用 (xìnyòng)). And upholding that trust is a trust in the ideological premises that rationalizes the exercise of trust.

C. Strengthening international exchanges and cooperation on science and technology. Technology transfer, as well as the transfer of knowhow was once at the center of  the ideology of post-colonial development. It was one that produced a patchwork of legalities that effectively sought to price exploitation on the basis of a price list of technology.  That price list was easy enough to pay, especially with technology was was no longer needed at the center, and conveyed to elements of post colonial society that was, by the training offered, also socialized into the core normative parameters within which the system is meant to work.  That was viewed, eventually (by the end of the 1980s) as inefficient and as likely to preserve techno-hierarchies among states, as it was to socialize states in accepting the arrangement as a matte of politics and economics. In its place, the more democratic but  competitive regimes were proffered, and the law based prix fixe system abandoned of the most part.  Now states (not just developing or post colonial states) have again developed a taste for a curated prix fixe, and have sought to abandon the self-cobbled together à la carte, menus of techno-development (though not, as one sees in point 2 above the hierarchies of an ordering system of state labor specialization). 

The new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation has created a new "coopetition" relationship between countries. To keep the competition healthy and bring out the greatest vitality, the only way is to enhance cooperation in innovation. [新一轮科技革命和产业变革带来国与国间新的竞合关系,只有加强创新合作,才能形成良性竞争,激发最大活力。] (Li Qiang remarks)

At its base, then, is the notion that markets do not enhance positive value adding innovation; instead, the principles of socialist modernization under principles of Leninist organization suggest that centralized system of coordination which manages  competition (perhaps not against each other but towards a goal coordinated system of managed) provides an alternative, socialist, reconstruction. Markets, here, are the issue, administrative supervision, under the watchful eye of the techno-political apparatus led by a vanguard, is the proffered alternative.     

D. Strengthening cooperation on green development to actively tackle climate change. Beyond the mellifluous phrasing abut sustainability that has become a standard feature of the poetics of the speeches of functionaries, and delightfully so, from time to time, the offering for green development is indeed a quite curious affair, even as presented here by Mr. Li Qiang. The essence is two-fold.  First, green cooperation is considered a sub-set of the broader goals of innovation cooperation, substituting an administrative for a markets model overseen by the coordinating vanguard and managed through its premises of innovation as a state asset meant to be deployed for normative public ends.  Second, that the pace and forms of green development must be shaped on the frame of labor differentiation. In this sense, that is a nice way of saying that  states lower on the development ladder ought to be entitled to know-how and tech while being excused from conforming to mitigation standards except in a contextually specific way.  None of this is new.  What makes it interesting is the focus on coordination. "It is important that we uphold the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, better synergize our green development strategies, remove various barriers in this field, and jointly work for a complete transition to a greener economy and society."[我们应坚持共同但有区别的责任原则,加强绿色发展战略对接,破除各种绿色壁垒,共同推进经济社会发展全面绿色转型。] (Li Qiang remarks). What makes this more curious still is the way in which it is possible to both embrace green innovation and development, while at the same time treating it as a strategically aspirational objective.

E. Strengthening North-South and South-South cooperation to build a universally beneficial and inclusive world economy. Here Li Qiang speaks to the common imagery of regional division at the intersection of development. The focus is on North-South and South-South cooperation.  Notable by its absence is the notion of North-North cooperation.  That has appeared to be a taboo subject; and necessarily so for those who would enhance the discursive tropes of the changing of the guard. Indeed, the notion of the dissipation of trustworthiness might well be enhanced through the discourse of North-North factionalism coupled with North duty. It is belied, of course, by the increasingly ludicrous tropes of BRIC states as South and more aligned (in character and behavior) to the poorest rather than the richest states.  But the global community enjoys its illusions, and it tends to see the world from the rear-view mirror of history.  

3. "We are the World." Li Qiang ends where he started--with the centrality of trust and trustworthiness; and of the trustworthiness of China as worthy of claiming the mantle of the next generation vanguard for the new era of global development, to be undertaken in the shadow and under the rationalizing premises of socialist modernization.  

The traditional Chinese culture very much values credibility. China is a country that attaches great importance to commitments, honoring its words with concrete actions all along. With the greatest sincerity, utmost efforts and concrete results, China has proven consistently to the world that it is a country most worthy of trust. [中华优秀传统文化包含了十分丰富的诚信内涵。中国历来“言必信、行必果”,是重信守诺的国家。我们始终以最大的诚意,付出最大的努力,以实实在在的成果,向世人证明,中国是最值得信任的!] (Li Qiang remarks).
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And how is that trust measured? Li Qiang offers the success of the Chinese economy; measured against the premises of socialist modernization. He offers three  measures. The first touches on the steady growth and development of the Chinese economy. Indeed, it is not just the pace of growth but its scope that is important. "The overall trend of long-term growth will not change. In terms of the industrial base, China is the only country with industries across all categories in the U.N. industrial classification." (Li Qiang remarks). The subtext is clear--who better to guide global trade than the state best positioned to experience and understand all of its aspects--a variant of "we are the world". The second touches on the size of that economy (and thus the space that place provides for the consumption of investment and productive activity. "The Chinese market, with its vast space and growing depth, will play an important role in boosting aggregate global demand." (Li Qiang, re,arks). Within that space, the imperatives of socialist modernization demands not just coordination, but labor specialization--the very template that is suggested as the new  system of global trade and investment trust. And the third is a commitment towards a phenomenology of trustworthiness (信用 (xìnyòng)). 

Choosing the Chinese market is not a risk, but an opportunity. We embrace investments from businesses of all countries with open arms, and will work tirelessly to foster a market-oriented, law-based and world-class business environment. We will steadily expand institutional opening up, continue to shorten the negative list for foreign investment, follow through on removing all restrictions on access for foreign investment in the manufacturing sector, and guarantee national treatment for foreign businesses. [选择中国市场不是风险,而是机遇。我们敞开怀抱真心欢迎各国企业继续投资中国,将持续努力打造市场化、法治化、国际化一流营商环境。我们将稳步扩大制度型开放,继续缩减外资准入负面清单,落实好全面取消制造业领域外资准入限制,保障外商投资企业国民待遇。] (Li Qiang, remarks).

There is even a little tidbit for European business and human rights fostering factions, and data internationalists: "With regard to concerns of some multinationals on issues such as cross-border data flow and equal participation in government procurement, we are working on the formulation of relevant policies."  ["针对很多跨国公司关心的数据跨境流动、平等参与政府采购等问题,中国正在研究制定有关政策。"].  More of a tease, really, but one that will be well received even if, at the moment, it lacks content. More important, though, is the consequence of trust--leadership: one must trust the new vanguard to "hear all the views of foreign businesses regularly" ["我们还将常态化听取外资企业意见"]; and one must trust the vanguard to "take active steps to address reasonable concerns" ["只要是合理诉求,都会积极推动解决"]. A trustworthy vanguard state can be trusted to judge both reasonableness and to carefully sort through views. One has here, then, a quite candid view of  the emerging shape of the international order: coordinated, administratively supervised,  with a place for everything and every state in its place to assure a global system that is efficient, well administered, and operated to wards the policy and normative goals to which it is directed under the leadership of a vanguard core. It is n this context  one moves from the generalized embrace of trust (信 xìn) to Li Qiang's now quite potent notion of trust in someone (信任 (xìnrèn))-- trust in a worthy state that has proven itself capable of  capturing the essence of the  global leading forces in the new era, and with it the normative dimensions of that trust. Trust in China, then, was the underlying and central element of the remarks. The rest is merely trust in action for a new era.

It is a pity that the audience likely did not hear a word of this (consider the reporting eg here, here, here, here, here, and here). Those who appear to matter in the international conversation  are looking for "follow through" (here; perhaps also here) without giving significance to the construction of a normative baseline against which these follow through measures will be developed and encountered. That strategic and perhaps willful blindness to the ideological thrust may become expensive--with the exception, at least in discourse perhaps of Ursula von der Leyen (reporting eg here; "Ursula von der Leyen, president of the European Commission, who spoke after Li, responded: “We want to tell our Chinese friends, we do not want to decouple but we need to de-risk our supply chains in some ways.” here). 

The Full text (Speech by Chinese premier Li Qiang at the opening ceremony of the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2024) follows below as posted by Xinhua.  The Chinese version (here) also follows. 

This is the first of the set of reflections on the remarks of Li Qiang, Ursula von der Leyen, and Javier Milei delivered at the 2024 WEF in Davos; each can be accessed here:

Brief Thoughts and Full Text of Speech by Chinese premier Li Qiang at the opening ceremony of the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2024 [李强在世界经济论坛2024年年会开幕式上的特别致辞(全文)];

The Transformative Consequences of Risk Spirals: "Special Address by President von der Leyen at the World Economic Forum 16 January 2024";

Trust No Collective Other than the Capitalist Collective-- "Palabras del Presidente de la Nación, Javier Milei" [Special address by Javier Milei, President of Argentina].

 

DAVOS, Switzerland, Jan. 16 (Xinhua) -- Chinese Premier Li Qiang on Tuesday delivered a special address here at the opening ceremony of the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2024.

The following is the full text of the speech:

 

Special Address by H.E. Li Qiang

Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China

At the Opening Ceremony

Of the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2024

Davos, Jan. 16, 2024

Your Excellency President Viola Amherd,

Professor Klaus Schwab,

Your Excellencies State Leaders and Heads of International Organizations,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Friends,

Greetings to you all. It gives me great pleasure to come to the beautiful Davos for the World Economic Forum Annual Meeting 2024.

The theme of this meeting, "Rebuilding Trust," echoes well with people's concerns and will surely strike a chord with many. As I see it, the word "rebuild" implies at least three things. First, trust was once prevalent. To a large extent, it was trust between countries that enabled the huge progress in economic globalization over the past decades. Second, the foundation of trust has now been eroded. The lack of trust is aggravating risks to global growth and peaceful development. Third, rebuilding trust is essential. Whether it is to overcome current difficulties, or to create a better future, it is essential that we discard prejudice, bridge differences and work as one to tackle the trust deficit.

Where does trust come from? In my view, it comes, first and foremost, from our shared aspiration for a better future for humanity and from our common will to work together for that vision. As President Xi Jinping points out, changes of the world, of our times, and of historical significance are unfolding like never before, and the world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation. Yet the overall direction of human development and progress will not change, the overall dynamics of world history moving forward amid twists and turns will not change, and the overall trend toward a shared future for the international community will not change. After all the shifts and changes over the years, we should all the more cherish communication and exchange, all the more cherish solidarity and cooperation, all the more cherish openness and sharing, and all the more cherish peace and stability. These are not only ways to respond to changes, but in some sense, also ways to rebuild trust. In this connection, I wish to share with you five proposals on rebuilding trust and enhancing cooperation in the economic field.

First, strengthening macroeconomic policy coordination to build greater synergy for global growth. In today's world, countries have very close economic linkages, which means their macroeconomic policies have more notable spillover effects. In the face of global crises, fragmented and separate responses will only leave the world economy more fragile. As such, it is crucial that, in making and executing macro policies, countries around the world, especially major economies, step up dialogue and communication, take more coordinated and effective measures, firmly uphold the multilateral trading system, jointly improve global economic governance, and foster new drivers of global growth.

Second, strengthening international industrial specialization and collaboration to keep global industrial and supply chains stable and smooth. Figures show that from 2020 to 2022, each year saw on average over 5,400 new discriminatory trade and investment measures worldwide, nearly doubling the number before the pandemic. As we all know, industrial and supply chains in the economy are like the circulatory system of the human body. Any obstacles or disruptions can slow down or block the flow of lifeblood of the world economy, which not only compromises development efficiency but also triggers various economic risks and social problems. What truly serves the common interests of all is to fully respect the laws of international industrial specialization, firmly advance trade and investment liberalization and facilitation, tighten the bond of cooperation, make the pie of mutual benefit bigger, and steadily enhance the stability of global industrial and supply chains.

Third, strengthening international exchanges and cooperation on science and technology to better benefit humanity with technological advances. The new round of technological revolution and industrial transformation has created a new "coopetition" relationship between countries. To keep the competition healthy and bring out the greatest vitality, the only way is to enhance cooperation in innovation. Scientific and technological fruits should benefit humanity as a whole, instead of becoming a means to restrict or contain the development of other countries. We should advance international exchanges and cooperation on science and technology with a more open mindset and more open measures, work together for an open, just and nondiscriminatory environment for the development of science and technology, and break the barriers impeding the flow of factors of innovation, so as to let innovation thrive in an open environment.

Fourth, strengthening cooperation on green development to actively tackle climate change. Humanity still faces many challenges in addressing climate change and promoting green and low-carbon transition. Talks about the need for stronger cooperation on climate governance are often accompanied by actions of erecting barriers to green trade. Some high-quality and efficient green and low-carbon technologies and products cannot flow freely. It is important that we uphold the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, better synergize our green development strategies, remove various barriers in this field, and jointly work for a complete transition to a greener economy and society.

Fifth, strengthening North-South and South-South cooperation to build a universally beneficial and inclusive world economy. In recent years, problems like the North-South gap, divergences in recovery, and the technological divide have become more acute. Many developing countries are in distress. According to World Bank estimates for this year, the average income in more than one third of the low-income countries will stay below the 2019 level. We Chinese people believe that benefits should be mutual. True and good development is development for all. We need to fully implement the U.N. 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, strengthen global development cooperation, bridge development gaps, and create new cooperation highlights in areas such as poverty alleviation, food security and industrialization, so as to benefit the people of all countries with more fruits of cooperation.

The traditional Chinese culture very much values credibility. China is a country that attaches great importance to commitments, honoring its words with concrete actions all along. With the greatest sincerity, utmost efforts and concrete results, China has proven consistently to the world that it is a country most worthy of trust. We are also well aware that apart from objective reasons, there are also subjective factors that aggravate the trust deficit. In bilateral and multilateral relations, there are many examples where one side's capriciousness undermines mutual trust with others. In our view, the best way to earn trust is to be a better version of oneself. Only when all sides treat each other with sincerity and work in the same direction can there be a stronger foundation of trust and more fruits of cooperation.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Friends,

Under the current circumstances, the world economic recovery requires strong underpinnings. Greater contribution is expected from all countries, especially major economies. I know that you all follow the Chinese economy closely and may have your own observations. So how should one look at the Chinese economy? I believe it is similar to looking at the Alps, the undulating mountain range with magnificent peaks, from the small town of Davos. My European friends told me that to fully appreciate the majestic beauty of the Alps, one has to zoom out and look from afar. It is the same with the Chinese economy. One has to broaden the vision and take a panoramic view to see the whole picture in an objective and comprehensive manner and truly grasp where it is now and where it is going. Here I would like to share with you some perspectives on the Chinese economy.

First, the Chinese economy is making steady progress and will continue to provide strong impetus for the world economy. China is an important engine of global development. Over the years, its contribution to world economic growth has stayed at around 30 percent. In 2023, the Chinese economy rebounded and moved upward, with an estimated GDP growth of around 5.2 percent, higher than the around 5 percent target set at the beginning of the year. In promoting economic development, we did not resort to massive stimulus. We did not seek short-term growth while accumulating long-term risks. Rather, we focused on strengthening the internal drivers. As the second largest economy in the world, China has established, after years of development, sound and solid fundamentals. Just as a healthy person often has a strong immune system, the Chinese economy can handle ups and downs in its performance. The overall trend of long-term growth will not change. In terms of the industrial base, China is the only country with industries across all categories in the U.N. industrial classification. The added value of China's manufacturing industry accounts for around 30 percent of the global total, ranking first in the world for 14 consecutive years. China is also home to over 200 mature industry clusters. With its large scale, complete categories and strong supporting capacity, China's industrial system can meet the demand of the rapid development of social productivity and will contribute to better global allocation of production factors and the rise in global productivity. In terms of production factors, China's demographic dividend is turning into talent dividend. We now rank first in the world in terms of the size of talent pool, human resources in science and technology and the total number of researchers. Capital shortage is replaced by abundance. Our global share of annual capital formation has risen to about 30 percent. In addition, with its huge data output and rich data resources, China has the second largest data mine in the world. In terms of innovation capacity, China's total input in research and development and investment in the high-tech sector has been growing at double-digit rates for several years running. New technologies, including cloud computing, big data, artificial intelligence and blockchain, are being applied at a faster pace. New products and new business forms such as intelligent terminals, robots and telehealth keep emerging. China now has some 400,000 high-tech enterprises and ranks second globally in the number of unicorn companies. All this will boost the formation and cultivation of new growth drivers in China. Looking at the broader picture, we are now advancing Chinese modernization on all fronts through high-quality development. Delivering modernization to more than 1.4 billion people will be a remarkable achievement in human history, one that will provide continuous impetus to the development of China and the wider world.

Second, China has a supersize market with rapidly unlocked demand. It will continue to provide a big stage for various businesses and talents. In the face of weak global demand, market becomes the most scarce resource. The Chinese market, with its vast space and growing depth, will play an important role in boosting aggregate global demand. In China, there are now over 400 million people in the middle-income bracket, and the number is expected to reach 800 million in the next decade or so. For a growing range of products and services, the focus of consumer demand is shifting from quantity to quality, which will generate strong driving force for upgrading consumption. China's urbanization rate is now more than 10 percentage points lower than the average level of the developed countries. There is much room for infrastructural upgrading in urban renewal, transportation and telecommunications, among others. There are also some 300 million rural migrants who are acquiring permanent urban residency at a faster pace. These will create massive demand in areas such as housing, education, medical services and elderly care. China is deepening its transition toward green and low-carbon growth. Close to half of the world's installed photovoltaic capacity is in China. Over half of the world's new energy vehicles (NEVs) run on roads in China, and its NEV ownership has reached over 20 million units. China contributes one-fourth of the increased area of afforestation in the world. China is also cultivating large-scale new growth drivers in sectors such as green infrastructure, green energy, green transportation and green lifestyle. This will generate investment and consumption markets with an estimated size of RMB10 trillion yuan annually, and promises huge potential. We will keep exploring and unleashing such market demand, increase import of high-quality goods and services from all over the world, attract more foreign investment in areas including medium- and high-end manufacturing and biopharmaceuticals, and provide broader space for boosting global trade and investment.

Third, China remains firmly committed to opening up. We will continue to create favorable conditions for the world to share in China's opportunities. In the past four decades and more, China has achieved development and shared benefits with the world through opening up. Right now, China is a major trading partner of over 140 countries and regions. Our overall tariff level has been cut to 7.3 percent, relatively on par with the developed members in the World Trade Organization. By opening up wider, we aim to share China's opportunities and develop together with all in the world. To business leaders here today, I want to say that over the years, multinational corporations have cultivated the Chinese market and, based on China's manufacturing prowess, expanded their global production, grown fast and had good rewards. In the past five years, the return on foreign direct investment in China stands at around nine percent, which is quite competitive globally. Choosing the Chinese market is not a risk, but an opportunity. We embrace investments from businesses of all countries with open arms, and will work tirelessly to foster a market-oriented, law-based and world-class business environment. We will steadily expand institutional opening up, continue to shorten the negative list for foreign investment, follow through on removing all restrictions on access for foreign investment in the manufacturing sector, and guarantee national treatment for foreign businesses. With regard to concerns of some multinationals on issues such as cross-border data flow and equal participation in government procurement, we are working on the formulation of relevant policies. We will also hear the views of foreign businesses regularly and take active steps to address reasonable concerns. All in all, no matter how the world changes, China will stay committed to the fundamental national policy of opening up and open its door still wider to the world.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Friends,

In some 20 days, we will celebrate the Spring Festival to usher in the Chinese Year of the Dragon. In traditional Chinese culture, the dragon is a symbol of auspiciousness, wisdom and strength. In the face of common challenges, we hope that all the members of the international community, with a shared aspiration for a better future and with the vigor of a flying dragon, will forge ahead toward building a community with a shared future for mankind.

To conclude, I wish this annual meeting a complete success.

Thank you.

 

在世界经济论坛2024年年会开幕式上的特别致辞

(2024年1月16日,达沃斯)

中华人民共和国国务院总理 李强

尊敬的阿姆赫德主席,
尊敬的施瓦布主席,
尊敬的各国领导人和国际组织负责人,
女士们,先生们,朋友们:

大家好!很高兴来到美丽的达沃斯,出席世界经济论坛2024年年会。

本次年会以“重建信任”为主题,非常契合人们的关切,一定会引起广泛的共鸣。我觉得,“重建”一词至少包含了三层意思:其一,信任曾经广泛存在,过去几十年来经济全球化取得的巨大进展,很大程度上得益于各国之间的相互信任;其二,现在信任之基遭到了破坏,信任缺失正加剧全球经济增长及和平发展的风险;其三,重建信任尤为重要,无论是克服现实的困难,还是共创美好的未来,都应当放下成见、弥合分歧,团结一心破解信任赤字。

信任从何而来?我想,它首先建立在我们对人类美好未来的憧憬,并愿意为之共同努力的基础之上。正如习近平主席所指出的,世界之变、时代之变、历史之变正以前所未有的方式展开,世界进入新的动荡变革期,但人类发展进步的大方向不会改变,世界历史曲折前进的大逻辑不会改变,国际社会命运与共的大趋势不会改变。经历过这些年的变局变化,我们应当更加珍视沟通与交流,更加珍视团结与合作,更加珍视开放与共享,更加珍视和平与稳定。这些应变之道,某种意义上也是重建信任之道。这里,我想主要着眼经济领域重建信任加强合作,跟大家分享五点建议。

一是加强宏观经济政策协调,更好汇聚世界经济增长的合力。当今世界经济联系十分紧密,各国宏观经济政策的外溢效应更加明显。在全球性危机的冲击下,如果碎片化地各自为战,只会让世界经济更加脆弱。世界各国特别是主要经济体在制定实施宏观政策时,应当加强对话与沟通,采取更为协同有效的举措,坚定维护多边贸易体制,共同完善全球经济治理,培育全球经济发展的新动能。

二是加强国际产业分工协作,切实维护全球产业链供应链稳定畅通。有关数据显示,2020至2022年全球新增歧视性贸易及相关投资措施年均超过5400项,是新冠疫情前的近2倍。产业链供应链是经济发展的“血管系统”,任何干扰破坏,都会在世界经济大循环中形成“梗阻”、“断点”,既牺牲发展效率,又会诱发各种经济风险和社会问题。只有充分尊重国际产业分工的客观规律,坚定不移推进贸易和投资自由化便利化,把合作的纽带拉紧,把互惠的蛋糕做大,不断提升全球产业链供应链的稳定性,才真正符合各方共同利益。

三是加强国际科技交流合作,让技术变革更好惠及人类。新一轮科技革命和产业变革带来国与国间新的竞合关系,只有加强创新合作,才能形成良性竞争,激发最大活力。科技成果应该造福全人类,而不应该成为限制、遏制他国发展的手段。我们应以更加开放的思维和举措推进国际科技交流合作,携手打造开放、公正、非歧视的科技发展环境,打破制约创新要素流动的壁垒,让创新在开放的土壤中茁壮成长。

四是加强绿色发展合作,积极应对全球气候变化。人类在应对气候变化、推进绿色低碳转型方面仍面临不少挑战,诸如一边大谈加强气候治理合作、一边设置绿色贸易壁垒的做法还大量存在,一些优质高效的绿色低碳技术和产品不能自由流通。我们应坚持共同但有区别的责任原则,加强绿色发展战略对接,破除各种绿色壁垒,共同推进经济社会发展全面绿色转型。

五是加强南北合作、南南合作,着力建设普惠包容的世界经济。近年来,全球南北差距、复苏分化、技术鸿沟等问题更加突出,不少发展中国家陷入困境。世界银行预测,今年超过三分之一低收入国家的人均收入仍将低于2019年水平。中国人讲求的是“美美与共”,只有大家一起发展,才是真发展、好发展。我们应当全面落实联合国2030年可持续发展议程,加强全球发展合作,弥合发展鸿沟,在减贫、粮食安全、工业化等领域打造新的合作亮点,让更多合作成果惠及各国人民。

中华优秀传统文化包含了十分丰富的诚信内涵。中国历来“言必信、行必果”,是重信守诺的国家。我们始终以最大的诚意,付出最大的努力,以实实在在的成果,向世人证明,中国是最值得信任的!我们也深知,信任赤字的加深,既有客观原因,也有人为因素。由于一方的任性而损害彼此的信任,这样的情形在双边、多边关系中还是不少。做好自己才能赢得信任,各方唯有以诚相待、相向而行,才能夯实信任之基,收获更多合作之果。

女士们,先生们,朋友们!

当前形势下,推动世界经济复苏,需要有强劲的支撑力量,期待着各方特别是主要经济体能有更大的贡献。我知道,在座各位对中国经济都很关注,可能也都有各自的一些看法。那么,对中国经济到底应该怎么看?我想,这与我们在达沃斯小镇看阿尔卑斯山有相通之处。阿尔卑斯山群峰巍峨,连绵不绝。有欧洲朋友告诉我,想要领略阿尔卑斯山雄浑壮阔之美,一定要把视野放宽、把目光投远一些。看待中国经济也同样如此,只有打开视野的纵深,进行全景式观察,才能做到客观和全面,看到整体和全貌,真正了解中国经济的当下之形与长远之势。在此,我愿意就中国经济情况,向大家作些介绍。

第一,中国经济稳健前行,将持续为世界经济发展提供强大动力。中国是全球发展的重要引擎,这些年对世界经济增长贡献率一直保持在30%左右。刚刚过去的2023年中国经济总体回升向好,预计国内生产总值增长5.2%左右,高于年初确定的5%左右的预期目标。在推动经济发展的过程中,我们坚持不搞强刺激,没有以积累长期风险为代价换取短期增长,而是着力增强内生发展动力。中国作为全球第二大经济体,已经在长期发展中形成了良好稳固的基本面。就好比一个人有了强健的体魄,免疫力也就随之增强。即便中国经济在运行中出现一些波折,其长期向好的总体趋势不会改变。从产业基础看,中国是唯一拥有联合国产业分类中全部工业门类的国家,制造业增加值占全球比重约30%、连续14年居世界首位,已经形成200多个成熟的产业集群,不论是产业体系的总体规模、完备程度还是配套能力,都能够满足社会生产力快速发展的需要,也将为优化全球生产要素配置、提高全球生产能力作出贡献。从要素禀赋看,中国的“人口红利”正向“人才红利”提升,人才资源总量、科技人力资源、研发人员总量均居全球首位;资本要素从短缺变为充裕,每年资本形成额占全球比重上升至约30%;另外,中国的数据产量巨大,数据资源丰富,是世界第二大“数据富矿”。从创新能力看,中国的全社会研发投入、高技术产业投资连续多年保持两位数增长,云计算、大数据、人工智能、区块链等新兴技术加快应用,智能终端、机器人、远程医疗等新产品、新业态不断涌现。高新技术企业数增加至约40万家,独角兽企业数量居世界第二。这些都将加快中国发展新动能的形成与壮大。从总体上看,中国正以高质量发展全面推进中国式现代化,将引领14亿多人整体迈入现代化,这是人类史上的罕见壮举,必将为中国和世界的发展提供源源不断的动力。

第二,中国具有超大规模市场并处于需求快速释放的阶段,将持续为各类企业和人才的发展提供广阔舞台。当前全球总需求仍然不足,市场是最稀缺的资源。中国的市场空间广阔,纵深也在不断延展,必将为提升全球总需求发挥重要作用。目前中国的中等收入群体超过4亿人,未来十几年将达到8亿人,对越来越多商品、服务的需求从“有没有”向“好不好”转变,消费升级的动能强劲。中国的城镇化率现在比发达国家平均水平低十几个百分点,下一步城市更新、交通电信等基础设施的升级空间很大,还有近3亿农业转移人口正在加快市民化进程,这些都将在住房、教育、医疗、养老等方面带来巨大需求。中国正在深入推进绿色低碳转型,现在全球光伏发电装机容量近一半在中国,全球新能源汽车一半以上行驶在中国、新能源汽车保有量已超过2000万辆,全球四分之一的新增绿化面积来自中国。中国还将在绿色基建、绿色能源、绿色交通、绿色生活等领域形成规模庞大的发展增量,孕育的投资和消费市场据测算每年将达到十万亿元级,潜力巨大。我们将不断发掘和释放这些市场需求,继续扩大对全球各地优质产品、服务的进口规模,加大在中高端制造、生物医药等领域对外资的引进力度,持续为世界贸易、投资增长提供更加宽广的天地。

第三,中国的对外开放坚定不移,将持续为世界各国分享中国机遇创造良好条件。过去40多年,中国在开放中发展了自己、惠及了世界。现在中国已经是140多个国家和地区的主要贸易伙伴,关税总水平已降至7.3%,接近世贸组织发达成员水平。我们积极主动扩大开放,就是要让世界分享中国机遇、与各国共同发展。今天在座的有不少企业家。多年来,跨国企业深耕中国市场,也依托中国的制造能力,面向全球扩大产能,加速了自身成长,获得了丰厚回报。近五年外商在华直接投资收益率约9%,在国际上处于较高水平。选择中国市场不是风险,而是机遇。我们敞开怀抱真心欢迎各国企业继续投资中国,将持续努力打造市场化、法治化、国际化一流营商环境。我们将稳步扩大制度型开放,继续缩减外资准入负面清单,落实好全面取消制造业领域外资准入限制,保障外商投资企业国民待遇。针对很多跨国公司关心的数据跨境流动、平等参与政府采购等问题,中国正在研究制定有关政策。我们还将常态化听取外资企业意见,只要是合理诉求,都会积极推动解决。总之,不管世界形势如何变化,中国都将坚持对外开放的基本国策,开放的大门只会越开越大。

女士们,先生们,朋友们!

再过20多天,中国农历龙年的新春佳节就要到来。在中华传统文化中,龙代表着祥瑞、智慧和力量。面对共同挑战,希望国际社会各个方面都能带着对人类美好未来的向往,以龙腾虎跃的姿态,向着构建人类命运共同体不断迈进!

最后,预祝本次年会圆满成功!

谢谢大家!

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