Historical Materialism--邓野 “没有共产党就没有中国”口号的提出 [Deng Ye; on the Origins of the Slogan "Without the Communist Party, there is no China"] Discussed in 虞和平, 2008年中国近代史研究综述 [Yu Heping, A Review of the Research on Modern Chinese History in 2008]

 

The historiography of modern China remains both contested and of great interest. I recently ran across a quite fascinating slice of the debate within official circles in China from 2008, during the time of the leadership of Hu Jintao. General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. The essay, posted ot the CASS website, is entitled 2008年中国近代史研究综述 [A Review of the Research on Modern Chinese History in 2008] authored by Yu Heping [虞和平]. Its historiography Theory [史学理论] is worth considering:

如何对待马克思主义唯物史观,是近几年来史学理论研究中的核心问题。2007年10月9日在复旦大学召开的“唯物史观与历史评价”研讨会上,一些学者就如何以唯物史观评价历史,并使之符合历史本身的逻辑,提出了思考。丰子义认为,从大的方面来看,历史评价的尺度有历史尺度与价值尺度两种。前者,主要着眼于社会历史发展的客观规律,以能否有利于社会生产力的发展和社会文明水平的提高作为评价标尺,属于客体尺度;后者,主要着眼于历史发展对人的存在和发展的意义,以一定的道德准则和主体性原则作为评价标尺,亦即道德尺度,属于主体尺度。这两种尺度,就历史发展长过程和总的趋势而言,是一致的;就历史发展的特定阶段和特定问题来说,又可能存在某种不一致,甚或相反;在两者发生冲突时,历史评价是首要的,价值评价则是第二位的。陈学明认为,唯物史观在认识、看待历史时,充分注意到两个环节:事实的历史性与事实的整体性。以此观察历史,可以帮助我们思考人类是否还需要理想的问题,即人类是否需要从历史事实的整体出发,为自己的行动设立一种奋斗目标。唯物史观在面向历史的时候,把过去所有历史事件和历史总体联系在一起,把当前塑造的一切和历史总体联系在一起,这充分彰显理想和目标的现实意义。2007年10月29日在厦门大学召开的第14届全国史学理论研讨会上,吴英对唯物史观的基本概念作了新的解读,认为生产力和劳动分工的演化牵动生产关系整体发生变革,而社会经济结构与上层建筑的矛盾运动决定着这种变革实现的迟速,由此推动人类社会由低级向高一级的演进。[How to treat Marxist historical materialism is the core issue in the research on historical theory in recent years. At the "Historical Materialism and Historical Evaluation" seminar held at Fudan University on October 9, 2007, some scholars proposed thoughts on how to evaluate history with historical materialism and make it conform to the logic of history itself. Feng Ziyi believes that from a broad perspective, there are two scales for historical evaluation: historical scale and value scale. The former focuses on the objective laws of social and historical development, and uses whether it is conducive to the development of social productivity and the improvement of social civilization as the evaluation standard, which belongs to the objective scale; the latter focuses on the significance of historical development to human existence and development, and uses certain moral standards and subjectivity principles as the evaluation standard, that is, the moral scale, which belongs to the subjective scale. These two scales are consistent in terms of the long process and general trend of historical development; in terms of specific stages and specific issues of historical development, there may be some inconsistency or even opposite; when the two conflict, historical evaluation is primary and value evaluation is secondary. Chen Xueming believes that when the materialist conception of history understands and views history, it fully pays attention to two links: the historicity of facts and the integrity of facts. Observing history in this way can help us think about whether mankind still needs ideals, that is, whether mankind needs to set a goal for their actions based on the overall historical facts. When facing history, the materialist conception of history links all past historical events with the overall history, and links everything currently shaped with the overall history, which fully demonstrates the practical significance of ideals and goals. At the 14th National Symposium on Historical Theory held at Xiamen University on October 29, 2007, Wu Ying gave a new interpretation of the basic concepts of historical materialism, arguing that the evolution of productivity and division of labor has led to changes in the overall production relations, and the contradictory movement between the social and economic structure and the superstructure determines the speed of this change, thereby promoting the evolution of human society from a low level to a high level.]

 The problem of history, then, is actually the realization of a dialectics of interpretation. That is, that history is itself  the rationalization of facts  which must, to be authoritative, align precisely with the logic of history. And the logic of history is in essence, the manifestation of the political economic model in time. As such, history must itself represent a field of dialectics between the development of Marxist Leninist theory and its elaboration in the Basic Line, and the rationalization of temporal narratives that chronicle this journey and that correctly point the way forward. Certainly this Marxist-Leninist historiography does not align with perspectives elsewhere. But it is essential for engaging with the organization of self-awareness in time within this political-economic model.

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One article discussed caught my eye:  邓野 “没有共产党就没有中国”口号的提出 [Deng Ye; on the Origins of the Slogan "Without the Communist Party, there is no China"], one which may be emblematic of the challenge of history and its representation within ideology, broadly understood as the cognitive cage within which it is possible to order the world in a way that makes sense given the core premises on which this rationalization emerges. It considers a fairly sensitive issue during a  delicate period in the multi-front war  that preceded the last phase of the civil war that brought the Communist Party of China to power. It marks an quite interesting historical moment the meaning and placement of which within narrative proves to be an essential element of this historical dialectic within its materialism. The history is even more delicate as it centers on the proper interpretation of the events that eventually saw the publication of Chiang Kai-shek's "China's Destiny." This is what  2008年中国近代史研究综述 had to say about the essay:

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 对于蒋介石在1943年出版的《中国之命运》一书,邓野另文指出,从政治背景来看,蒋在此时出版此书,是利用国民党从形式上完成中国废除半殖民地地位的政治宣传。其核心在于,将一个本来是中国与英美之间的民族平等问题,转换为国共之间的政治选择问题。围绕“中国之命运”这道命题,中国产生了两个排斥性的选择,即“没有国民党就没有中国”和“没有共产党就没有中国”。但这种排斥性的选择提出于国共合作的框架之内,意味着国共在继续保持抗日民族统一战线的同时,又进一步澄清了彼此的阶级关系。从这个意义上讲,所谓“中国之命运”,实际上就是国共合作之命运。此书的出版及其政治后果集中表现为这样一个问题:它以著书立说的方式,为国共合作的政治前途,完成了理论意义上的埋葬。[Regarding the book "China's Destiny" published by Chiang Kai-shek in 1943, Deng Ye pointed out in another article that from the perspective of political background, Chiang published this book at this time to use the Kuomintang to formally complete the political propaganda of China's abolition of its semi-colonial status. The core of this is to transform a national equality issue between China and Britain and the United States into a political choice issue between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Around the proposition of "China's Destiny", China has two exclusive choices, namely "there is no China without the Kuomintang" and "there is no China without the Communist Party". However, this exclusive choice was put forward within the framework of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, which means that while the Kuomintang and the Communist Party continue to maintain the anti-Japanese national united front, they have further clarified their class relations. In this sense, the so-called "China's Destiny" is actually the destiny of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. The publication of this book and its political consequences are concentrated in such a problem: it has completed the theoretical burial of the political future of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in the form of writing a book.]

The complications of the historical embedding of both the context in which the book was written and the facts to which it relates,becomes even more interesting when considered against the assessment of  George Atcheson, Jr., the U.S. Chargé in 1943. The complete essays follows below in the original Chinese and in a crude English translation along with the text of Mr. Atcheson's report on the work to the U.S. Department of State. 

 

 

“没有共产党就没有中国”口号的提出

1943年春，国民党总裁蒋介石出版了《中国之命运》 一书。所谓“ 中国之命运”,就是以国家命运的名义,提 出的一道关于政治选择的命题。具体而论, 国家的政治取向,不同的政党持有不同的主张, 因 此,蒋著此一命题的核心,实际上就是提出了一个选择什么党的问题。与蒋著齐名的是,陈伯达著《评〈 中国之命运〉》。 陈文同样是一篇批判性质的论著。作为 蒋著的对立面, 同样, 陈文也是通过一系列联系、 比较与论证,但得出了与蒋著相反的结论, 将国家命运与共产党联系起来。

蒋著所以敢于提出“ 中国之命运” 这道命题,其根据在于蒋拿到了一笔不菲的政治资本, 此即不平等条约的废除。

1943年 1月 11 日,重庆政府分别与英美签署平等新约。就范围而论,尽管仅限于英美两 国,实际上宣告了一切不平等条约的废除。 围绕新旧条约的立废,重庆舆论发表了大量的相关 言论。1月 14 日,《大公报》 载文称：“这两个公道的条约,把 ‘租界 ’、‘领事裁判权 ’、‘驻兵权 ’、‘内河航行权 ’等各种由不平等条约产生的名词送进中国的博物馆。从兹以后, 中国恢复 了完整的国权。半殖民地或次殖民地的污辱,付诸历史的长流去了”。 人们对于平等新约意义 的认识,首先是与半殖民地地位的废除联系起来。

与此同时,监察院长于右任、考试院长戴季陶、立法院长孙科等一批政要,也纷纷发表谈 话祝贺新约。其中,行政院副院长孔祥熙的态度略为特别,孔是以一种喜忧参半的心态来看待 此一事件的,他提出不少问题供人们讨论,实际上就是他所感到不安的一些问题。孔提出领事裁判权取消之后,“我国国民亦应自尊自重, 以后避免与外国人发生冲突,而引起司法上的问 题”。孔还提出租界取消之后,“我们应该如何使老百姓和外国人和爱相处,又如何使各城市乡 镇的道路与卫生进步”等等问题。孔的结论是：“不平等条约的废除,我们感到欢欣,也感到恐 惧； 中美、中英平等新约的订立,是我们幸福,也是我们难关。” 孔将此举视为欢欣与恐惧并 存,这种表述如果仅仅从文字上看,至少是一个两者互为抵消的结局。

一向具有理论兴趣的邹鲁,则以此为例,撰文阐述孙中山“世界须定于平” 的思想。邹鲁 这样写道：“这一个 ‘平 ’字,亦即孔门之所谓 ‘恕 ’。什么叫 ‘恕 ’,就是 ‘己所不欲,勿施于 人 ’。假使战后国际政治经济以及其他的一切,能以 ‘平 ’为纲, 以 ‘恕 ’为处事之本,那末世 界和平,即可永久维持不坠。” 近代以来, 中国的国际地位日降,于是,将某个具有正义性质 的国际问题,与某个中国圣贤的思想联系起来,证明这一思想的国际意义,这是中国部分人士 追求心理平衡而时常采用的方式。上述各种论点本身应当如何认识,是另一个问题。这些论点共同的特征是,将问题限制在 其本来的范畴,即民族问题范畴。

然而,新旧条约的立废既然经由国民党完成,它就不可能只是一个纯粹的民族问题, 因此 官方的立场是竭力使之政治化。1 月 14 日,《中央日报》 发表社论称： 不平等条约存在了一百年,“ 中国国民党在此一百年中奋斗了五十年,最后产生本党总裁……如果没有本党,没有总理 与总裁,世界尽管如何变化,不平等条约必依然存在。”“为什么过去不能达到这个目的而今日 则能,因为今天有蒋委员长,今天有蒋委员长领导下之国民党。”  尔后该报又载文称：“天不赐 给我们先知先觉的国父与英明伟大的总裁,谁来领导我们奋斗？ 没有精深博大的三民主义,还 有什么配来唤起民众共同奋斗？” 这是对问题的政治归结,归结于三民主义、 国民党、 国父、 总裁。作为这种政治归结当然的诠释者, 国民党的一批理论家纷纷撰文阐述此一事件的理论意义。

陶希圣认为,通过不平等条约的废除,“我们得到一个总结论,就是只有国民革命是正确的  路线,其余的各种主张,各种学说不过路线上面的一些草芥、一点石块。”“把握历史的宿命者, 其意志即为造成历史的动力。只有把握历史的宿命者,可以依他的意志造历史。别的人都不能  如其意志以造历史。百年来, 国父是这个人,如今总裁继国父之后亦是这个人,如其意志以造 历史的人。”

叶青则这样论述问题：“废除不平等条约底成功是三民主义底成功, 国民党底成功,蒋总裁 底成功,这可以看作正确的定论。如此,我们就可说三民主义、 国民党、蒋总裁能够解决中国 民族问题,因而能够满足中国需要了。 中国有三民主义、 国民党、蒋总裁以后,便用不着别的 主义、别的政党、别的领袖了。 因此可以说中国只需要一个主义—三民主义,一个政党— 国民党,一个领袖—蒋总裁。这是废除不平等条约底成功所给与我们的教训。”

根据新旧条约的立废,陶希圣的结论是国父与总裁可以“ 如其意志以造历史”,而叶青则提 出一个主义、一个政党、一个领袖“ 能够满足中国需要了”。陶、叶的论点表明国民党在力求将 问题政治化。

在战争条件下,新旧条约的立废其实际意义有限,其中,租界以及内河航运权的废除,实 际意义几乎等于零。然而问题的另一面是,不平等条约的废除毕竟是近代中国革命的主题之一, 由于此举具有天然的正义性质, 因而也具有相当的政治宣传意义。蒋所以力促解决这一问题, 其着眼点就在这里。从官方的宣传来看,简单且傲慢,证明了国民党智库思想的贫困。接下来,蒋又如何将此 一成果变为国民党的一笔政治投资？ 总之,新旧条约的立废,为蒋写作《中国之命运》 提供了基本的政治素材。

新旧条约的立废对于中共而言, 同样是一个民族与政治互为交叉的问题。就民族立场而论, 中共不能回避,必须正面表态支持。但就政治立场而论,则是一个极具分寸的问题： 既不能否 认、又不能突出国民党,既要承认国民党的地位,又不能被对方矮化。如何把握其中的平衡, 取决于如何把握其中的分寸。

1943年1月 12 日,《新华日报》 发表社论,首先肯定新约的签署,“从此中国和英美, 已站在真正 平等的地位”。“签订了这两个新约,才把我国百年来在国际上不平等的地位废除！”这个关于民 族问题的表态与当时的社会舆论是一致的。关于这个问题的政治表态,社论这样表述：“新约的 成立,是罗斯福总统和邱吉尔首相的英明外交政策的成就,更是我国人民在蒋委员长领导下团 结一致努力奋斗的结果。”

政治是现实的。考虑到《新华日报》 所处环境及其统战性质,社论完全撇开蒋是不合适的。 社论采取的方式是,将罗斯福、丘吉尔摆在蒋的前面,一并提出,一并赞扬。这种排列顺序与 赞扬方式,既未撇开蒋,又未突出蒋,既赞扬了蒋,又未将这笔账全部记在蒋的名下。这种政 治分寸是两党政治关系的反映,既要合作,又要独立,避免在政治上被纳入对方的轨道。

1943年2月 3 日,朱德对《解放日报》 记者发表谈话称：“最近中美中英签订的新约,我认为这是 中国在国际间获得独立平等的开始。”“国共两党第一次合作,提出了打倒帝国主义和废除不平 等条约的口号。”“这次国共两党再度合作……又获得此次废除不平等条约的成就,扫除了我国 在国际地位上的不平等”。 再次强调新约的成立是国共合作的结果,此即民族与政治的平衡。

2月 4 日,延安举行大规模群众庆祝集会,两万余人参加。会场悬挂罗斯福、丘吉尔、斯大 林、蒋介石、毛泽东、朱德六人画像。在其后发表的大会通电中有这样一些话：“ 自中国共产党 成立,乃明白提出废除不平等条约之政纲,厥后孙中山先生改组国民党,实行国共合作,于是 废除不平等条约之呼声遂传播于全国。”

这个通电的要点在于,关于废除不平等条约历史过程的叙述, 明确地将中共摆在孙中山之 前。而会场上六人画像并列,也是力争中共地位的表现。

朱德肯定地表示,不平等条约的废除“ 是中国在国际间获得独立平等的开始”。那么,获得 独立平等之后, 中国旧有的半殖民地社会性质改变与否,这一点中共方面基本不予涉及。原因 在于, 中国的社会性质（半殖民地半封建）,决定中共的革命性质（反帝反封建）。 由于这个问题的复杂性,因此,与当时的社会舆论形成明显的区别, 中共对于半殖民地问题没有明确表 态。

综上所述, 中共在新旧条约立废问题上的表态,着重强调国共合作,力争中共在其中的地 位,力求避免被国民党在政治上边缘化。

蒋著出版后最初三个月, 中共方面没有做出强烈反应。1943年4 月 22 日,毛泽东在一复函中说： “《中国之命运》 我已要陈伯达写一意见（数千字,征引原文）,送政治局各人看,看后再考虑办 法。”把蒋著提交政治局,表明引起了毛的高度警觉,而“ 考虑办法”则表明毛尚未做出决定。7月 13 日,刘少奇在政治局会议上强调：要抓住蒋介石的流氓政治。对蒋介石的《中国之命运》 要痛驳。  中共方面所撰写的代表性的反驳文章, 即陈伯达著《评〈 中国之命运〉》。7月 19 日,毛泽东就陈文发表的具体安排指示秦邦宪、陆定一：“请在今日或明日发表, 以约 5000 字登在社论地位,其余接登第四版,一天登完。 以两天或三天广播之,并请广播两次。另印小册子,亦请在日内印出,印 15000份。”  就陈文的刊登版面、广播时间、印刷册数做出如此具 体的指示,表明毛对陈文的重视与欣赏。7月 21 日, 陈文在《解放日报》 发表,当 日,毛致电 各中央局,要求一切干部均须细读,加以讨论。一切学校定为必修之教本。

蒋著所宣扬的核心是,将国家与国民党捆在一起,这个论点当然不能得到中共的认同。1943年8月  8 日,毛泽东在中央党校开学典礼发表讲话,他说：“最近国民党出了一本书,是蒋介石著的, 名叫《中国之命运》。他在这本书中说没有国民党就没有中国,不知他是从哪里考证出来的。各  位有看过历史书和小说的,《三国志》、《水浒》、《封神榜》、《红楼梦》 上都没有国民党,还不是 照样有中国。”⑤  毛之所言是从历史的角度说明蒋的这个论点不能成立。没有国民党“还不是照 样有中国”,意即国民党不能与国家捆在一起。

1943年8月 25 日,《解放日报》 发表题为《没有共产党,就没有中国》 的社论。实际上就是以社论 的方式,为新华社的两份材料做结论。社论再次引证国共抗战成绩比较,并以这样的方式收尾： “（让我们套几句《中国之命运》 来作本文的结束吧！）‘如果今日的中国,没有中国共产党,那 就是没有了中国。如果中国共产党革命失败了,那亦就是整个中国国家的失败。简单的说, 中 国的命运完全寄讬在中国共产党。如果中国共产党没有了,或是失败了,那中国的国家就无所 寄讬,不仅不能列在世界上四强之一,而且要受世界各国的处分。从此世界地图上面,亦将不 见中华民国的名词了。’”

国共两党原本就是依据不同的阶级基础、代表不同的阶级利益而组建起来的严格意义的阶 级政党。抗日民族统一战线的建立,把两党之间原本单一的阶级对立关系,变为民族与阶级、 合作与对立双重关系的交叉。 问题在于,无论形式还是性质, 民族统一战线都是一种超阶级的 政治组合。 由于这一政治组合在国共关系中居于主导地位, 因此,至少从现象上讲,必然形成 民族意识对阶级意识的挤压。蒋著的一项主要内容就是批判阶级观点,主张“ 使中国的政治为 全民政治,而不是阶级政治”。  此言的实质,就是以否定阶级政治的名义,否定国民党之外其 他的政治存在。

蒋著的出版真正引起毛泽东警觉的,正是它以民族模糊阶级的论点。7月 30 日,毛指示彭 德怀：“望将延安民众大会通电、解放报社论,及陈伯达、范文澜评《中国之命运》 等文多印广发,借此作一次广大深入的有计划的阶级教育,彻底揭破国民党的欺骗影响,不要把此事的重 要性看低了。 国民党思想在我们党内是相当严重地存在的。”  所谓国民党思想,就是只讲民族 不讲阶级,要求通过对蒋著的批判展开阶级教育,就是既要讲民族,又要讲阶级。

尔后,毛又告诫全党：“蒋介石在他的阶级敌人面前是警觉、坚定、明确的,每个共产党员 都要学习这一点,他是阶级政治家。”蒋著与陈文其中一项主要内容,就是各自将两党的历史 关系重新做了一次政治清算。这种政治清算的实质,正是两党的阶级关系警觉、坚定、 明确的 表现。

“没有国民党就没有中国”,“没有共产党就没有中国”,就口号而论,不仅响亮,而且具有 一种特殊的鲜明性质。正因为它鲜明,一经推出,随即成为两党的两面旗帜。“ 中国之命运”这道命题,提出了在中国应当选择一个什么党的问题。这是一种具有强烈的 排斥性质的选择。这种排斥性质的选择提出于国共合作的框架之内,从这个意义上讲,所谓中 国之命运,实际上就是国共合作之命运。蒋著的出版及其政治后果集中表现为这样一个问题： 它以著书立说的方式,为国共合作的政治前途,完成了理论意义上的埋葬。

来源：《历史研究》2008年第4期。

 

The slogan "Without the Communist Party, there is no China" was proposed

In the spring of 1943, Chiang Kai-shek, the president of the Kuomintang, published the book "The Destiny of China". The so-called "The Destiny of China" is a proposition about political choice in the name of the country's destiny. Specifically, different political parties hold different propositions on the country's political orientation. Therefore, the core of Chiang's proposition is actually to raise the question of which party to choose. As famous as Chiang's work is Chen Boda's "Comment on "The Destiny of China". Chen's article is also a critical work. As the opposite of Chiang's work, Chen's article also uses a series of connections, comparisons and arguments, but draws a conclusion opposite to Chiang's work, linking the country's destiny with the Communist Party.

The reason why Chiang dared to put forward the proposition "The Destiny of China" is that Chiang got a lot of political capital, that is, the abolition of unequal treaties.

On January 11, 1943, the Chongqing government signed equal new treaties with Britain and the United States respectively. In terms of scope, although it was limited to the United Kingdom and the United States, it actually declared the abolition of all unequal treaties. Chongqing public opinion made a lot of relevant remarks around the establishment and abolition of the new and old treaties. On January 14, the Ta Kung Pao published an article saying: "These two fair treaties sent various terms such as "concessions", "consular jurisdiction", "stationing rights", "inland navigation rights" and other terms generated by unequal treaties into China's museum. From now on, China has restored its complete national sovereignty. The humiliation of semi-colonial or sub-colonial status has been consigned to the long flow of history." People's understanding of the significance of the equal new treaty was first linked to the abolition of the semi-colonial status.

At the same time, a group of politicians including Yu Youren, President of the Supervisory Yuan, Dai Jitao, President of the Examination Yuan, and Sun Ke, President of the Legislative Yuan, also made speeches to congratulate the new treaty. Among them, the attitude of Kong Xiangxi, Vice President of the Executive Yuan, was slightly special. Kong viewed this event with a mixed mentality. He raised many questions for people to discuss, which were actually some of the issues that made him feel uneasy. Kong proposed that after the abolition of consular jurisdiction, "our citizens should also respect themselves and avoid conflicts with foreigners that may cause judicial problems." Kong also proposed that after the abolition of the concessions, "how should we make the common people and foreigners get along harmoniously, and how should we improve the roads and sanitation of cities and towns" and other issues. Kong concluded that "the abolition of unequal treaties makes us happy and afraid; the signing of new equal treaties between China and the United States and China and Britain is our happiness and also our difficulty." Kong regarded this move as the coexistence of joy and fear. If this statement is only based on the text, it is at least an outcome in which the two offset each other.

Zou Lu, who has always been interested in theory, took this as an example and wrote an article to explain Sun Yat-sen's idea that "the world must be settled in peace." Zou Lu wrote: "This word 'peace' is what Confucius called 'forgiveness'. What is 'forgiveness'? It means 'do not impose on others what you do not want others to do to you'. If the post-war international political economy and everything else can be based on 'peace' and 'forgiveness', then world peace can be maintained forever." Since modern times, China's international status has been declining. Therefore, some Chinese people often use the method of seeking psychological balance to link a certain international issue of justice with the thought of a Chinese sage to prove the international significance of this thought. How to understand the above arguments themselves is another question. The common feature of these arguments is that they limit the problem to its original scope, that is, the scope of national issues. However, since the establishment and abolition of the new and old treaties were completed by the Kuomintang, it could not be just a pure national issue, so the official position is to try to politicize it. On January 14, the Central Daily News published an editorial saying: Unequal treaties have existed for a hundred years. "The Chinese Kuomintang has struggled for fifty years in these hundred years, and finally produced our party's president... If there is no party, no prime minister and no president, no matter how the world changes, unequal treaties will still exist." "Why couldn't we achieve this goal in the past but can today? Because today we have Chairman Chiang, and today we have the Kuomintang under the leadership of Chairman Chiang." Later, the newspaper published another article saying: "If God does not give us a prophetic and insightful founding father and a wise and great president, who will lead us in our struggle? Without the profound and broad Three Principles of the People, what else can be used to arouse the people to fight together?" This is the political conclusion of the problem, which is attributed to the Three Principles of the People, the Kuomintang, the founding father, and the president. As the natural interpreters of this political conclusion, a group of Kuomintang theorists have written articles to explain the theoretical significance of this event.

Tao Xisheng believed that through the abolition of unequal treaties, "we have come to a general conclusion that only the national revolution is the correct route, and the rest of the various propositions and theories are just some weeds and stones on the route." "The will of those who grasp the destiny of history is the driving force of history. Only those who grasp the destiny of history can create history according to their will. No one else can create history according to their will. For a hundred years, the founding father was this person, and now the president is also this person after the founding father, who creates history according to his will." Ye Qing discussed the issue in this way: "The success of abolishing unequal treaties is the success of the Three Principles of the People, the success of the Kuomintang, and the success of President Chiang. This can be regarded as a correct conclusion. In this way, we can say that the Three Principles of the People, the Kuomintang, and President Chiang can solve China's national problems and therefore meet China's needs. After China has the Three Principles of the People, the Kuomintang, and President Chiang, it does not need other doctrines, other political parties, and other leaders. Therefore, it can be said that China only needs one doctrine - the Three Principles of the People, one political party - The Kuomintang, one leader - President Chiang. This is the lesson that the success of abolishing unequal treaties has taught us. "

Based on the establishment and abolition of the old and new treaties, Tao Xisheng concluded that the founding father and the president could "make history as they wish", while Ye Qing proposed that one doctrine, one party, and one leader "can meet China's needs". Tao and Ye's arguments show that the Kuomintang is trying to politicize the issue.

Under war conditions, the establishment and abolition of the old and new treaties have limited practical significance. Among them, the abolition of concessions and inland waterway navigation rights has almost zero practical significance. However, the other side of the problem is that the abolition of unequal treaties is one of the themes of the modern Chinese revolution after all. Since this move has a natural justice nature, it also has considerable political propaganda significance. This is why Chiang urged to solve this problem. From the official propaganda, it is simple and arrogant, which proves the poverty of the Kuomintang think tank. Next, how did Chiang turn this achievement into a political investment for the Kuomintang? In short, the establishment and abolition of the old and new treaties provided Chiang with basic political materials for writing "The Destiny of China".

For the CPC, the establishment and abolition of the new and old treaties is also an issue of nationality and politics. In terms of nationality, the CPC cannot avoid it and must express its support. But in terms of political stance, it is a very delicate issue: it cannot deny or highlight the Kuomintang, it must recognize the status of the Kuomintang, but it cannot be belittled by the other party. How to grasp the balance depends on how to grasp the balance.

On January 12, 1943, the Xinhua Daily published an editorial, first affirming the signing of the new treaty, "From now on, China and Britain and the United States have stood on a truly equal footing." "The signing of these two new treaties has abolished our country's unequal status in the international community for a hundred years!" This statement on the national issue is consistent with the social opinion at the time. Regarding the political statement on this issue, the editorial stated: "The establishment of the new treaty is the achievement of the wise foreign policy of President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill, and it is also the result of the concerted efforts of our people under the leadership of Chairman Chiang."

Politics is realistic. Considering the environment of Xinhua Daily and its united front nature, it is inappropriate for the editorial to completely ignore Chiang. The editorial adopts the approach of putting Roosevelt and Churchill before Chiang, and mentioning and praising them together. This order of arrangement and praise method neither ignores Chiang nor highlights Chiang, and both praises Chiang and does not put all the accounts on Chiang's name. This political balance is a reflection of the political relationship between the two parties. They must cooperate and be independent, and avoid being politically included in the orbit of the other party.

On February 3, 1943, Zhu De made a speech to the reporter of Liberation Daily, saying: "I think the new treaty signed recently by China, the United States and Britain is the beginning of China's independence and equality in the international community." "The first cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party put forward the slogan of overthrowing imperialism and abolishing unequal treaties." "This time the Kuomintang and the Communist Party cooperated again... and achieved the achievement of abolishing unequal treaties this time, eliminating the inequality of our country's international status." Once again emphasized that the establishment of the new treaty was the result of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, which is the balance of ethnicity and politics.

On February 4, Yan'an held a large-scale mass celebration rally, with more than 20,000 people participating. The venue hung portraits of Roosevelt, Churchill, Stalin, Chiang Kai-shek, Mao Zedong, and Zhu De. In the telegram issued by the conference later, there were some words: "Since the founding of the Communist Party of China, it has clearly proposed the policy of abolishing unequal treaties. Later, Mr. Sun Yat-sen reorganized the Kuomintang and implemented cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, so the call for abolishing unequal treaties spread throughout the country."

The key point of this telegram is that the description of the historical process of abolishing unequal treaties clearly puts the Communist Party of China before Sun Yat-sen. The six portraits placed side by side at the venue are also a manifestation of striving for the status of the Communist Party of China.

Zhu De affirmed that the abolition of unequal treaties "is the beginning of China's independence and equality in the international community." Then, after gaining independence and equality, whether China's old semi-colonial social nature has changed or not, this point is basically not involved by the Communist Party of China. The reason is that China's social nature (semi-colonial and semi-feudal) determines the revolutionary nature of the Communist Party of China (anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism). Due to the complexity of this issue, the CPC did not make a clear statement on the semi-colonial issue, which was obviously different from the social opinion at that time.

In summary, the CPC's statement on the establishment and abolition of the old and new treaties emphasized the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the CPC, striving for the CPC's position in it, and trying to avoid being politically marginalized by the Kuomintang.

In the first three months after the publication of Chiang's book, the CPC did not make a strong reaction. On April 22, 1943, Mao Zedong said in a reply letter: "I have asked Chen Boda to write an opinion on "The Destiny of China" (several thousand words, citing the original text) and send it to everyone in the Politburo for reading. After reading it, we will consider the solution." Submitting Chiang's book to the Politburo indicated that Mao was highly alert, while "considering the solution" indicated that Mao had not yet made a decision. On July 13, Liu Shaoqi emphasized at the Politburo meeting: We must catch Chiang Kai-shek's gangster politics. Chiang Kai-shek's "The Destiny of China" must be refuted. The representative rebuttal article written by the CPC was Chen Boda's "Comment on "China's Destiny". On July 19, Mao Zedong instructed Qin Bangxian and Lu Dingyi on the specific arrangements for the publication of Chen's article: "Please publish it today or tomorrow, with about 5,000 words in the editorial position, and the rest on the fourth page, and publish it in one day. Broadcast it in two or three days, and please broadcast it twice. Also print the pamphlet, please print it within the day, and print 15,000 copies." Such specific instructions on the publication page, broadcast time, and number of copies of Chen's article show that Mao attaches great importance to and appreciates Chen's article. On July 21, Chen's article was published in the "Liberation Daily". On the same day, Mao sent a telegram to all central bureaus, requiring all cadres to read it carefully and discuss it. All schools should make it a compulsory textbook.

The core of Chiang's article is to tie the country to the Kuomintang. This argument is certainly not recognized by the CPC. On August 8, 1943, Mao Zedong delivered a speech at the opening ceremony of the Central Party School. He said: "Recently, the Kuomintang published a book written by Chiang Kai-shek, entitled "The Destiny of China". In this book, he said that there would be no China without the Kuomintang. I don't know where he got the evidence from. Those of you who have read history books and novels will know that there is no Kuomintang in "Romance of the Three Kingdoms", "Water Margin", "Investiture of the Gods" and "Dream of Red Mansions", but there is still China."⑤ What Mao said was to explain from a historical perspective that Chiang's argument was not tenable. There is "still China" without the Kuomintang, which means that the Kuomintang cannot be tied to the country.

On August 25, 1943, the "Liberation Daily" published an editorial entitled "Without the Communist Party, there would be no China". In fact, it was an editorial to conclude the two materials of Xinhua News Agency. The editorial once again cited the comparison of the achievements of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in the war of resistance against Japan, and ended in this way: "(Let's quote a few sentences from "The Destiny of China" to end this article!) 'If there is no Chinese Communist Party in China today, there will be no China. If the Chinese Communist Party's revolution fails, it will also be the failure of the entire Chinese nation. Simply put, the fate of China is completely entrusted to the Chinese Communist Party. If the Chinese Communist Party is gone or fails, then the Chinese nation will have nowhere to rely on. Not only will it not be ranked among the four major powers in the world, but it will also be punished by countries around the world. From now on, the name of the Republic of China will no longer appear on the world map.'"

The Kuomintang and the Communist Party were originally class parties in the strict sense, formed on different class bases and representing different class interests. The establishment of the Anti-Japanese National United Front transformed the original single class opposition relationship between the two parties into a crossover of nationality and class, cooperation and opposition. The problem is that, regardless of form or nature, the National United Front is a super-class political combination. Since this political combination occupies a dominant position in the relationship between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party, it is inevitable that national consciousness will squeeze class consciousness, at least from the perspective of phenomena. One of the main contents of Jiang's works is to criticize class viewpoints and advocate "making China's politics a politics for all people, not a class politics." The essence of this statement is to deny the existence of other political entities outside the Kuomintang in the name of denying class politics.

What really alerted Mao Zedong to the publication of Jiang's works was its argument that it blurred class with nationality. On July 30, Mao instructed Peng Dehuai: "I hope that the telegram of the Yan'an People's Congress, the editorial of the Liberation Daily, and Chen Boda and Fan Wenlan's comments on "The Destiny of China" will be printed and distributed widely, so as to carry out a broad, in-depth and planned class education and thoroughly expose the deceptive influence of the Kuomintang. Don't underestimate the importance of this matter. The Kuomintang ideology exists quite seriously in our party." The so-called Kuomintang ideology is to talk about nation but not class. It is required to carry out class education through the criticism of Jiang's works, that is, to talk about both nation and class.

Later, Mao warned the whole party: "Chiang Kai-shek is alert, firm and clear in front of his class enemies. Every Communist Party member should learn this. He is a class politician." One of the main contents of Chiang's and Chen's articles is that they each made a political reckoning of the historical relationship between the two parties. The essence of this political reckoning is the manifestation of the alert, firm and clear class relationship between the two parties.

"Without the Kuomintang, there would be no China", "Without the Communist Party, there would be no "China", as a slogan, is not only loud, but also has a special distinct nature. Precisely because of its distinctness, once it was launched, it immediately became the two banners of the two parties. The proposition of "China's destiny" raises the question of which party should be chosen in China. This is a choice with a strong exclusionary nature. This exclusionary choice was put forward within the framework of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. In this sense, the so-called destiny of China is actually the destiny of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. The publication of Jiang's book and its political consequences are concentrated in such a problem: it completed the theoretical burial of the political future of the cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party by writing a book.

Source: "Historical Research" 2008 No. 4.

 *       *       *

Foreign Relations of the United States: Diplomatic Papers, 1943, China

893.44 Chiang Kai-shek/109

The Chargé in China (Atcheson) to the Secretary of State

No. 1220

Chungking, May 31, 1943.
[Received July 15.]

Sir: With reference to the Embassy’s despatch No. 1064 of April 8, 1943, to the Embassy’s telegrams No. 527, April 13, 10 a.m. and No. 781, May 25, 6 p.m. and to the Department’s telegram No. 632, May 18, 5 [6] p.m.70 in regard to Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek’s book entitled China’s Destiny, the Embassy transmits herewith, in accordance with the Department’s request, the original Chinese text of that book and a copy of a condensed translation thereof. The translation was made by the British Embassy at Chungking which requests that its source be kept confidential.

Summary. China’s Destiny shows preoccupation with China’s past treatment by Japan and other foreign powers, determination to make the country militarily and economically strong, conviction that this can be accomplished only through unity under the leadership of the Kuomintang and belief that Western culture, with the exception of science, is unsuited to China. Despite the narrowness of the views expressed, Kuomintang praise of the book has been extravagant and there are indications that the book will become a second “Bible” of the Party. The important share of the reactionary Tao Hsi-sheng in the writing of the book is generally known and the book has created strong resentment among Chinese intellectuals for its lack of vision and progressiveness. It is understood that an English version of the book will not be published either in China or abroad because of anticipated unfavorable foreign reaction and that present plans are to revise the Chinese text and publish an English version thereof.

Contents of “China’s Destiny”.

There is also transmitted herewith a brief digest71 of the book prepared by this Embassy. It is interesting to note the differences in this digest and that published by the Central News Agency (Embassy’s despatch under reference) which was handed to foreign press correspondents by the Ministry of Information. Obvious differences are the omission of references to the necessity of one-party rule (i. e. the Kuomintang), the emphasis on ancient Chinese culture versus western culture, the passing over of the worst anti-foreignisms and the almost [Page 245] complete omission of any reference to the rights of man and government by law. The section of the book devoted to the last-named subject indicates the rejection of the doctrine of liberty and the rights of the individual as known in liberal western nations.

Tao Hsi-sheng’s Share in the Writing of the Book.

It is generally believed that Tao Hsi-sheng made the largest contribution to the writing of the book although informed observers agree that the views expressed are entirely those of the Generalissimo. Tao has a background as a long time supporter of Wang Ching-wei and he is said to share Wang’s pro-Fascist ideas. When the Chinese Government moved from Nanking to Hankow in 1937, Tao together with several former Blue Shirt adherents formed a small “literary” society for the purpose of combatting the then strong influence of left-wing writers. He joined Wang Ching-wei at the time of the latter’s desertion of the Chungking Government in 1938 and remained with him for some time at Nanking. In 1940 Tao fled to Hong Kong (Embassy’s telegram No. 51, January 17, 7 p.m., 194072) and “exposed” the terms of the agreement reported to have been reached between the Nanking puppet regime and the Japanese. Since Tao’s return to Chungking, he is said to have become a trusted adviser to the Generalissimo and is regarded as close to the reactionary “CC” clique headed by Chen Li-fu and Chen Kuo-fu, which is commonly considered the most powerful single faction on the Chinese political scene. The book reflects the attitude of the “CC” clique toward questions of economics, industrialization, western liberal thought and the revival of the “ancient virtues” with its emphasis on national defense and industrialization rather than on agrarian reform.

Chinese Reaction to “China’s Destiny”.

There is widespread and strong resentment against the book among Chinese intellectuals and some Kuomintang officials are reported as saying that the book was intended for Chinese consumption and not for foreign readers. It is the evident intention of the Kuomintang to make of the book a Party “Bible” as a companion text to the San Min Chu I of Dr. Sun Yat-sen. Kuomintang praise of and publicity for the book, has been extravagant.

As an example of Party publicity for the book, there is transmitted herewith a translation of a special article from the Central Daily News (Kuomintang organ) and a translation of excerpts from two other articles published by that journal.73 In the special article the writer states that the book has carefully described the defects of liberalism and communism; that western nations may misunderstand [Page 246] the book when a translation is published because of their idealization of liberalism; that even if they do misunderstand, “it is impossible for us to abandon our thoughts to follow them”; that each country has its own national conditions; and that “we oppose liberalism” but do not blindly and radically attack liberalism or individualism. The article goes on to quote the Generalissimo as saying “therefore, I hope that for the interests of the country and for the preservation of the nation, all will with one heart and one mind join together under the creed of the San Min Chu I and unite unanimously under the organization of the Chinese Kuomintang”. In one of the two articles, a translation of excerpts from which are enclosed, Tao Hsi-sheng states that “although we have often received directions from the Generalissimo’s speeches, his books or proclamations, yet the projection or [of?] a whole policy is hard to find. In the future, we shall have a source (China’s Destiny) to which we may turn.” In the third article the writer states that “after the San Min Chu I, the best text book for political education is the Generalissimo’s China’s Destiny …75 From this book all youths may get most accurate instructions.”

The volume of criticism of the book among Chinese intellectuals has been tremendous and in some cases extremely frank. Many of them have refused to read the book and others have felt that the Generalissimo is setting himself up as a “Sage” as well as a “Hero” and has thus invaded a field for which his background and intellectual attainments have not equipped him. They feel that he lacks vision and progressiveness and that the limitations of his intellectual capacities are clearly shown in this book. They are discouraged in that the Generalissimo should now endeavor to become an arbiter of morals and a philosopher and fear the increasing encroachments on liberal thought at the hands of those close to the Generalissimo. Dr. Sun Fo is reported by several sources as having made the following statement which may be taken as typical of comment in regard to the book: “The book criticizes communism; communism is the state philosophy of our ally, Soviet Russia. It criticizes liberalism; liberalism is the state philosophy of our allies, the United States and Great Britain. The book does not criticize Nazism and Fascism; these are the state philosophies of our enemies, Germany, Japan and Italy.”

Communist representatives at Chungking state that the Communist Party has instructed its members to read the book as the best possible source of propaganda for their cause.

Foreign observers criticize the book as biassed and antagonistic toward foreigners. Some foreigners state that it represents a pernicious [Page 247] misuse and misinterpretation of history for political purposes and feel that it might be beneficial both to China and to friendly nations to have an English translation published, thereby revealing the Generalissimo in his true light and thus bringing to other nations a full realization of the forces controlling China. Americans close to the Generalissimo admit the book is suitable only for middle school students or party members and deplore the anti-foreign bias of the book. In this connection, there is enclosed a copy of a memorandum of conversation76 with an American member of the Ministry of Information translating section who has been closely connected with the unpublished translation of the original Chinese text.

Of more lasting importance than the anti-foreign tone of the book are perhaps the political beliefs held by the Generalissimo and his attitude toward liberal thought and western democratic forms of government as shown in the book. One Chinese comments that the book shows that the Generalissimo is really a Fascist at heart.

Publication and Distribution.

China’s Destiny is published by the Cheng Chung Book Company (the name is a reversal of the characters of the Generalissimo’s complimentary given name) which is controlled by the “CC” clique. Most of the books published by this company are political and party propaganda and books of the size of China’s Destiny, with poorer print and paper, are usually priced at Ch$20. The book, which is priced at Ch$5, is obviously heavily subsidized. The copy being forwarded with this despatch is the 130th printing of the popular edition dated March 1943 and while no information is available in regard to the total number of copies printed it may be estimated at between 500,000 and 1,000,000. Free copies of the book are said to have been distributed to Kuomintang and Central Government officials. The Embassy finds that the sale of the book at Chungking ceased several weeks ago but has been unable to discover the reasons therefor. Some Chinese state that orders have been given to stop the sales but no confirmation of such report can be obtained from the bookstores.

The Embassy feels that China’s Destiny is likely to make difficult the betterment of Sino-foreign relations in so far as the Chinese people are concerned. The resurrection, at a time when a nationalistic China is emerging, of wrongs done to China and their biassed presentation to the Chinese people cannot be conducive to a better understanding of the foreigner on the part of the Chinese masses who will inevitably be given the book as Party propaganda. The masses will be nurtured on propaganda and denied a free press and, in the absence of any impartial portrayal of China’s past relations with the [Page 248] foreign powers, may be expected to be free of desirable influences which might break down the always latent mistrust of foreigners.

The Generalissimo’s insistence on Kuomintang rule to the exclusion of any share in the government by other political parties and his denial of western liberalism should serve to convince all Chinese of liberal tendencies that there is little hope for them from the Kuomintang. The prestige of the Generalissimo has been greatly lowered in the eyes of the intelligentsia who in the past have felt that he served as a unifying force in China and that his concern was for political and military power. Now that he has emerged as what they term “a sage”, they are discouraged to find him arrayed against them along with the already known reactionary elements of the Kuomintang.

The Generalissimo’s identification of himself as the leader of the Party rather than of the nation has further lowered his prestige among Chinese liberals, but there exists in China a large number of persons who form the nuclei of the various party organs (such as the San Min Chu I Youth Corps, the Central Training Corps, Central Political Institute, Boy Scouts, police training schools, and the gendarmerie), who for the most part have had no contact with the outside world and who may be expected to accept blindly the material in this book. There should be included among this number many provincial officials who, while perhaps outside the fold of the Kuomintang, are probably equally receptive to the anti-foreign and political propaganda contained in China’s Destiny.

As the book is being adopted by the Kuomintang as the source, along with the San Min Chu I, of all that the Party and its leader stand for, it may be conjectured that the book will perhaps serve a useful purpose in that the issue is now more clearly joined between reactionary and liberal forces in China than before its publication. By reason of it there now exists a declaration by the Generalissimo himself of the principles for which he stands and the policy which he intends to follow. Out of the discouragement of liberal elements in China there may grow a more solid opposition to the Kuomintang and there may eventually arise the leadership which is at present lacking. The only concrete opposition at present lies in the Chinese Communist Party and China’s Destiny may serve the cause of all liberals in China, as the Communist Party feels it does for its cause, as the best possible source of propaganda.77

Respectfully yours,

George Atcheson, Jr.

70. None printed.↩
71. Not printed.↩
72. Foreign Relations, 1940, vol. iv, p. 265.↩
73. None printed.↩
75. Omission indicated in the original.↩
76. Not printed.↩
77. The Chargé summarized this despatch in his telegram No. 995, June 22, 4 p.m. (893.44 Chiang Kai-shek/102), and gave extracts “from the more reactionary portions of the book” in his telegram No. 996, June 22, 5 p.m. (893.00/15052). For Department’s comment on the subject, see memorandum of August 9, p. 310.↩

 *       *       *

 

2008年中国近代史研究综述

作者：虞和平 来源：《近代史研究》2010年第1期 发布时间：2010-08-09 字体： 大 中 小 打印

2008年的中国近代史研究,循着往年的足迹继续发展。值得重视的是,近几年来研究课题细琐化的现象不仅在理论上受到质疑,而且在实际研究中,对宏观问题和重大问题的关注程度有所提高,并对有些以前有较多认同的传统观点提出了不同的见解。

一、史学理论

如何对待马克思主义唯物史观,是近几年来史学理论研究中的核心问题。2007年10月9日在复旦大学召开的“唯物史观与历史评价”研讨会上,一些学者就如何以唯物史观评价历史,并使之符合历史本身的逻辑,提出了思考。丰子义认为,从大的方面来看,历史评价的尺度有历史尺度与价值尺度两种。前者,主要着眼于社会历史发展的客观规律,以能否有利于社会生产力的发展和社会文明水平的提高作为评价标尺,属于客体尺度;后者,主要着眼于历史发展对人的存在和发展的意义,以一定的道德准则和主体性原则作为评价标尺,亦即道德尺度,属于主体尺度。这两种尺度,就历史发展长过程和总的趋势而言,是一致的;就历史发展的特定阶段和特定问题来说,又可能存在某种不一致,甚或相反;在两者发生冲突时,历史评价是首要的,价值评价则是第二位的。陈学明认为,唯物史观在认识、看待历史时,充分注意到两个环节:事实的历史性与事实的整体性。以此观察历史,可以帮助我们思考人类是否还需要理想的问题,即人类是否需要从历史事实的整体出发,为自己的行动设立一种奋斗目标。唯物史观在面向历史的时候,把过去所有历史事件和历史总体联系在一起,把当前塑造的一切和历史总体联系在一起,这充分彰显理想和目标的现实意义。①2007年10月29日在厦门大学召开的第14届全国史学理论研讨会上,吴英对唯物史观的基本概念作了新的解读,认为生产力和劳动分工的演化牵动生产关系整体发生变革,而社会经济结构与上层建筑的矛盾运动决定着这种变革实现的迟速,由此推动人类社会由低级向高一级的演进。②

*本文由中国社会科学院近代史研究所“中国近代史研究学术动态课题组”集体完成,赵庆云、任智勇、赵利栋、荣维木、黄道炫、陈开科、吴敏超、闵杰、宋广波、左玉河等提供初稿,步平、王建朗、徐秀丽、虞和平讨论,由虞和平执笔统稿。

①王广:《哲学与史学的对话——“唯物史观与历史评价”全国学术研讨会述评》,《中国社会科学》2008年第1期。

②韩宇、李莉:《第14届全国史学理论研讨会综述》,《史学理论研究》2008年第2期。

对于唯物史观如何发展的问题,王和认为,从方法论上讲,马克思主义唯物史观的最本质处在于,它是一种实事求是地解释人类发展过程的历史观。唯物史观在中国影响的减弱,最根本的原因在于中国信仰唯物史观的学者在如何发展唯物史观,使唯物史观与时俱进这一方面做得不够。所以,能够使唯物史观重振雄风的唯一途径,就是脚踏实地、切切实实地多出有说服力的研究成果,而不是进行空洞的理论说教。唯物史观绝不可能主要依靠“批判唯心史观的影响”来实现振兴,把“批判唯心史观”作为提升唯物史观地位的猛药良方,从主观意愿讲仅为一厢情愿,从客观效果看实为南辕北辙。①

对于中国近代史领域存在的研究模式之争,张海鹏多次提出过看法, 2008年又提出:所谓革命史观、现代化史观,都不是指导历史研究的正确的史观。按照唯物史观考察近代中国历史,反帝反封建是主题,旧民主主义革命和新民主主义革命是真正的主线,现代化进程虽然在缓慢地进行,却从来没有居于主导地位。但如果认为近代中国历史上只有革命和改革也并非完全的认识,还有现代化进程的萌发,资本主义的社会政治学说已经传入,无产阶级政党已经组成,现代化学说里主张的现代性的增长、传统社会因素的剥落亦正在发生。但是现代化进程没有成为社会发展的主流。②

对于近年来近代史研究领域日益从宏观和上层转向微观和基层的趋向,胡成认为,这种叙述转向,在某种程度上来说是受西方后现代主义思潮影响的产物,对20世纪初兴起的现代性史学形成了挑战,并产生某些歧异,但并非水火不容。这种叙述转向重返以往“见之于行事”的叙事原则,同时并不摒弃理论的援借和参照,方可提升“见之于行事”的历史洞察力和贯穿力;在容纳“社会记忆”、“集体记忆”乃至“个人记忆”的同时,应看到职业和专业化的“历史记忆”具有更多客观成分、更多反思,更具超越时代和地域的视野和胸襟,自有其不可替代的价值。但是,亦须注意历史研究碎片化,可能导致新一轮的重此轻彼,乃至新的遮蔽和化约。③罗志田也认为,适度提倡面向基层的史学,可以大大拓宽我们的视野,补前人研究之不足。但若矫枉过正,整个史学界都来从事基层研究,亦非正途。西方学界的“中国中心”研究取向有其特定的针对性和涵义,中国学者不可随之起舞,而陷入一种认识误区。在近代中国的各种变化中,处处可见外来的影响,如果淡化外来的“冲击”,则呈现的可能是一个虚幻而失真的“近代中国”。因此,中国学者在研究中国近代史中,还须参考19世纪以来的西方、日本和各殖民地的历史,唯有如此,才能真正认识近代中国很多前所未有的变化。④桑兵从史料利用的角度谈论了这一问题,认为近代史料浩繁,易得而难求其全,甚至难以把握边际,于是不少学者着力缩小研究范围,作极细小的专题研究,导致本属综合性的历史研究日益支离破碎。要想解决这一难题,唯有各界合作,大规模出版各类文献资料,让不同地域、境遇的研究者处于大体平等的资料条件基础之上,从而改善和提升近代史研究的格局和水准。⑤对于近代中国城市文化史研究,马敏认为,要加强城市文化史研究的活力,首先需要拓宽研究视野,改革研究的方法和叙事的方法,注意城市文化史中时常不为人注意的细节之处和细微之处。可以尝试将“感觉史”概念引入城市文化史研究,循此思路,近代以来的游行史与展览史,值得好好研究。⑥ ①王和:《再论历史规律——兼谈唯物史观的发展问题》,《清华大学学报》2008年第1期;《关于发展唯物史观的几点思考》, 2008年4月28日《北京日报》;《实事求是是唯物史观的基本原则——以“五种社会形态理论”为中心的探讨》,《史学月刊》2008年第11期。 ②张海鹏:《近年来中国近代史若干问题的讨论》,《思想理论教育导刊》2008年第6期。 ③胡成:《叙述转向与新旧之间的整合——新世纪中国近现代史研究面临的一个问题》,《近代史研究》2008年第1期。 ④罗志田:《近三十年中国近代史研究的变与不变——几点不系统的反思》,《社会科学研究》2008年第6期。 ⑤桑兵:《晚近史的史料边际与史学的整体性——兼论相关史料的编辑出版》,《历史研究》2008年第4期。 ⑥马敏:《让城市文化史研究更富活力》,《史学月刊》2008年第5期。

二、晚清政治史

在鸦片战争研究方面,王开玺考察了耆英在第一次鸦片战争中英谈判过程中的行为和事后反思,认为他是中国外交从传统到近代转变时期的封建官员,无论是其夷务思想还是办理夷务的实践,都带有明显的愚昧成分和旧的痕迹,既不能因此而宽宥其所犯错误,也不能以今人的标准去苛求他。①郭铁桩初步考察了两次鸦片战争期间,英军对大连地区的侵略和骚扰,认为其目的在于解决英军的给养、集结、修整等一系列战前的准备工作,而清政府则基本采取妥协和羁縻政策。②

在太平天国研究方面,长期以来多注重军政人物方面,朱从兵和张蕾则以官至天官正丞相的文书曾水源为线索,考察了太平军中掌握知识的文书人员的命运。作者认为,这些文书人员由于在工作中与诸王关系密切而一度得到重用;又由于他们卷入到了太平天国高层的政治斗争而走向被消灭的道路。透过他们的命运,可以清晰地看到太平天国前期领导人之间在皇权主义思想的支配下权力斗争的复杂性,可以深刻地理解太平天国起义失败的历史必然性。③

对于太平天国时期的小刀会起义,吴善中、韩荣钧对朱从兵2005年发表的《刘丽川上洪秀全奏折时间考》进行再讨论,认为朱文所说的吴健彰“针对不同的对象选择不同的发布策略、故意隐匿原件”造成“版本内容的差异”的推测是缺乏事实根据的,并认为刘丽川之所以没有在奏件中写明时间是因为不知道太平天国历法。④朱从兵在本年度又写了一篇关于小刀会的文章,认为刘丽川“沾染有游民和商人的习性,趋利避害是其本性,并无他自己所说的建立功名的大志”。在初期的胜利之后,他没有足够的魄力和能力领导全局,摇摆不定,幻想在列强的调停和与清军的议和中寻找出路。⑤

关于太平天国起义是否利用“邪教”的问题,陈蕴茜用自己定义的“邪教”来批驳有关的讨论,认为太平天国上帝教不具备邪教的本质与特征。而史式则承认,初期的太平天国和很多农民起义一样是利用了邪教进行起事,但不能将二者等同,太平天国应该被称为“一场流产的革命,一场失败了的起义,一个不应该长期延续却可悲地一直延续到覆亡的邪教集团”⑥。

在戊戌维新研究方面,由于2008年是戊戌变法110周年,发表的文章较多,尤以考证性文章为多。孔祥吉与村田雄二郎利用日本所藏的资料对《诡谋直纪》进行了再一次辨伪考证,认为此材料虽经毕永年亲自审定,但并非是亲笔所写,而且背后也有来自驻华领事小田切结好清政府、张之洞,驱逐康梁等人的外交动机。因此,毕永年的立场是不客观的,在利用时要认真考求,“不可一概视为信史”⑦。孔祥吉还另发文章,论证了康有为代御史王鹏运、杨深秀、陈其璋等人草拟的七个重要条陈,认为康有为如此大规模地通过为他人草拟奏疏以表达自己的政治主张是“一大发明”。

①王开玺:《略论第一次鸦片战争期间耆英的制夷思想与实践》,《社会科学辑刊》2008年第1期。

②郭铁桩:《两次鸦片战争期间英军对大连的侵略与骚扰》,《辽宁师范大学学报》第31卷(2008年)第2期。

③朱从兵、张蕾:《太平天国前期高层文书人员的命运》,《史学月刊》2008年第8期。

④吴善中、韩荣钧:《〈刘丽川上天王奏〉考》,《扬州大学学报》第12卷(2008年)第3期。

⑤朱从兵:《一个真正的刘丽川》,《玉林师范学院学报》第29卷(2008年)第6期。

⑥陈蕴茜:《太平天国的上帝教是邪教吗?》,《广西师范大学学报》第38卷(2008年)第1期;史式:《恢复太平天国本来面目》,《文史天地》2008年第1期。

⑦孔祥吉、村田雄二郎:《对毕永年〈诡谋直纪〉疑点的考察——兼论小田切与张之洞之关系及其进呈〈诡谋直纪〉的动机》,《广东社会科学》2008年第2期。

梳理康氏草拟的这些奏疏,也有助于理解甲午战争到戊戌变法开始之前他的思想变化和实际活动。①茅海建通过对张元济回忆录的考察,确定其准确性不如当时致友人的两封信件,并认为当时的清政府中存在着光绪帝的改革意旨和整个政治高层的因循拖沓乃至暗中对抗的矛盾。②谢俊美通过考证,认为翁同龢是被慈禧太后下令革职的,而不是光绪帝,背后则与他引起慈禧的憎恶和荣禄、刚毅做手脚有关。③

关于戊戌变法前后新旧人士之间的冲突问题,江中孝选择被认为新旧冲突最激烈的湖南为例,通过对所谓守旧人士的考察,提出:我们现在所谓的守旧人士应该分成两种,诸如王先谦等人其实是赞同引入西学的渐进改革者,真正顽固反对西方所有一切的只是谭钟麟等少数“真守旧”者。王先谦之类并不是反对引进西学,而是出于对康梁的反感,真正反对西学的人并不多。作者认为,除了“真守旧”之外,趋新官僚内部确实存在着改革的激进派和渐进派,而戊戌维新的失败与趋新派内部的矛盾冲突和纠缠内耗有很大的关系。④

在日本与维新人士的关系方面,王明伟注意到以往未曾涉及的奉行国粹主义、主张建立“以中日联盟为核心的亚细亚主义”的日本人士陆羯南。文章梳理了陆羯南与康梁等人的思想、行为和交往,为学界揭示了何以在戊戌变法时,康梁等人赞同中日联盟的原因。⑤

在清末新政研究方面,涉及较多的是政府机构改革问题。法国学者陆康(Luga Gabbiani)通过考察民政部1906年的制度设计和1910年低层人员之间的交恶,以及在全国范围内的内部考试,认为官制改革改变了书吏的尴尬地位,同时官僚仕途依旧具有强大的吸引力,最终是国家机关的扩展和行政管理职位的扩大。⑥王奎分析了商部向农工商部转化的过程,认为虽然有了机构专业化、管理近代化等优点,但同时也出现了官员人数膨胀、地位下降和经费困难等问题。⑦徐保安考察了课吏馆和法政学堂仕学科等机构,认为这类机构得到了很大的发展,在课程设计、学习考核等方面都有长足的进展。但也由于过于求成、忽视在职官员,尤其是督抚大员以及自身的封建统治,使得“开官智”的目的没能取得令人满意的效果。⑧

对于预备立宪的研究,彭剑通过解读清政府立宪九年清单,认为传统的认识存在误区,这份清单并没有给出确切的开国会年限。⑨随即有余元启和侯宜杰分别撰文,从字句的解读和侧面材料的引证反驳了彭剑的结论。○10

①孔祥吉:《甲午战争后康有为变法条陈述考》,《福建论坛》2008年第5期。

②茅海建:《戊戌变法期间光绪帝召见张元济》,《社会科学研究》2008年第5期。

③谢俊美:《翁同龢开缺革职原因考》,《江海学刊》2008年第3期。

④江中孝:《戊戌维新时期湖南新旧冲突探析》,《广东社会科学》2008年第3期。

⑤王明伟:《陆羯南与戊戌变法》,《史学集刊》2008年第3期。

⑥陆康(LugaGabbiani):《“流氓的补偿”:新政改革与中央低层行政人员地位的转变》,《清史研究》2008年第4期。

⑦王奎:《清末机构改革中的进步与悖论:以商部为例》,《求索》2008年第10期。

⑧徐保安:《清末地方官员学堂教育述论——以课吏馆和法政学堂为中心》,《近代史研究》2008年第1期。

⑨彭剑:《清季预备立宪九年清单并未宣布开国会年限》,《近代史研究》2008年第3期。

10余元启:《清季预备立宪九年清单没有宣布开国会年限吗?——与彭剑博士商榷》;侯宜杰:《清廷宣布了召开国会年限》,《近代史研究》2008年第6期。

三、民国政治史

关于抗战后期国共关系问题,仍受到研究者重视。邓野撰文认为,皖南事变发生之后,国民党内产生了另编新四军、取消新四军番号、与中共全面破裂、缓和国共矛盾的四派意见。蒋介石采纳了取消新四军番号的意见。国共在尖锐对立的同时,又都为避免全面破裂设置了各自的限制,避免新四军牵扯八路军。在事态得到控制之后,国共以二届一次参政会为筹码,围绕皖南事变政治了结的条件进行较量。第三方面以调解国共纠纷为契机,提出了自己独立的条件。蒋介石则运用现实利益的杠杆作用,满足了第三方面的条件从而将其吸引过来。结果,中共通过拒绝出席参政会,将皖南事变的政治性质暴露出来,而蒋则通过吸引第三方面使参政会全票否决中共条件,双方互有胜负。两党关系转入“拖”的局面。①对于蒋介石在1943年出版的《中国之命运》一书,邓野另文指出,从政治背景来看,蒋在此时出版此书,是利用国民党从形式上完成中国废除半殖民地地位的政治宣传。其核心在于,将一个本来是中国与英美之间的民族平等问题,转换为国共之间的政治选择问题。围绕“中国之命运”这道命题,中国产生了两个排斥性的选择,即“没有国民党就没有中国”和“没有共产党就没有中国”。但这种排斥性的选择提出于国共合作的框架之内,意味着国共在继续保持抗日民族统一战线的同时,又进一步澄清了彼此的阶级关系。从这个意义上讲,所谓“中国之命运”,实际上就是国共合作之命运。此书的出版及其政治后果集中表现为这样一个问题:它以著书立说的方式,为国共合作的政治前途,完成了理论意义上的埋葬。②

关于国民党的战后执政危机及其最后败退问题,汪朝光有两篇文章进行探讨。一是通过对国民党六届二中全会的研究指出, 1946年3月召开的这次会议,国民党内对为社会各界所诟病的“官僚资本”问题有激烈的讨论和争执,表现出国民党对其统治危机的深重担忧。但是,国民党言大于行的统治惰性与惯性,使其无法解决这个问题,成为影响其统治稳定的重要因素,并由此展示了腐败与政治的关系。二是通过对1947年国民党六届三中全会的研究,探讨了国民党面临严重统治危机下的应对之策,指出国民党党内在会议期间有激烈争论,其各项内外政策及决策体制受到不少与会者的尖锐批评,但由于国民党多年垄断执政权力的定势,已经使其失去了创新精神,加以蒋介石利用他在国民党内的独断权力,大体控制了六届三中全会的总体进程及其决策,会议未能根本解决国民党面对的种种问题。③

关于国民党内部的派系斗争与人事纠纷问题,近年来一直是研究者关注的热点。金以林以汪精卫为线索,考察了20世纪30年代初国民党宁粤对峙期间,汪精卫与蒋介石、胡汉民等人关系的数次戏剧性转变,认为:从汪精卫的这些转变中不难发现,导致国民党派系之争的真正原因并非党内领袖间不同的政治态度。无论是汪精卫,还是蒋介石、胡汉民等国民党派系,彼此之间的政争焦点,更多的是集中于党的权力之争。④桑兵通过考察1948年中山大学的易长风波,指出抗战期间国民党过于将大学作为政治地盘或势力范围,与大学本身应有的独立性发生尖锐矛盾,由此导致国民党和国民政府在知识界声名恶化,又由大学的辐射力使之迅速扩张。同时,国民党在大学内部的派系冲突,造成国民党形象的私利化,一方面使得校内师生对国民党日益离心离德,另一方面激起了社会的连锁反应,成为国民党失去大学乃至整个政权的重要原因。⑤

①邓野:《皖南事变之后国共两党的政治较量》,《近代史研究》2008年第5期。

②邓野:《蒋介石关于“中国之命运”命题与国共的两个口号》,《历史研究》2008年第4期。

③汪朝光:《关于“官僚资本”的争论和国民党的执政危机——中国国民党六届二中全会再研究之三》,《民国档案》2008年第1期;《危机中的因应——中国国民党六届三中全会研究》,《历史研究》2008年第3期。

④金以林:《汪精卫与国民党的派系纠葛——以宁粤对峙为中心的考察》,《中国社会科学》2008年第3期。

⑤桑兵:《1948年中山大学易长风波与国民党的派系之争》,《学术研究》2008年第1期。

张皓则通过考察1947年国民政府颁布的《中华民国宪法》,指出这一宪法的出台是蒋介石集团内部权力斗争演变的结果,国民党内部的CC系以立法院为基地挑战蒋介石的权威,表面上首届行宪立法院“几乎是清一色的国民党势力”,但事实上,在773名立法委员中,约三分之一的立法委员却是在CC系控制之下。①

关于民国政治制度问题,近年来较多关注制度背后的权力与权谋,本年仍有所深入。鲁卫东通过对北洋时期文官考试的参加人数、录取比率、分发情况以及任用等问题的探索,指出北洋政府时期文官考试制度设计与实际运行之间的严重背离,考试出身人员取而不用,通过地缘、学缘、血缘等非制度化的私人关系做官则比比皆是。②王奇生通过对1924—1927年国民党中央政治会议(简称“中政会”)的考察,指出在短暂的两三年间,中政会的名称、性质、人事、组织与职能变动不居,实际上已成为党内精英角逐和国共党际斗争的矛盾焦点,也是北伐前后南方革命政权纷争剧变的一个缩影。其运作虽然都在党章、党纪、党权、党治、党统等旗帜和名义下进行,但实际上一切又以实力较量和权力权谋为依归。作者还指出,从中政会的这些演变中,不难看出传统“帝治”向现代“党治”的转型,变的,更多是外在形式,而不变的,则可能延续在中国数千年的深层政治文化之中。③陈瑞云则考察了1949年前中央政治会议在国民党中央体制的地位,认为中政会始终是国民党中央执行委员会下设立的重要政治机构,即使地位达到训政最高指导机关、政治最高指导机关,仍应对中执会负责,中执会闭会期间对中常会负责,而不是国民党最高权力机关或党政最高机关。④江沛考察了1924—1928年国民党军队的政治制度,指出国民革命军早期实施的政工制度仿自苏俄红军,是国民党“以党治军”理念的具体表征。随着国共间的猜忌,国民革命军政工制度因“清党”运动而产生重大变异,党代表制废除,政治训练部地位下降,军队党部更是形同虚设,理念及制度上的“党在军上”演变为实际运作中“以军治党”。⑤

关于地方政府和基层政权研究,有几篇文章值得关注。严海建通过考察北平当局内部中央系与非中央系对1946—1948年学潮处置的歧异,指出这种歧异背后是中央与地方驱使动机、所依持与凭籍的资源之不同,其结果往往是中央政府承受了严重的政治灾难,相反像李宗仁、傅作义等这样的非中央系反而借助学潮的处理收获相应的权势资本。⑥黄天华以1932年爆发的四川军阀刘湘、刘文辉之战为中心,考察了战争期间国民党、共产党和地方军阀等几方势力的纠缠互动,认为南京国民政府所领导的“国家统一”运动,不仅受到地方主义的抗拒,也受到中共的强烈挑战,特别是当地方政争与苏维埃根据地发展同时发生之时,南京政府必须站在“中央”的高度,尽力协调地方各派势力,以和中共势力竞争,不然地方势力的捭阖和民心的转向将使其走上被再“革命”的命运。⑦

①张皓:《蒋介石与CC系在〈中华民国宪法〉下的权力之争》,《历史档案》2008年第2期。

②鲁卫东:《制度设计与实践的背离——北洋政府时期的文官考试初探》,《安徽史学》2008年第1期。

③王奇生:《中政会与国民党最高权力的轮替(1924—1927)》,《历史研究》2008年第3期。

④陈瑞云:《关于中政会在国民党中央体制中地位的探讨》,《史学月刊》2008年第4期。

⑤江沛:《中国国民党早期军队政治制度的演变, 1924—1928》,《安徽史学》2008年第4期。

⑥严海建:《1946—1948年的北平学潮:国民政府中央与地方处置的歧异》,《民国档案》2008年第1期。

⑦黄天华:《国家统一与地方政争:以四川“二刘大战”为考察中心》,《四川师范大学学报》2008年第4期。

王先明以两湖地区为中心考察了20世纪中国乡制由自治取代保甲和以复兴保甲来推进自治这一回旋的历史过程,认为保甲制的“复兴”集中表达了国民政府试图将行政体系直接顺保甲制进入到村庄,使村落成为最基层的行政单位,但其对乡村社会控制的效能却不能如愿。其中表现的近代乡村体制的多变性和反复性,是在中国传统体制文化资源和西方现代体制文化资源双重作用下,不同权力主体不断寻求最适宜自身需求的历史实践的结果;同时也揭示出权力机制建构的实质在于权力主体利益的适度分域和规范界定,而不只是单纯的制度依赖。①魏本权、陈益元和杨焕鹏分别以华北地区、湖南醴陵县和浙江省为例,考察了国民党政权为加强乡村控制而建立起的区乡政权,指出这种介于县与村之间的区乡机构,与乡村社会结构相疏离,制度与实践相脱节。②曹天忠考察了民国新县制中政教合一的演进过程,指出其中的焦点是以乡镇保长为主体、以校长为兼职,还是以校长为主体、以乡镇保长为兼职的人事冲突。这在主观上与政教两界,包括掌控教育、内政两部的CC派与新政学系利益博弈相关,客观上则受经济水平以及社会综合与分工矛盾的制约,不宜简单以加强思想统制进行否定。③

四、抗日战争史

在日本侵华研究方面,关于日本侵华政策的实施与推动,一般是以内阁、政府、军部为研究视角,而以下两篇文章则采用了另外的视角。一是戚其章针对以往有的研究比较肯定日本早期有兴亚主义的观点,通过分析兴亚主义思潮兴起与发展的过程,指出兴亚主义思潮中包括宗教启蒙派、文化复兴派、自主联盟派、大陆政策派和合纵连横派等。虽然其中不乏倾向革命的派别人物如宫崎滔天等,但起主导作用并对中日关系发生重大影响的是大陆政策派和合纵连横派,他们的观点并非要建立亚洲各国的互惠互利,而是赤裸裸地追求日本帝国主义的利益。至于大力推动兴亚主义的兴亚会,它并非如一些人所言是“民间组织”或者“民间对华友好组织”,而是日本外务省直接掌控和主导,并有军方参与运作的一个情报机关。二是史桂芳、王柯分析了日本知识分子对战争的态度及其与日本政府侵略政策的关系,认为从“九·一八”事变到战争结束,日本知识分子普遍十分关注国内外形势,主动研讨国家对策,为政府充当参谋。如昭和研究会就力图对日本政府施加影响,在近卫组阁、日本政府对华政策、实行国内新体制等方面发挥了重要作用;虽确有左翼人士参加其中,并对日本的武力征服政策提出过批评,但是在当时的情况下,他们对战争的认识不可能像中国人那样深刻。他们与昭和研究会的关系比较复杂,仍然需要更深入的研究。④

关于日本的具体侵略扩张政策,有两篇文章值得注意。一是针对以往关于日本发动太平洋战争缘由的研究中,多以日美双方的直接矛盾以及日本的既定政策为视角,鹿锡俊通过查阅大量的日本原始档案,进一步验证了中国问题与日本发动太平洋战争的内在联系。⑤二是臧运祜考察了日本对西安事变的反应,及其侵华政策的变化过程。作者认为,日本在事变期间,最初采取“延续并促进”的方针,企图趁机继续实施以往的对华政策;在明确事变情况后,被迫采取静观待变的态度,却又坚决干预中国的“容共”问题;事变的和平解决,迫使日本政府重新认识中国,日本政局也出现了大动荡,并修改其侵华政策,最终在七七事变后走上了全面侵华道路。⑥

①王先明:《从自治到保甲:乡制重构中的历史回归问题——以20世纪三四十年代两湖乡村社会为范围》,《史学月刊》2008年第2期。

②魏本权:《基层政制与乡村社会结构的错离:以近代华北区制的变动为中心》,《中国农史》2008年第2期;杨焕鹏:《论民国时期基层乡镇公务人员制度——以杭嘉湖地区为中心》,《南京社会科学》2008年第5期;陈益元:《民国时期国民党农村基层政权建设:制度与实践的脱节——以湖南醴陵县为中心的考察》,《中国农史》2008年第1期。

③曹天忠:《新县制“政教合一”的演进和背景》,《近代史研究》2008年第4期。

④戚其章:《近代日本的兴亚主义思潮与兴亚会》;史桂芳、王柯:《从昭和研究会看战争中的日本知识分子》,均载《抗日战争研究》2008年第2期。

⑤鹿锡俊:《中国问题与日本1941年的开战决策——以日方档案为依据的再确认》,《近代史研究》2008年第3期。

⑥臧运祜:《西安事变与日本的对华政策》,《近代史研究》2008年第2期。

在中国抗战研究方面,关于战时人力动员、兵役制度以及军人优抚问题的研究值得注意。江红英考察了战时国民政府在制定兵役实施政策、保障军需后勤、建设后方工业的过程中,如何平衡全国人力资源的问题,涉及了一般人力、技术员工和工资的管制,以及国民义务劳动等。这些举措“为坚持持久抗战,最后夺取抗战胜利提供了人力政策上的保证。但随着时间的推移和客观形势的变化,其效果则越来越差,最终与国民政府的预期相去甚远。”张燕平考证了战时国民政府兵役政策的制定和实施情况,指出国民政府采用了招募志愿兵和征集义务兵两种方式,尤其抗战中后期,主要采取义务兵役制。这一兵役制度虽然取得了一定的成效,但也出现了诸多严重的弊端。莫子刚考察了贵州兵役制度的实施,以比较具体的个案事例,诠释了战时国民政府兵役制度实施的利弊。①李翔考证了国民政府战时抚恤机构成立与运行的历史过程,认为政府抚恤激励了官兵和民众的抗战斗志,也使抚恤观念发生转变,带动了积极抚恤业务的开展,为抗战的坚持和胜利做出了一定贡献。但是,到抗战后期,抚恤运行的不良征兆开始显现,显示了国民政府的政权运作出现了严重问题。②宿志刚考证了陕甘宁对军人的优抚工作,内容涉及边区政府抗日军人安置政策的制定及其演变,政策实施的具体过程。③

在战时社会研究方面,有三篇文章值得关注。一是张同乐以1940年华北蝗灾为背景,叙述和对比了晋冀鲁豫、晋察冀抗日根据地与沦陷区对应蝗灾的情况,认为:不同政权控制区的治蝗与社会动员方式上的不同,导致不同的效果;蝗灾监控与治理检验中不同政府的管理状况,一定意义上折射出民心的向背和政权兴衰。抗日根据地大规模的群众性治蝗运动,预示着中国救灾体制正由传统向现代转型。二是胡惠芳在考察抗日根据地救灾措施的同时,还考察了诸如兴修水利、植树造林等长远的救灾方式。④三是李在全、游海华考察了抗战时期平教会在湖南、四川等地开展的乡村建设活动,并审视了这些活动如何与地方社会、经济、文化和政治产生互动与影响,并探讨了抗战时期民间团体与政府的互动关系。⑤

在战争遗留问题研究方面,关于战后审判问题,张生、翟意安利用最新收集的史料,叙述和分析了东京审判中南京大屠杀案审理过程中控辩双方的质证,并指出:早在东京审判之时,松井石根等被告和很多日籍证人已经就南京大屠杀做了伪证。但通过质证,松井与南京大屠杀关系十分明确。从法庭的判决可以看出,辩护方和起诉方的相互质证,对结果形成了重要影响。而法庭对于起诉方对松井石根多项指控的否决,以及武藤章在南京大屠杀案中被判无罪,说明法庭充分吸取了辩护方的意见。⑥关于战争财产损失的统计问题,袁成毅针对以往相关研究中的多种说法,在疏理相关研究学术史的基础上,分析了战争损失调查和损失价值计算中存在的问题,并进而提出:此项研究应进一步挖掘史料,一是国民政府行政院善后救济总署有关战争损失的调研材料;二是战争期间有关机构所做的调研资料;三是整合大陆与台湾相关档案;四是地方史志部门的史料。 ①江红英:《抗战时期国民政府的人力管制》;张燕平:《抗战时期国民政府兵员动员述评》;莫子刚:《抗战时期贵州役政之初探》,均载《抗日战争研究》2008年第4期。 ②李翔:《抗战时期国民政府陆军抚恤机构初探》,《抗日战争研究》2008年第1期。 ③宿志刚:《抗日战争时期陕甘宁边区退伍军人安置问题研究》,《抗日战争研究》2008年第4期。 ④张同乐:《1940年代前期的华北蝗灾与社会动员——以晋冀鲁豫、晋察冀边区与沦陷区为例》;胡惠芳:《抗日战争时期苏皖边区的救灾渡荒工作》,均载《抗日战争研究》2008年第1期。 ⑤李在全、游海华:《抗日战争时期的乡村建设运动——以平教会为中心的考察》,《抗日战争研究》2008年第3期。 ⑥张生、翟意安:《东京审判南京大屠杀案的辩护——以控、辩双方质证为中心的考察》,《抗日战争研究》2008年第4期。

此外,还应注意调查与统计的历史延续性,并遵循实事求是的原则。关于战争赔偿问题,高凡夫提出,“区别论”(即把日本军国主义分子和日本人民区别开来)和“人民外交路线”是中国政府放弃对日本战争赔偿要求的友好因素,其结果在客观上促进了中日友好,然而,区别论过于理想化、简单化和片面化,不利于日本民众认清自己应负的战争责任、反省战争罪责;也给当前中国民间对日索赔运动带来一定困难,但不具有必然联系。①

五、近代中外关系史

在民国外交史的综合研究方面,有三篇文章值得注意。一是王建朗分析了抗战后期国民政府的主动外交行为,认为太平洋战争爆发不久,中国便开始考虑自身在战后的地位问题,对于建立新的国际组织,确保四大国在国际组织中的优势地位进行了认真的思考。对于亚洲地区事务,中国积极干预,展现了一个负责任的大国的形象。国民政府的战后对日处置计划,力图从长远考虑,兼顾历史与现实状况。抗战时期的中国外交,既抓住了难得的历史机遇,又有若干稚嫩及不够圆满之处。王建朗还以蒋介石日记的相关叙述为中心,试图比较抗战后期英美对华政策的差异及国民政府对英美外交政策的差异。这一时期,尽管中国与英美成为共同作战的盟国,但亲疏关系不同。中英关系在这一时期并未有多大改善,相反,双方在一些重大问题上的分歧陆续凸显出来。与英国相比,美国的形象相对良好。中国期望借助美国对英国有所制约。尽管中美在战后目标上有较大重叠,但英美关系毕竟是美国最重要的双边关系,美国在中英冲突中对中国的支持相当有限。②傅铱华以国民政府最后一任驻苏大使傅秉常的日记为主要资料,探讨了1945年美英苏在雅尔塔达成的有关战时和战后远东问题的协议对于中国的重要影响,认为傅秉常较早得知了雅尔塔会议的有关情况,但并未得知秘密协议的内容,不过他的工作对于蒋介石决定对苏政策具有一定的影响。实际上,苏联和美国在雅尔塔会议前后的政策都是一如既往,而雅尔塔会议也将所有的问题暴露无遗,包括国与国之间的利益冲突和战略对立,这些也许是导致冷战来临的原因。③

在中英关系史研究方面,成果较为丰厚。吴义雄分析了两广总督邓廷桢在广东的禁烟活动,认为与鸦片战争前中英关系的演变具有直接联系。邓廷桢在1836年一度拥护弛禁鸦片贸易,在清廷决定实施严禁政策后,仍怀着犹疑、观望的态度,但也比较有效地切断了内地鸦片贩子与鸦片趸船的联系,使持续多年的鸦片贸易模式遭受重创。此后,面对外国鸦片贩子向中国东、北部沿海地区转移,并导致广州内河鸦片走私复活的严峻形势,邓廷桢虽在政治压力下利用因义士贩烟事件,迫使英方达成禁止广州内河鸦片走私的协议,但随即因林则徐采取更为严厉的禁烟措施而告终结。④张志勇对赫德在中英《藏印条约》谈判过程中的作用,一反传统看法,认为赫德所扮演的不过是幕后指挥、中方的外交顾问与调停者的角色。在中、英“藏印交涉”过程中,中英矛盾、英藏矛盾、清中央与西藏地方的矛盾贯穿始终。这三种矛盾能否达成妥协才是真正决定谈判进程的因素。⑤陈才俊通过考析马礼逊出任澳门东印度公司译员、参与中英冲突交涉、作为阿美士德使团秘书访京、出任英国驻华商务监督秘书兼翻译等史实,阐释了马礼逊在早期中英外交关系中的重要作用。⑥

①袁成毅:《关于中国抗战财产损失研究中的几个问题》;高凡夫:《论中国政府放弃对日赔偿要求的友好因素》,均载《抗日战争研究》2008年第2期。

②王建朗:《大国意识与大国作为——抗战后期的中国国际角色定位与外交努力》,《历史研究》2008年第6期;《从蒋介石日记看抗战后期的中英美关系》,《民国档案》2008年第4期。

③傅铱华:《雅尔塔远东问题协议重探——以傅秉常为中心的讨论》,《南京大学学报》2008年第1期。

④吴义雄:《邓廷桢与广东禁烟问题》,《近代史研究》2008年第5期。 ⑤张志勇:《赫德与中英〈藏印条约〉》,《中国边疆史地研究》2008年第3期。

⑥陈才俊:《马礼逊与早期中英外交关系考析》,《广东社会科学》2008年第5期。

丁兆东论述了1943年底国民政府派遣中国访英团(又称“报聘团”)这一鲜为人知的事件。作者利用大量中英文资料分析了访英团出访前后中英关系背景,以及国民政府制定的访英计划。该计划内容涉及中英双方有根本分歧的香港问题、九龙问题、西藏问题和印度问题等,但在访问中双方均避免讨论这些有分歧的问题,而强调共同利益,使中英关系得到了加强, 1944年中英签订5000万英镑贷款协议,与此不无关系。①蒋耘利用了大量档案史料,叙述和分析了1943年中英间关于西藏危机交涉的过程。作者认为,宋子文在康印公路交涉中,为保障中国国际交通线的畅通,以高超的外交才智,成功地维护了中国对西藏的主权。②张俊义利用宋子文档案资料,考察了1948年初发生的港英政府强拆九龙城民居事件,认为这一事件再次触发中英围绕九龙城主权问题的交涉,并引发内地民众抗议港英当局行径的浪潮。面对民情愤慨,以国民党广州市党部主任高信为首的CC派为捞取政治资本,同时为防止中共地下党借机活动,高调出面组织并领导了广州各界的示威活动。然而,由于广东地方派系林立,各方互不配合,游行示威行动最终失控,酿成火烧英国驻粤总领事馆的沙面事件,令国民政府在外交上陷于被动。③

在中日关系史研究方面,亦颇有收获。郭海燕考察了甲午战争前十年的中日朝鲜电信权之争,认为中日双方在具体权益问题上采用的都是回避对方、直接与朝鲜进行交涉的外交策略;同时作为权宜之计,又都充分利用对方的立场,对朝鲜施加压力以达到目的。清政府对朝鲜采用了传统的宗属外交与近代条约外交相结合的灵活外交政策;日本对中国采用了暂时放弃争夺朝鲜电信线的架设权和管理权,将获取通信手段放在首位的实用主义外交。这种表面上没有直接对立,水面下却竞争激烈,有时又相互利用的关系,正是这一时期中日关系的特点。④马建标探讨了1921年华盛顿会议开幕前,中日两国间兴起一股有关“鲁案直接交涉”的外交谣言,认为北京政府辟谣的过程,也是政府外交的现实主义和国民外交的理想主义发生冲突的过程。外交总长颜惠庆运用公开外交原则以及他与社会舆论精英的“私交网络”对公众舆论进行了较为成功的疏导,既缓解了北京政府因直接交涉问题所陷入的被动局面,又巧妙运用民意作为政府外交后盾,摆脱了日本强烈要求中日两国政府直接交涉的纠缠,使山东问题得以提交华盛顿会议讨论。⑤

关于中日文化交流史的研究,高建明、李斌探讨了晚清时期中日科技传播模式的问题,认为中日两国的科技传播模式有显著的差异,具体体现在科技传播的内核要素和外部条件各个方面。这种差异是由中日两国国家的性质不同所决定的,并导致不同的后果。⑥王奇生考察了民国时期的日书汉译现象,认为自甲午战争至抗战前夕,汉译日书数量一直处于各语种译书之领先地位,其中晚清之际居于压倒性优势,民国初期大为退步,战前十年堪称鼎盛时期。中国人对翻译日书的心态亦前后有别:在清末民初之际,觉得通过日本学习西方文化,可以“力省效速”,进而认为“游学之国,西洋不如东洋”,“译西书不如译东书”;五四以后,觉得西方文化被日本人“咀嚼”过后,难得西方文化的“本相”和“真传”,进而认为留学西洋与留学东洋有“镀金”与“镀银”之分,转译东书远不如径译西书。⑦

①丁兆东:《中国访英团述评》,《抗日战争研究》2008年第1期。

②蒋耘:《宋子文与战时西藏问题交涉》,《民国档案》2008年第1期。

③张俊义:《1948年广州沙面事件之始末——以宋子文档案为中心》,《中国社会科学》2008年第6期。

④郭海燕:《从朝鲜电信线问题看甲午战争前的中日关系》,《近代史研究》2008年第1期。

⑤马建标:《谣言与外交——华盛顿会议前“鲁案直接交涉”初探》,《历史研究》2008年第4期。

⑥高建明、李斌:《晚清时期中日科技传播模式比较分析》,《科学技术与辩证法》2008年第3期。

⑦王奇生:《民国时期的日书汉译》,《近代史研究》2008年第6期。

在中美关系史研究方面,有两篇文章值得注意。王立新考察了18世纪晚期到20世纪中期美国的“中国观念”,认为今日的美国应放弃在自己的观念和利益框架内理解和想象中国的方式,真切地了解和体会中国人的感受、欲望和抱负,从而使中美关系的稳定发展能有一个健康的情感基础。①赵入坤针对以往研究中所持的从1945年4月起美国对华政策由扶蒋容共转变为扶蒋反共的观点,提出了不同的见解,认为影响美国对华政策的因素是美国的整体世界战略、远东国际关系格局、中国国内政治形势。抗战胜利前后,美国对华政策是促进国共合作,组成以蒋介石为首的联合政府,其实施时间是1944年春至1946年3月。②此外,广东省社会科学院等单位联合举办了“纪念陈兰彬出使美国130周年”学术研讨会,对推动此项研究颇有意义。

在中德关系史研究方面,有几篇文章值得注意。肖建东用事实揭示了国民政府参加第一次世界大战的内幕,认为中国作为一个弱国以对德宣战的方式被动卷入这场大战,表面上纷繁复杂,掺杂着各种政治利益与纷争,但从外交和实际效果来看,实际上是为了维护国家的主权和领土完整,是在帝国主义列强的夹缝中求生存的本能体现。③左双文探讨了德国承认伪满洲国的事件与国民政府外交方针之间的关联问题,认为伪满洲国成立后,国民政府一直希望各友好国家不予承认,对德国更是抱有期待。但德国在纳粹上台后,日益将对日外交置于对华外交之上,于1938年2月宣布承认伪满;稍后又对中国禁运军火、强制撤退在华军事顾问,迫使国民政府改变原有的对德、对苏外交力求保持相对平衡的态度,一度表现出更为坚定的联苏决心。④管银凤论述了1933—1941年间中德关系变幻不定、错综复杂的局势,认为德国的实利主义外交政策是中德关系演变的重要因素,德国奉行的这种外交政策虽然使其获得短暂的辉煌,但也加速了其灭亡的进程和世界反法西斯的胜利。⑤

六、中共革命史

本年度革命史研究中有价值的新成果不多,研究热点仍集中在对政治表象的社会基础的挖掘上。谢宏维、邹芝从社会史视角对袁文才、王佐事件进行了再探讨,指出:当我们把事件还原到区域社会内在的历史脉络中时,可以看到中国革命实践在地域社会各具特色的表达。袁文才、王佐被杀肇因于诸多因素,在不同的阶段,各种因素所发挥的作用及影响也不相同。井冈山地方社会固有的土客冲突,革命中形成的“土籍的党,客籍的枪”现象及其间的矛盾对立,加上阶级矛盾与党内路线斗争等诸多因素相结合,使事件的发生具有相当的必然性。⑥张兆金、游海华从客籍军阀、本土豪绅的角度对江西土地革命的兴起作了考察,认为民国初年至1930年代初的江西一直为客籍军阀所统治,客籍军阀、本土豪绅两大势力集团交织,各种矛盾和冲突交织,形成当局统治的薄弱环节。这些因素在客观上极有利于江西土地革命的兴起和发展。中国共产党人抓住这一有利时机,对基层社会进行了有效动员,促使江西革命力量得以迅速发展。⑦

①王立新:《在龙的映衬下:对中国的想象与美国国家身份的建构》,《中国社会科学》2008年第3期。

②赵入坤:《二战结束前后美国对华政策问题再探讨》,《抗日战争研究》2008年第3期。

③肖建东:《“一战”时期中国对德宣战的历史真相》,《武汉理工大学学报》2008年第1期。

④左双文:《德国承认伪满问题与国民政府的外交方针》,《史学月刊》2008年第11期。

⑤管银凤:《浅析1933—1941年中德关系中的实利主义因素》,《重庆科技学院学报》2008年第6期。

⑥谢宏维、邹芝:《袁文才、王佐事件再研究——中共党史与社会史研究相结合的视角》,《中共党史资料》2008年第2期。

⑦张兆金、游海华:《客籍军阀、本土豪绅与江西土地革命》,《广西社会科学》2008年第7期。

应该说,在研究中注意到政治事件的社会背景,在更广泛的基础上解释历史事件,有助于加深对历史运动复杂性的理解,但是大多数政治事件的发生,毕竟更直接取决于各种政治力量本身的交互运动及其抉择,过分夸大社会背景的作用,有时同样无法接近历史真相。

革命中的社会动员是近年颇受研究者关注的话题,本年仍有一些值得注意的文章发表。张宏卿、肖文燕从动员角度考察了中央苏区的查田运动,认为查田运动是通过广泛深入的政治运动和细致周到的动员方式来建构的。在动员中强化宣传和行政的外力作用,采用暗示、规劝、举报、惩罚的组织型方式,用政治理想和口号作为思想动员的武器,又适当地给予农民物质利益和“身份”待遇,从而开创了一种社会革命的动员模式——通过“阶级”的话语表达,结合大多数农民具体权益的满足,凭借极强渗透力和保障功能的基层组织,将传统社会的地方、血缘、宗法关系等内核创造性地转化为土地革命中的积极因素。①李德满从乡村政权与资源动员入手研究了解放区土改运动,提出:传统中国的乡村权力建立在多元文化网络之上,资源动员能力差、效率低。解放区土改通过思想改造和组织重构,摧毁了传统的多元文化网络,代之以单一的意识形态——阶级话语,同时在摧毁原有组织网络的基础上形成新的单一的行政权力。这种乡村政权具有强大的动员能力,能够高效地进行资源汲取,既将所有的社会资源都聚集在可支配范围之内,又能够通过意识形态的作用减少资源动员的阻力,为解放战争的胜利及其后的现代化建设提供了坚实的后盾。②李晔对晋中新区土改的研究注意到中共开展群众动员的程序和目标。起初贫雇农对于土改运动感到恐惧,他们和地主富农同在一张由权力、利益和乡情织成的网中,选择共同抵制土改。但是,当贫雇农受到工作组通过单独接触、“诉苦”等手段的动员之后,翻身愿望很快压倒了乡亲面子,由权力、利益和乡情编织成的“网”被撕破,传统的村庄权力结构土崩瓦解,土改运动得以顺利开展和完成。通过群众动员,村庄传统的权力结构被摧毁,中共赢得了占到农村人口绝大多数的贫雇农和中农的支持,初步实现了对于广大农村的整合和控制。③李里峰从微观互动视角和其“理性人”假设出发,研究了华北土改期间社会各阶层的形势判断和行为特征,认为在革命政党获得地区控制权的情况下,乡村成员参与土改必不可免,他们所能选择的只是以何种方式参与土改。乡村社会成员由于被赋予不同的阶级身份,他们在此基础上对革命形势和自身处境加以判断,进而作出相应的行为选择。其中,地主、富农选择余地较小,只能争取规避更坏的结果;而贫、雇农居于优势地位,其行为方式体现出理性农民与道义农民之间的张力;中农则在安全与利益两种考量之间进行权衡,而前者常占据上风,成为其行为选择的基本依据。④

近年学术界对红军长征准备过程开始有较客观的评价和叙述。易凤林利用新公布的共产国际资料,进一步阐述了中共中央长征前对中央苏区游击战争的部署与准备,指出:广昌战役失利后,中共中央与共产国际在准备实施战略转移时,充分考虑了留守苏区的部署问题,明确了留守部队在配合红军主力转移与保卫苏区中的重要作用,并对留守南方各苏区的革命斗争作了具体而且充分的组织准备、军事准备和政治动员准备。由此可见,中共中央并没有放弃中央苏区。⑤

长期以来学术界对1938年的三月中共中央政治局会议评价不高,认为其有很浓的王明色彩。对此,李东朗提出了不同的观点,指出:三月政治局会议虽然存在王明右倾主张的影响,但积极因素是主要的,是一次民主讨论党的问题的会议。

①张宏卿、肖文燕:《查田运动与中央苏区民众动员》,《江汉大学学报》2008年第5期。

②李德满:《文化权力、乡村政权与资源动员——解放区土改运动的再认识》,《中共浙江省委党校学报》2008年第4期。

③李晔:《在地方档案中发现历史——晋中新区土改运动中的群众动员》,《山西档案》2008年第3期。

④李里峰:《“运动”中的理性人——华北土改期间各阶层的形势判断和行为选择》,《近代史研究》2008年第1期。

⑤易凤林:《试论中共中央长征前对中央苏区游击战争的部署与准备》,《党史文苑》2008年第7期。

会议上有明显的意见分歧,在讨论的基础上形成一些决定,其中的大部分在后来产生了积极的作用。因此,对于这次会议的分歧和意见交锋,体现了应有的党内民主生活,应该给予肯定。抗战初期王明错误的最大问题是把个人凌驾于中央之上,在组织上闹独立性。①

七、近代经济史

在口岸与腹地关系的研究中,有些文章从港口与腹地双向互动的角度探讨区域经济史。王列辉根据海关报告、不同时期经济调查提供的进出口商品的流向界定腹地的范围,并考察了宁波港在1844年至1930年代腹地范围的变迁过程,认为随着温州、杭州等城市的陆续开埠,宁波港的腹地呈现出不断缩小的趋势,从而导致宁波港地位的下降。庄维民引入中心口岸与次级口岸、间接腹地与直接腹地的概念,认为位处华北的天津、烟台、青岛等区域性次级口岸与自身腹地的关系是直接的,属于一般意义上的口岸—直接腹地模式。而中心口岸上海与华北腹地之间,很大程度上是靠天津等次级口岸和济南等内地中心市场的媒介作用而发生经济上的互动,所以华北是上海的间接腹地。上海与区域次级口岸、华北腹地之间的互动关系,伴随着新的商路网的建立、次级口岸自身经济的发展和金融汇兑的日益便利,亦不断发生着变化,如次级口岸成为中心口岸的强有力的市场竞争者。②佳宏伟通过研究区域灾荒与口岸贸易的关系,提出:除了口岸与腹地的互动之外,区域社会自身在塑造口岸贸易演变中亦具有不可忽视的作用力。在1867—1931年间,作为天津主要贸易腹地的直隶、山西、豫北及鲁西北等地的每一次大灾荒,都会不同程度地影响天津口岸贸易结构和趋势的变动,集中体现了区域社会对口岸贸易演变的影响。③

在近代“三农”问题研究中,关于地权问题有三篇文章值得注意。一是胡英泽对关中地区地权分配状况的研究,认为清代至民国年间的关中东部地册基本属于黄河滩地册,而滩地是独特类型的土地,地册的攒造、滩地制度等是生态环境、技术选择和社会控制形成的复杂网络;其主要表现是规则地块、长形地畛、地权平均、买卖率低,属于一种“非常态”地权。滩地地权有村庄公有和家户私有两种类型,前者地权平均、固化,后者地权不均。作者还以此对秦晖等在“关中模式”研究中资料运用的问题提出了商榷性意见。④二是赵冈和梁敬明利用浙江兰溪的清末鱼鳞图册样本,计算出该地区地权分配的吉尼系数,认为兰溪的数值与江苏、安徽地区的吉尼系数同样的低,这反映出江南省份的高人口密度,并与华北地区较高的吉尼系数形成鲜明对照,并进而指出:当人均耕地降到二亩左右时,农村地权分配的两极分化已基本没有空间。⑤三是郑起东研究了国民政府时期土地陈报问题,认为开展土地陈报的远因是要解决历史上遗留下来的田赋不均问题,近因是为了摆脱各省县的财政困境,抗战时期是为了实行田赋征实。但其结果,由于计划欠妥,豪绅反对,册书捣乱,政府执行不力,不仅未能达到初始目的,反而破坏了农村稳定,成为国民政府崩溃的一大潜因。⑥

①李东朗:《论一九三八年三月中共中央政治局会议》,《中共党史研究》2008年第4期。

②王列辉:《近代宁波港腹地的变迁》;庄维民:《贸易依存度与间接腹地:近代上海与华北腹地市场》,均载《中国经济史研究》2008年第1期。

③佳宏伟:《大灾荒与贸易(1867—1931)——以天津口岸为中心》,《近代史研究》2008年第4期。

④胡英泽:《流动的土地与固化的地权——清代至民国关中东部地册研究》,《近代史研究》2008年第3期。

⑤赵冈、梁敬明:《清末兰溪的地权分配》,《浙江学刊》2008年第1期。

⑥郑起东:《国民政府土地陈报研究》,《古今农业》2008年第1期。

关于农村金融问题,可注意两篇文章。刘克祥利用上百种地方志资料,考察了农村钱庄业的兴衰过程,认为农村钱庄最初发源于货币兑换,全面兴起于甲午战争后各地商品经济和商业流通不断发展之际;到1921—1931年达到高峰,但分布很不平衡,主要集中在商品交换和商业流通比较发达、商人队伍较为强大的地区;进入1930年代后,因受到银行业竞争、废两改元和法币改革的影响以及抗战爆发而全面衰落。①游海华考察了1934—1937年赣闽边区的农村合作运动,得出了不同于传统的结论,认为赣闽地方政府为缓解农村经济紧迫问题,指导农民普遍组建利用合作预备社,广泛开展信用放款,将政府的“扶农”资金迅速导向边区农村,使现代金融“下乡”和资本的有效运作有力地支持了当地农村经济的复苏。②

在企业发展及其环境研究方面,新的进展主要有如下表现:陈燕考察了中国航空公司的筹办和发展过程,认为由孙科牵头主持的这家公司,在成立到结束仅一年多时间里,理事长与美方股权均两易其主,政府内部权争不已,社会各界多予反对。究其原因,主要是缺乏完善的外资引进体制,存在着政府对中外合办领域实体状况不了解、引进外资与谈判过程中无法可依和执法不严、主事机构不统一、政企不分等问题。③葛涛研究了上海百代唱片公司的兴衰历程,指出:该公司创始于清末,从沿街摆摊起步,历经法商、英商之手,被锻造为中国规模最大的唱片企业。其所产唱片以量大、多样、流行、经典的特性而成为民国时代最负盛名的品牌,影响已远远超过唱片本身,涉及到社会、文化生活等多方面。④庄安正通过研究大生纱厂的“账略”,发现大生一厂在1900—1922年间、二厂在1907—1924年间承受的厘金税率平均在5%以下,低于严中平所确认的5%—20%。而且在清末民初之际呈现出较大幅度的降低态势,在1920年前后甚至很可能跌破了1%。其原因主要有二,一是企业坚持“土产土销”的营销方针,二是进行裁厘斗争并部分取得成功,具有一定的独特性。⑤

在财政金融问题研究中,学者们比较重视影响制度变迁的各种因素。刘增合的研究认为,清末新政时期,中央政府为了解决越来越沉重的财政压力,在各省自行整合的基础上开始对各省财政进行以裁局改制为主题的规范控制,使财政收支权开始集中于藩司,初步形成了省级财政机构,并影响到了民国初年的财政体制。与此同时,人们以域外新知反观国内税收旧制,认为惟一的出路是推行明确划分国家税与地方税的税制改革,并围绕国地两税的划分标准和地方税的分级问题,展开了热烈讨论。讨论中所涉及的对西方税制认知角度的差异、对本省利益的维护,以及中国旧制制约外来新制等问题,为学界检讨清季数年间制度与知识体系的变动机制,提供了一个极好的视角。⑥冯小红、张清芙的研究认为, 1928—1937年河北省县级税收征管中的经纪制改革,目的在于废除经纪制,使政府税收机构直接面对纳税人,以减少田赋征收中的税收流失,提高税收征管效益。但由于政府整合水平低下,税收平台散乱;改革方式过于简单,缺乏配套措施,导致改革失败。⑦

①刘克祥:《近代农村地区钱庄业的起源和兴衰——近代农村钱庄业探索之一》,《中国经济史研究》2008年第2期。

②游海华:《农村合作与金融“下乡”——1934—1937年闽赣边区农村经济复苏考察》,《近代史研究》2008年第1期。

③陈燕:《体制缺失与南京国民政府初期的中外合办企业——以中国航空公司为中心的考察》,《学术研究》2008年第4期。

④葛涛:《“百代”浮沉——近代上海百代唱片公司兴衰纪》,《史林》2008年第5期。

⑤庄安正:《对大生纱厂“账略”中“花纱厘捐”与其他数据的解析——兼及纱厂应对厘金压力的方略》,《中国经济史研究》2008年第3期。

⑥刘增合:《由脱序到整合:清末外省财政机构的变动》,《近代史研究》2008年第5期;《制度嫁接:西式税制与清季国地两税划分》,《中山大学学报》2008年第3期。

⑦冯小红、张清芙:《1928至1937年河北省县级税收征管中的经纪制改革述论——兼与杜赞奇先生商榷》,《中国社会经济史研究》2008年第1期。

在民国经济思想史研究方面,阎书钦撰写的一组论文,展现了抗战时期国统区知识分子对工业化问题的讨论。对于工业化的内涵,他们将抗战前理解的单纯的机械化推进到整体的经济层面,视之为一种包括工业、农业、矿业、交通和金融等各领域在内的整体经济变革。进而,又把工业化与社会改造联系起来,一方面分析工业化的社会影响,另一方面将工业化上升到一种新型文明的高度,标志着中国知识界对于工业化理论研究的全面深入。对于工业化的实现途径,他们讨论了国营和民营经济范围的划分以及如何提高国营经济效率的问题;面对中国建设资金的极度缺乏和工业的幼稚,还讨论了如何引进外资加快中国工业化建设和采取何种对外贸易政策的问题。①

近代博览会是近年来一个新兴的话题,本年度仍在进展之中。虞和平、洪振强考察了1928年由南京国民政府发起的中华国货展览会及其与商人的关系,认为这一展览会以追求发展为宗旨,以维护整个民族和国家的利益为根本目的;又与主张经济绝交的排外的抵货运动完全不同,有维护商民的整体和长远利益之意,其主张的改良国货、制造国货,也满足了普通市民的消费要求。因而,这次展览会较为容易地得到了政府、商人和市民的一致支持,体现出官、商、民进行合作的面相。②付海晏通过考察1935年无锡国货流动展览会,提出了另一种观点,指出国货展览会有廉价竞卖、倾销国货的一面,从而酿成国货运动中的国货展览会、国货厂商与地方各业的商业竞争,各地反对国货展览会和国货商场的风潮亦频频发生,可称之为“跑调”的国货展览会。③乔兆红研究了中国近代博览会事业中,政府的积极倡导与参与作用。④

八、近代社会史

在社会生活研究方面,对城市和农村均有涉及。何一民、庄灵君考察了近代城市大众文化的兴起,指出:大众文化是近代以来通俗文化、传播文化、消费文化、商业文化的复合体,是以大众传播工具为依托,以追求利润为目的的城市消费文化。大众文化的产生和发展,促使城市文化风格多样、雅俗共存,向一个更高的层次发展;同时也会受商业利润的驱使而失去应有的文学和审美价值。大众文化既继承和发展传统文化和民间文化,又融入西洋文化,在现代化和城市化的大熔炉中熔炼而成。⑤彭南生考察了20世纪二三十年代农民的文化生活,认为其形式包括三个部分,即日常性文化生活、节令性文化生活与应事性文化生活。不同的文化存在不仅取决于农民不同的精神需求,而且服从农业生产的季节性规律。农村文化的多种存在形态,对农民生活起着调节作用,反映了农民在农业生产之余的一种文化创造及其对社会秩序的构建与维系。⑥黄正林的研究指出:在抗战时期陕甘宁边区,尽管物质贫乏,但娱乐生活十分丰富,经常举办各种晚会、舞会和体育活动等。“小米加步枪”不仅体现了革命的特征,也体现了社会生活的特征,吃饭以小米为主,发放津贴、计算物价也以小米为主,小米起到一般等价物的作用。

①阎书钦:《从机械化到工业社会——20世纪三四十年代中国知识界对工业化内涵的阐释》,《河北学刊》2008年第1期;《抗战时期关于国、民营经济的论争》,《天津师范大学学报》2008年第2期;《外资外贸与中国工业化——抗战后期国统区知识界关于战后建设问题的讨论》,《近代史研究》2008年第3期。

②虞和平、洪振强:《商人与1928年中华国货展览会》,《华中师范大学学报》2008年第6期。

③付海晏:《“跑调”的国货展览会——1935年无锡国货流动展览会研究》,《近代史研究》2008年第4期。

④乔兆红:《中国近代博览会事业的政府行为》,《社会科学》2008年第2期。

⑤何一民、庄灵君:《城市化与大众化:近代中国城市大众文化的兴起》,《湘潭大学学报》2008年第1期。

⑥彭南生:《20世纪二三十年代中国农民的文化生活形态》,《华中师范大学学报》2008年第3期。

在穿衣方面,凡是部队、机关、学校,不论男女,都身着八路军制服,有十分明显的革命色彩和抗战特征。在娱乐方面,尤其是大众娱乐,政治意义和时代特征尤为明显,在“陕甘宁边区民众娱乐改进会”的带领下,将边区原来旧的民间娱乐形式,改造成为新的“抗战民族大众的”娱乐。①

在社会阶层研究方面,有两篇文章涉及了绅士阶层。王先明考察了清末民变与绅士阶层社会地位变化之间的关系,认为在清末民变中绅士已处于中心地位,这是由于“新政”给予士绅权力扩张的制度性、合法性基础,而权绅在资源的束聚过程中与民众利益形成直接的冲突,不断以“民变”的方式爆发。在推行新政的过程中,士绅被直接推向基层社会权力重构的中心,由此形成的绅、民利益及其关系的冲突和恶化,构成了民变大潮持续涌动的基本原因。总之,晚清新政构成绅权体制化扩展的制度性基础,而权绅的“体制化”构成了“民变”或“绅民冲突”的制度性根源。②对于乡居士绅向城镇流动的问题,通常认为,这是造成乡村社会正绅枯竭,劣绅当道的原因。吴强华通过考察一个家族的迁移史,认为士绅的地域流动是伴随士绅家族发展而共生的现象,无论是传统社会还是近世社会莫不皆然,只不过近代的城市化加快了这种过程而已。在地域流动的取向上,主要是由乡村流向城镇,非士绅迁居者更是如此,表明随着城镇规模的扩大,乡居人口向城镇的流动是全社会的流动。而且,在实际上士绅向城镇的流动,并没有削弱其在乡村的力量。③

社会群体与社会组织研究在本年仍是一个热点。高红霞对上海开埠后100年间福建移民群体发展轨迹、群体结构和特性作了分析探讨,认为上海闽商并未如苏、浙、粤等商人群体一样,随着上海近代化的进程步步崛起,而是呈现整体的退却和部分的活跃的态势。尽管如此,福建人在城市的商业运作和政治表达中仍表现出鲜明的群体特性,使其在上海城市演进中扮演了重要角色。至于上海闽商的整体退却,与它具有流动性的经营方式有着极大关联,鸦片战争后福建人口大规模向世界各地尤其向东南亚迁移,相对减少了对上海的迁移和投资。④朱英考察了南京国民政府建立后苏州商团的命运,指出: 1927年底江苏省政府提出将商团改编为保卫团,苏州商团一直进行抵制,请求国民政府颁布新的商团条例,并与江苏各地商团一起采取拖延改组或置之不理的策略。到1935年10月,在江苏省政府的严令之下,所有商团一律改编为地方武装,直接受县长及乡镇保甲长之节制指挥,完全失去商团作为商办独立武装团体的原有性质,不可能再发挥其原有的功能,苏州商团遂自行宣布解散。⑤魏文享、赵永利考察了抗战胜利后武汉的律师群体,指出:抗战胜利后,武昌、汉口两地的律师公会得以重建,并试图在维护律师群体的切身利益方面有所作为。但律师的表现良莠不齐,虽不乏维护正义的律师,而一些律师唯利是图、混淆黑白的行为,则严重损害了武汉律师的形象,故而律师群体社会威望不高。⑥李严成认为民国时期的律师公会,本应是民间社会代言人,对市民社会的发展起到重要作用。但民国政府一直致力于“自强”和“民族独立”两大目标的实现,其他政策都服从于这一前提,民间社会也对此认同。于是面对“国权”与“人权”的冲突抉择,以律师公会为代表的民间社会往往放弃对国家权力进行制衡的责任,从而使近代民间社会自身的发展逐渐萎缩。⑦

①黄正林:《抗日战争时期陕甘宁边区的社会生活》,《中共党史研究》2008年第6期。

②王先明:《士绅阶层与晚清民变——绅民冲突的历史趋向与时代成因》,《近代史研究》2008年第1期。

③吴强华:《近世江南乡居士绅的城乡流动——以分湖柳氏为例》,《史林》2008年第1期。

④高红霞:《近代上海福建人群体结构与特点》,《上海师范大学学报》2008年第4期;《近代上海闽商整体退却及其原因》,《史林》2008年第3期。

⑤朱英:《南京国民政府建立后苏州商团的改组与消亡》,《历史研究》2008年第5期。

⑥魏文享、赵永利:《抗战胜利后武汉律师群体的发展轨迹》,《甘肃社会科学》2008年第2期。

⑦李严成:《国家与社会视野下的民国律师公会》,《湖北大学学报》2008年第5期。

尹倩考察了民国时期的医师团体及其组织,指出:随着民国时期医师群体专业化进程的加快,医师团体蓬勃发展。林立的各类专业团体使民国医界呈现出繁复杂乱的态势,中西医分野愈加明显,中西医团日趋对峙,医团组织重迭,派别分化严重;学术团体与职业团体逐渐分立。医团之间的分化与融合是民国时期医师团体发展的主要特点,并对医师群体专业化进程产生深远影响。①杨品优考察了江西南康县宾兴会在晚清民国年间的兴废。指出:宾兴会是由士绅设立的资助士子参加科举考试的组织。清代咸同年间,受太平天国战争的影响,地方士绅积极组织团练,参与地方事务,宾兴会承担起了社会救济、社会福利等事务,成为一个准政府机构,表明清政府对基层社会控制权的逐渐下移。直到20世纪30年代,南康宾兴会才退出历史舞台。②洪煜考察了近代上海的报贩群体,包括报贩这一职业的形成、报贩群体的内部组织、生活状况及对城市市民文化发展的影响。③

对于宗教组织,杨天宏考察了中华基督教会全国总会的边疆研究,指出: 1939年底该会设立边疆服务部,发起了一场旨在推进中国西部少数民族地区社会经济和文化发展、支持国民政府抗战的“边疆服务”运动,为此动员教会内外一大批有影响的专家学者及边疆服务部同仁,深入川西北、西康及云南藏、羌、彝等少数民族地区,对当地的文化教育、生产生计、医疗卫生、信仰状况、社会习俗、民族关系及边政边务展开调查研究,推出了一批有价值的研究成果,不仅促进了“边疆研究”的复兴与发展,也推动了边疆服务运动中的各项社会事业,形成研究与服务的互动,具有学术与社会双重价值。④黄志繁、周伟华考察了民国初年基督教江西美以美会的传教活动,认为该会采取教、学、医三管齐下的传教举措,在客观上促进了江西教育、医疗事业的发展。⑤周秋光、曾桂林考察了近代西方教会在华慈善事业,认为自1835年美国公理会传教士伯驾为了传教而在广州创办近代中国第一所教会医院以来,到民国时,教会的医疗、育婴、赈济等多项慈善事业不仅遍及全国,而且宗教色彩逐渐淡化而趋向世俗化。⑥朱浒考察了光绪二年江南士绅的苏北赈灾行动,认为江南士绅这次行动的直接动机,既是应对外来难民潮的一种努力,也是江南地方性救荒传统的某种延伸。⑦此外,有少数文章考察了晚清时期防疫、避疫问题。⑧

九、近代思想文化史　

本年度近代思想文化史研究中的最大成就,是以耿云志为首的中国文化转型研究,除了他主编的《近代中国文化转型研究》(九卷本)由四川人民出版社出版之外,还发表了三篇文章,论述了三个问题。一是论述了社会转型中政治与文化的互动关系问题,认为在近代中国,每一次政治觉醒都在一定程度上带动了文化觉醒;文化上的觉醒,也总会促进政治变革。但由于近代政治觉醒的优先性,在一定程度上造成了思想文化领域中长期存在的泛政治化的倾向。

①尹倩:《分化和融合:论民国医师团体的发展特点》,《甘肃社会科学》2008年第2期。

②杨品优:《科举会社组织与社会权势的转移——以晚清至民国江西南康宾兴会为例的分析》,《中国社会经济史研究》2008年第1期。

③洪煜:《近代上海报贩职业群体研究》,《史学月刊》2008年第12期。

④杨天宏:《基督教与中国“边疆研究”的复兴——中华基督教会全国总会的边疆研究》,《四川大学学报》2008年第1期。

⑤黄志繁、周伟华:《近代基督教新教江西美以美会研究》,《南昌大学学报》2008年第4期。

⑥周秋光、曾桂林:《近代西方教会在华慈善事业述论》,《贵州师范大学学报》2008年第1期。

⑦朱浒:《丁戊奇荒对江南的冲击及地方社会之反应——兼论光绪二年江南士绅苏北赈灾行动的性质》,《社会科学研究》2008年第1期。

⑧余新忠:《从避疫到防疫:晚清因应疫病观念的演变》,《华东师范大学学报》2008年第2期;路彩霞:《年中度岁与晚清避疫——以光绪二十八年为主的考察》,《史林》2008年第5期。

二是分析了近代文化转型中存在的诸如中西文化与华夷之辨、古今文化不同际遇与民族命运、物质文明与精神文明关系、文化转型过程中的社会条件制约等问题,认为中国近代文化转型与整个国家的现代化是基本同步的过程,其中最基本的趋势是世界化与个性主义,也就是对外必须秉持开放的文化观念,对内必须坚持人的解放,最大限度地发挥人的主动的创造精神。三是考察了近代文化转型过程中保守主义的角色转换问题,认为保守主义在文化转型的各个时期都充当了传统的守护者,只是其所扮演的角色有所变换。在洋务运动时期,它几乎排斥一切西方文化,要保守住整个的中国传统不变。到了维新变法时期,“师夷长技”已不成问题,它乃要求中国传统政教制度不可变。到了反清革命高潮时期,否定传统政教制度又几乎不成问题,它乃呼吁要珍惜和保存含有民族精神意义的“国粹”。到了新文化运动时期,与民族精神生活密切关联的诸多领域都将受一番西方文化的洗礼,它乃提出真正值得保守和发扬的人类文化精神,无论中西都深藏在古代先哲们的遗产中,开始承认中西文化有同一性。①郑大华分析了晚清社会转型过程中嘉道经世思潮所发挥的重要影响,认为:在政治上,他们在鸦片战争前后既批判过封建专制制度,又介绍过民主政治制度,从而推动了前者向后者的转变;在经济上,他们在鸦片战争前即突破了传统的“农本商末”思想及“重农抑商”政策,此后不仅萌发了重商主义的意识,而且还提出了发展民族工矿业的主张,对后来的洋务运动产生过重要影响;在思想和学术上,他们主张学术经世,对中国思想和学术从传统向近代的转换起到了重要的桥梁作用。②

在近代中国社会主义思想研究方面,有两篇文章涉及。一是郑匡民考察了1906年革命党人在日本组织的社会主义讲习会,认为该会是张继等革命党人,在日本社会主义运动中势力最大的幸德秋水派的影响和支持下,在同盟会中另树一帜而成立的,并依据幸德秋水的“直接行动”理论与东京立宪党人的政闻社发生了激烈的冲突。然而没过多久,因明治政府镇压日本的社会主义运动,使之逐渐萧条,并随着日本政府封禁《衡报》、刘师培归国而收场。③二是郑大华分析了张君劢社会主义思想演变的三个时期:五四时期,受德国社会民主党人的影响,形成了民主社会主义的思想和主张; 1930年代初,在吸取俄国社会主义计划经济和欧美资本主义自由经济的经验教训的基础上,主张以国家社会主义为中国经济发展的道路,意在“将公私经济立于国家之下,以造成我国之集合的经济”;抗战胜利后,又回到五四时期所持的民主社会主义的立场,强调实行社会主义要顾及个人的基本自由,并认为社会主义与民主政治并不矛盾,完全可以在民主政治下,通过改良的方式,逐步走上社会主义,而不需像苏联那样通过暴力革命的方式。④

在五四新文化运动研究方面,有以下一些成果值得注意。耿云志论述了新文化运动对建立中国与世界文化关系的意义,认为只是在鸦片战争后,一种在总体上显示出优越性的外国文化才逐步展现在中国人面前。此后,经历许多尝试、挫折和反省,以追求建立中国与世界文化的密接关系为基本目标之一的开放的文化观念,在一部分先觉分子中逐渐形成,并在新文化运动中成熟起来、展现开来,而且成为新文化运动最重要的内在驱动力,⑤

①耿云志:《近代社会转型中政治与文化的互动》,《四川大学学报》2008年第1期;《近代中国的文化转型:问题与趋向》,《广东社会科学》2008年第3期;《从保守主义的角色演变看中国近代文化的发展进路》,《湖南大学学报》2008年第6期。

②郑大华:《嘉道经世思潮与晚清社会的近代转型》,《史学月刊》2008年第1期。

③郑匡民:《社会主义讲习会与日本思想的关系》,《社会科学研究》2008年第3期。

④郑大华:《张君劢的社会主义思想及其演变》,《浙江学刊》2008年第2期。

⑤耿云志:《新文化运动:建立中国与世界文化密接关系的努力》,《学术研究》2008年第2期。

郑师渠研究了中国人的现代性反省,包括四个方面:欧洲反省现代性思潮之东渐;拷问“合理的人生”与文化诉求;反省现代性视野下的中西文化关系;追求现代性与反省现代性——新文化运动的内在张力。作者认为,欧洲人的反省现代性,集中表现为非理性主义思潮的兴起,批判理性对人性的禁锢,转而强调人的情感、意志与信仰。长期以来,我国学界对反省现代性思潮在中国的反响鲜有关注,使我们对于包括新文化运动在内的20世纪初年中国社会文化思潮的理解与把握,就不可能是准确的。①许纪霖探讨了五四时期关于政治正当性的讨论,指出:从《甲寅》到《新青年》,五四思想家的思考重心逐渐从权力的制度性安排转移到政治背后的核心价值和伦理精神,由此提出了重建个人的命题;但对个人之间如何形成政治共同体,则从原先的“公理”观念转向以“公意”为核心的研究。从陈独秀到李大钊,“公意”逐步以良知论为基础,走向人民意志的自由选择。当各种意识形态所操控的“民意”冒充“公意”成为政治正当性基础的时候,便加剧了政治的动荡和无序。作者还另文分析了“五四”时期个人主义的起源问题,认为这个时期的个人主义资源最为丰富,是“个人的崛起”的时代。这样的个人主义传统,尽管与西方的“权利个人”大异其趣,但以其独特的方式,获得了另一种现代性。②

在中西文化互动关系研究方面,熊月之研究了晚清关于西方礼俗的论辩,指出:近代以降,关于西方礼俗的介绍、评论日渐增多,最为集中的是傅兰雅翻译的《西礼须知》、《戒礼须知》与刘式训译编的《泰西礼俗新编》。19世纪80年代以前,人们对西方礼俗有褒有贬,对西人守时、朴实等习俗比较赞赏,对妇女参加社交之礼俗颇有微词。甲午战争以后,对西方礼俗的正面评价多了起来。到20世纪初年,已有人认为西方礼俗发乎情,根乎性,敦厚淳朴,可与中国上古三代相媲美,中国应该努力取法。③李长莉考察了近代交通工具的进步对国人生活的影响,指出:人们的出行更加快捷、舒适、方便,对人们认识并接受近代工业科技起到了一定的启蒙和先导作用;人们的出行频率更高,社会流动增大,促进了公共活动,为近代公民社会提供了一定的条件;人们的出行方式商业化程度大增,因而也更趋于平等化、大众化,以往的等级色彩趋于淡化,促进了人们的平等意识;交通工具发展的不平衡,也拉大了城乡出行方式的差别,形成城乡新旧二元化的出行方式及城乡人眼界和观念的差别。④

在教育体制改革研究方面,民国时期“教授治校”的问题开始受到关注。左玉河的研究认为,中国在移植西方现代大学制度时,注意到“教授治校”的制度化设计,通过设立评议会及教授会体现“教授治校”的原则,并为学术自由与学术独立精神提供制度性保障。“教授治校”原则要求政府放弃对大学进行政治控制,但国民政府仍然以提高学术水平为借口,破坏“教授治校”原则,不断强化对高等教育的控制,使大学所追求的独立自由精神,与国民政府的党化教育方针及行政干涉政策之间,始终存在着巨大的张力。如何妥善处理两者之间的关系,成为影响中国现代大学发展的棘手问题。⑤徐秀丽的研究认为,在北大、清华两校校务管理中,教授的地位举足轻重,教授的治校,不仅限于学术性事务,而且包括几乎所有学校事务;不仅作为群体发挥作用,而且作为个体深度介入;不仅“参与”校务,而且“决定”校务,是一种比较完整意义上的教授治校制度。⑥

①郑师渠:《欧战前后国人的现代性反省》,《历史研究》2008年第1期。

②许纪霖:《国本、个人与公意——五四时期关于政治正当性的讨论》,《史林》2008年第1期;《个人主义的起源——“五四”时期的自我观研究》,《天津社会科学》2008年第6期。

③熊月之:《晚清中国关于西方礼俗的论辩》,《学术月刊》2008年第8期。

④李长莉:《近代交通进步的社会文化效应对国人生活的影响》,《学术研究》2008年第11期。

⑤左玉河:《坚守与维护:中国现代大学之“教授治校”原则》,《北京大学教育评论》2008年第2期。

⑥徐秀丽:《1940年代后期的国立高校治理》,《史学月刊》2008年第11期。

在近代新名词研究方面,近年来有不少成果问世,这里仍有几篇文章值得提及。冯天瑜在先行研究基础上,考察了黄遵宪、梁启超、严复、章太炎、孙中山等代表了清末民初先进的中国学人的封建观,认为他们重构再造之新名“封建”,其内涵为贵族政治、领主经济,外延指殷周制度,也涵盖欧洲中世纪、日本中世及近世的同类制度,成为一个世界性的历史形态的共名。这种封建观较好地实现了概念演化继承性与变异性的统一,又初步达成中国传统史学概念与西方史学概念的通约与整合。然而,他们未能全方位考察社会形态,故其“封建”观在理论上尚显单薄,不足以抗御后来兴起的强势的泛封建观的挑战,于20世纪30年代以降逐渐隐退于主流之外。①王宏斌考察了“政府”一词在近代的演变,认为光宣之际,政府才逐渐演变为现代的含义,但在当时仅仅是一个代名词,直到中华民国临时政府成立才正式转化为名词。正因“政府”一词经历了漫长而复杂的演变过程,在各个朝代所指代的机关有所不同,故在解读晚清档案时,应格外慎重。②刘集林考察了“留学”一词概念涵义的变化过程,认为它是晚清从日本输入的新名词。在洋务时期使用的主要是“出洋肄业”;戊戌以后官方逐渐使用“游学”一词,民间则受留日学界的影响,更多使用“留学”一词,尽管两者并用,但后者更受欢迎,影响及于官方。③

〔作者虞和平,中国社会科学院近代史研究所研究员。北京, 100006。yuhp@ cass.org.cn〕

 A Review of the Research on Modern Chinese History in 2008
Author: Yu Heping Source: Modern History Research, 2010, No. 1 Release Date: 2010-08-09 Font: Large Medium Small Print

The research on modern Chinese history in 2008 continued to develop along the footsteps of previous years. It is worth noting that the phenomenon of trivialization of research topics in recent years has not only been questioned in theory, but also in actual research, the degree of attention paid to macro issues and major issues has increased, and different views have been put forward on some traditional views that were previously more recognized.

1. Historiography Theory

How to treat Marxist historical materialism is the core issue in the research on historical theory in recent years. At the "Historical Materialism and Historical Evaluation" seminar held at Fudan University on October 9, 2007, some scholars proposed thoughts on how to evaluate history with historical materialism and make it conform to the logic of history itself. Feng Ziyi believes that from a broad perspective, there are two scales for historical evaluation: historical scale and value scale. The former focuses on the objective laws of social and historical development, and uses whether it is conducive to the development of social productivity and the improvement of social civilization as the evaluation standard, which belongs to the objective scale; the latter focuses on the significance of historical development to human existence and development, and uses certain moral standards and subjectivity principles as the evaluation standard, that is, the moral scale, which belongs to the subjective scale. These two scales are consistent in terms of the long process and general trend of historical development; in terms of specific stages and specific issues of historical development, there may be some inconsistency or even opposite; when the two conflict, historical evaluation is primary and value evaluation is secondary. Chen Xueming believes that when the materialist conception of history understands and views history, it fully pays attention to two links: the historicity of facts and the integrity of facts. Observing history in this way can help us think about whether mankind still needs ideals, that is, whether mankind needs to set a goal for their actions based on the overall historical facts. When facing history, the materialist conception of history links all past historical events with the overall history, and links everything currently shaped with the overall history, which fully demonstrates the practical significance of ideals and goals. ① At the 14th National Symposium on Historical Theory held at Xiamen University on October 29, 2007, Wu Ying gave a new interpretation of the basic concepts of historical materialism, arguing that the evolution of productivity and division of labor has led to changes in the overall production relations, and the contradictory movement between the social and economic structure and the superstructure determines the speed of this change, thereby promoting the evolution of human society from a low level to a high level. ②

*This article was collectively completed by the "Academic Dynamics of Modern Chinese History Research Project Group" of the Institute of Modern History of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Zhao Qingyun, Ren Zhiyong, Zhao Lidong, Rong Weimu, Huang Daoxuan, Chen Kaike, Wu Minchao, Min Jie, Song Guangbo, Zuo Yuhe and others provided the first draft, Bu Ping, Wang Jianlang, Xu Xiuli, and Yu Heping discussed it, and Yu Heping wrote the draft.

① Wang Guang: "Dialogue between Philosophy and Historiography - Comments on the National Academic Symposium on "Historical Materialism and Historical Evaluation", "Chinese Social Sciences" No. 1, 2008.

② Han Yu and Li Li: "Summary of the 14th National Symposium on Historical Theory", "Historical Theory Research", Issue 2, 2008.

Regarding the question of how the materialist conception of history develops, Wang He believes that, from a methodological point of view, the most essential aspect of the Marxist materialist conception of history is that it is a historical view that explains the process of human development in a realistic way. The most fundamental reason for the weakening of the influence of the materialist conception of history in China is that Chinese scholars who believe in the materialist conception of history have not done enough in terms of how to develop the materialist conception of history and make it keep pace with the times. Therefore, the only way to revive the materialist conception of history is to be down-to-earth and produce more convincing research results, rather than to engage in empty theoretical preaching. The materialist conception of history can never be revitalized mainly by "criticizing the influence of idealist conception of history". Taking "criticizing idealist conception of history" as a drastic measure to enhance the status of the materialist conception of history is only wishful thinking from a subjective point of view, and it is actually counterproductive from an objective point of view. ①

Zhang Haipeng has repeatedly expressed his views on the dispute over research models in the field of modern Chinese history. In 2008, he proposed that neither the so-called revolutionary view of history nor the modernization view of history is the correct view of history to guide historical research. According to the materialist view of history, anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism are the themes of modern Chinese history, and the old democratic revolution and the new democratic revolution are the real main lines. Although the modernization process is progressing slowly, it has never been in a dominant position. However, it is not a complete understanding to think that there are only revolutions and reforms in modern Chinese history. There is also the germination of the modernization process. The social and political theories of capitalism have been introduced, the proletarian party has been formed, and the growth of modernity advocated in the modernization theory and the peeling of traditional social factors are also happening. However, the modernization process has not become the mainstream of social development. ②

Regarding the trend of modern history research in recent years from macro and upper levels to micro and grassroots, Hu Cheng believes that this narrative shift is, to a certain extent, a product of the influence of Western postmodernism. It has challenged the modern historiography that emerged in the early 20th century and has produced some differences, but it is not incompatible. This narrative shift returns to the previous narrative principle of "seeing it in action", while not abandoning the borrowing and reference of theory, so as to enhance the historical insight and penetration of "seeing it in action"; while accommodating "social memory", "collective memory" and even "personal memory", it should be seen that professional and specialized "historical memory" has more objective components, more reflections, and a vision and mind that transcends time and region, and has its own irreplaceable value. However, it is also necessary to pay attention to the fragmentation of historical research, which may lead to a new round of emphasis on one and neglect of the other, and even new concealment and reduction. ③ Luo Zhitian also believes that moderate promotion of grassroots-oriented historiography can greatly broaden our horizons and make up for the shortcomings of previous research. However, if the correction is too extreme, the entire historical community will engage in grassroots research, which is not the right way. The "China-centered" research orientation of the Western academic community has its specific relevance and connotation. Chinese scholars should not follow suit and fall into a misunderstanding. In the various changes in modern China, foreign influences can be seen everywhere. If the foreign "impact" is downplayed, what may be presented is an illusory and distorted "modern China". Therefore, when studying modern Chinese history, Chinese scholars must also refer to the history of the West, Japan and various colonies since the 19th century. Only in this way can we truly understand the many unprecedented changes in modern China. ④ Sang Bing discussed this issue from the perspective of the use of historical materials. He believed that modern historical materials are vast and easy to obtain but difficult to obtain in full, and even difficult to grasp the margins. Therefore, many scholars have focused on narrowing the scope of research and conducting extremely small special research, resulting in the increasingly fragmented historical research that is originally comprehensive. In order to solve this problem, the only way is for all sectors to cooperate and publish various types of documents on a large scale, so that researchers from different regions and situations are on the basis of roughly equal data conditions, thereby improving and enhancing the pattern and level of modern history research. ⑤ Regarding the study of modern Chinese urban cultural history, Ma Min believes that in order to enhance the vitality of urban cultural history research, it is first necessary to broaden the research perspective, reform the research methods and narrative methods, and pay attention to the details and subtleties in urban cultural history that are often overlooked. We can try to introduce the concept of "feeling history" into the study of urban cultural history. Following this idea, the history of parades and exhibitions since modern times is worth studying. ⑥ ① Wang He: “On the Law of History Again – On the Development of Historical Materialism”, Journal of Tsinghua University, No. 1, 2008; “Some Thoughts on the Development of Historical Materialism”, Beijing Daily, April 28, 2008; “Seeking Truth from Facts is the Basic Principle of Historical Materialism – A Discussion Centered on the “Five Social Forms Theory””, Historical Monthly, No. 11, 2008. ② Zhang Haipeng: “Discussion on Several Issues in Modern Chinese History in Recent Years”, Guide to Ideological and Theoretical Education, No. 6, 2008. ③ Hu Cheng: “Narrative Turn and Integration between the Old and the New – A Problem Faced by the Study of Modern Chinese History in the New Century”, Modern History Research, No. 1, 2008. ④ Luo Zhitian: “Changes and Invariances in the Study of Modern Chinese History in the Past Thirty Years – Some Unsystematic Reflections”, Social Science Research, No. 6, 2008. ⑤ Sang Bing: "The Margin of Historical Materials in Late History and the Integrity of Historiography - On the Editing and Publishing of Related Historical Materials", Historical Research, No. 4, 2008. ⑥ Ma Min: "Making the Study of Urban Cultural History More Vigorous", Historical Monthly, No. 5, 2008.

2. Political History of the Late Qing Dynasty

In the study of the Opium War, Wang Kaixi examined Qiying's behavior and subsequent reflections during the Sino-British negotiations during the First Opium War, and believed that he was a feudal official during the transition period from traditional to modern Chinese diplomacy. Whether it was his thoughts on foreign affairs or his practice of handling foreign affairs, there were obvious ignorant elements and old traces. Therefore, we can neither forgive his mistakes nor demand him by modern standards. ① Guo Tiezhuang made a preliminary study of the British invasion and harassment of the Dalian area during the two Opium Wars, and believed that its purpose was to solve a series of pre-war preparations such as the supply, assembly, and repair of the British army, while the Qing government basically adopted a policy of compromise and restraint. ②

In the study of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, the focus has long been on military and political figures. Zhu Congbing and Zhang Lei, using Zeng Shuiyuan, a clerk who served as the prime minister of the Heavenly Officials, as a clue, examined the fate of the knowledgeable clerks in the Taiping Army. The author believes that these clerks were once reused because of their close relationship with the kings in their work; and they were involved in the political struggle of the high-level leaders of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom and were on the road to elimination. Through their fate, we can clearly see the complexity of the power struggle between the early leaders of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom under the control of the imperial power ideology, and we can deeply understand the historical inevitability of the failure of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom uprising. ③

Regarding the Xiaodaohui uprising during the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom period, Wu Shanzhong and Han Rongjun re-discussed Zhu Congbing's "A Study on the Time of Liu Lichuan's Memorial to Hong Xiuquan" published in 2005, and believed that Zhu's speculation that Wu Jianzhang "selected different release strategies for different targets and deliberately concealed the original" caused "differences in the content of the versions" lacked factual basis, and believed that Liu Lichuan did not specify the time in the memorial because he did not know the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom calendar. ④ Zhu Congbing wrote another article about the Xiaodaohui this year, believing that Liu Lichuan "had the habits of vagrants and merchants, and it was his nature to seek profit and avoid harm, and he did not have the ambition to establish his own reputation." After the initial victory, he did not have enough courage and ability to lead the overall situation, wavered, and fantasized about finding a way out through the mediation of the great powers and the peace talks with the Qing army. ⑤

Regarding the question of whether the Taiping Rebellion used "cults", Chen Yunqian used her own definition of "cults" to refute the relevant discussions, arguing that the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom God Religion did not have the essence and characteristics of cults. However, Shi Shi admitted that the early Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, like many peasant uprisings, used cults to start the uprising, but the two cannot be equated. The Taiping Heavenly Kingdom should be called "an aborted revolution, a failed uprising, a cult group that should not have continued for a long time but sadly continued until its demise"⑥.

In the study of the Reform Movement of 1898, since 2008 was the 110th anniversary of the Reform Movement of 1898, many articles were published, especially textual research articles. Kong Xiangji and Murata Yujiro used the materials stored in Japan to conduct another verification of the "Gumou Zhiji". They believed that although this material was personally reviewed by Bi Yongnian, it was not written by him, and there was also a diplomatic motive behind it from the consul in China, Odakiri, to befriend the Qing government and Zhang Zhidong and expel Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao. Therefore, Bi Yongnian's position is not objective, and it should be carefully examined when using it, and "cannot be regarded as authentic history"⑦. Kong Xiangji also published another article to prove the seven important proposals drafted by Kang Youwei on behalf of the censors Wang Pengyun, Yang Shenxiu, Chen Qizhang and others, and believed that Kang Youwei's large-scale drafting of memorials for others to express his political views was a "great invention".

① Wang Kaixi: "A Brief Discussion on Qiying's Thoughts and Practices on Subduing Foreigners during the First Opium War", "Social Science Collection", No. 1, 2008.

② Guo Tiezhuang: "British Army's Invasion and Harassment of Dalian during the Two Opium Wars", "Journal of Liaoning Normal University", Vol. 31 (2008), No. 2.

③ Zhu Congbing and Zhang Lei: "The Fate of High-level Clerical Staff in the Early Taiping Heavenly Kingdom", "Historical Monthly", No. 8, 2008.

④Wu Shanzhong and Han Rongjun: "A Study of Liu Lichuan's Memorial to the Heavenly King", Journal of Yangzhou University, Vol. 12 (2008), No. 3.

⑤Zhu Congbing: "A Real Liu Lichuan", Journal of Yulin Normal College, Vol. 29 (2008), No. 6.

⑥Chen Yunqian: "Is the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom's God Worship a Cult?", Journal of Guangxi Normal University, Vol. 38 (2008), No. 1; Shi Shi: "Restoring the Original Face of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom", Wenshi Tiandi, No. 1, 2008.

⑦Kong Xiangji and Murata Yujiro: "An Investigation of Doubts about Bi Yongnian's "Gumou Zhiji" - Also on the Relationship between Odagiri and Zhang Zhidong and His Motives for Presenting "Gumou Zhiji", Guangdong Social Sciences, No. 2, 2008.

Sorting out these memorials drafted by Kang can also help understand his ideological changes and actual activities from the Sino-Japanese War to the beginning of the Reform Movement of 1898. ① Mao Haijian, through the examination of Zhang Yuanji's memoirs, determined that its accuracy was not as good as the two letters to friends at that time, and believed that there was a contradiction in the Qing government at that time between Emperor Guangxu's reform intentions and the procrastination and even secret confrontation of the entire political elite. ② Xie Junmei, through textual research, believed that Weng Tonghe was dismissed by Empress Dowager Cixi, not Emperor Guangxu, and the reason behind it was related to his arousing Cixi's hatred and Ronglu and Gangyi's manipulation. ③

Regarding the conflict between the old and the new before and after the Reform Movement of 1898, Jiang Zhongxiao chose Hunan, which was considered to have the most intense conflict between the old and the new, as an example. Through the examination of the so-called conservatives, he proposed that the so-called conservatives we are now should be divided into two types. People like Wang Xianqian are actually gradual reformers who agree to introduce Western learning, and the only ones who are really stubbornly opposed to everything Western are a few "real conservatives" such as Tan Zhonglin. Wang Xianqian and others were not against the introduction of Western learning, but were disgusted with Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao. There were not many people who really opposed Western learning. The author believes that in addition to the "true conservatives", there were indeed radical reformers and gradual reformers within the bureaucrats who were inclined to reform, and the failure of the Reform Movement of 1898 had a lot to do with the contradictions, conflicts and internal frictions within the reformists. ④

In terms of the relationship between Japan and the reformists, Wang Mingwei noticed Lu Jienan, a Japanese who advocated national essence and advocated the establishment of "Asianism with the Sino-Japanese alliance as the core", who had not been mentioned before. The article sorted out the thoughts, behaviors and interactions between Lu Jienan and Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao, and revealed to the academic community why Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao agreed to the Sino-Japanese alliance during the Reform Movement of 1898. ⑤

In the study of the New Deal in the late Qing Dynasty, the issue of government agency reform was more involved. French scholar Luga Gabbiani, through examining the institutional design of the Ministry of Civil Affairs in 1906, the feud between low-level personnel in 1910, and the internal examinations throughout the country, believes that the official system reform changed the embarrassing position of clerks, while the bureaucratic career still has a strong appeal, and ultimately it is the expansion of state organs and administrative positions. ⑥ Wang Kui analyzed the process of the transformation of the Ministry of Commerce into the Ministry of Agriculture, Industry and Commerce, and believed that although there were advantages such as institutional specialization and modern management, there were also officials who were believed there were issues such as size of expansion, decline in status and financial difficulties. ⑦ Xu Baoan inspected the Keliguan and Fazhengxuetang official disciplines and believed that such institutions had been greatly developed and had made great progress in curriculum design, learning assessment and other aspects. However, due to excessive pursuit of success, neglect of incumbent officials, especially governors and related officials, and its own feudal rule, the purpose of "opening officials' wisdom" failed to achieve satisfactory results. ⑧

For the study of the preparatory constitution, Peng Jian interpreted the nine-year list of the Qing government's constitution and believed that there were misunderstandings in the traditional understanding. This list did not give the exact number of years for the opening of the National Assembly. ⑨ Then Yu Yuanqi and Hou Yijie wrote articles respectively, refuting Peng Jian's conclusions from the interpretation of words and citations of side materials. ○10

① Kong Xiangji: "A Study on Kang Youwei's Reform Articles after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895", "Fujian Forum" No. 5, 2008.

② Mao Haijian: "Emperor Guangxu summoned Zhang Yuanji during the Reform Movement of 1898", "Social Science Research" No. 5, 2008.

③Xie Junmei: "Research on the Reasons for Weng Tonghe's Dismissal", "Jianghai Journal", No. 3, 2008.

④Jiang Zhongxiao: "Analysis of the Conflict between the Old and the New in Hunan during the Reform Movement of 1898", "Guangdong Social Sciences", No. 3, 2008.

⑤Wang Mingwei: "Lu Jienan and the Reform Movement of 1898", "Journal of Historical Studies", No. 3, 2008.

⑥Lu Kang (Luga Gabbiani): ""Compensation for Rogues": New Deal Reform and the Transformation of the Status of Central Low-level Administrative Personnel", "Qing History Research", No. 4, 2008.

⑦Wang Kui: "Progress and Paradox in Institutional Reform in the Late Qing Dynasty: Taking the Ministry of Commerce as an Example", "Quest", No. 10, 2008.

⑧Xu Baoan: "On the Education of Local Officials in the Late Qing Dynasty - Focusing on the Keliguan and Fazheng School", "Modern History Research", No. 1, 2008.

⑨ Peng Jian: "The Nine-Year List of the Qing Dynasty's Preparatory Constitution Did Not Announce the Year for the National Assembly", Modern History Research, 2008, No. 3.

10 Yu Yuanqi: "Did the Nine-Year List of the Qing Dynasty's Preparatory Constitution Not Announce the Year for the National Assembly? - Discussion with Dr. Peng Jian"; Hou Yijie: "The Qing Court Announced the Year for the National Assembly", Modern History Research, 2008, No. 6.

3. Political History of the Republic of China

The issue of the relationship between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party in the late period of the War of Resistance Against Japan is still valued by researchers. Deng Ye wrote that after the Southern Anhui Incident, four opinions emerged within the Kuomintang: to organize a new fourth army, to cancel the number of the new fourth army, to break up with the Communist Party, and to ease the contradiction between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. Chiang Kai-shek adopted the opinion of canceling the number of the new fourth army. While the Kuomintang and the Communist Party were in sharp opposition, they both set their own restrictions to avoid a complete rupture and to prevent the New Fourth Army from involving the Eighth Route Army. After the situation was under control, the KMT and the CPC used the Second Political Consultative Conference as a bargaining chip to compete over the conditions for the political settlement of the Southern Anhui Incident. The third party took the opportunity of mediating the KMT-CPC dispute and put forward its own independent conditions. Chiang Kai-shek used the leverage of practical interests to meet the conditions of the third party and thus attracted it. As a result, the CPC exposed the political nature of the Southern Anhui Incident by refusing to attend the Political Consultative Conference, while Chiang attracted the third party to make the Political Consultative Conference veto the CPC's conditions, and both sides won and lost. The relationship between the two parties turned into a "drag" situation. ① Regarding Chiang Kai-shek's book "The Destiny of China" published in 1943, Deng Ye pointed out in another article that from the political background, Chiang published this book at this time to use the KMT to formally complete the political propaganda of China's abolition of its semi-colonial status. The core of this is to transform a national equality issue between China and Britain and the United States into a political choice issue between the KMT and the CPC. Around the proposition of "The Destiny of China", China has two exclusive choices, namely "There is no China without the KMT" and "There is no China without the Communist Party". However, this exclusive choice was put forward within the framework of the KMT-CPC cooperation, which means that while the KMT and the CPC continued to maintain the anti-Japanese national united front, they further clarified their class relations. In this sense, the so-called "China's destiny" is actually the destiny of the KMT-CPC cooperation. The publication of this book and its political consequences are concentrated on such a problem: it completed the theoretical burial of the political future of the KMT-CPC cooperation by writing a book. ②

Wang Chaoguang has two articles to explore the KMT's post-war ruling crisis and its final retreat. First, through the study of the Second Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the KMT, it pointed out that at this meeting held in March 1946, there was a fierce discussion and dispute within the KMT on the issue of "bureaucratic capital" criticized by all sectors of society, which showed the KMT's deep concern about its ruling crisis. However, the KMT's ruling inertia and inertia of talking more than doing made it unable to solve this problem, which became an important factor affecting its ruling stability, and thus demonstrated the relationship between corruption and politics. Secondly, through the study of the Third Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee of the Kuomintang in 1947, the paper explores the Kuomintang's response strategies in the face of a serious ruling crisis. It points out that there were fierce debates within the Kuomintang during the meeting, and its various internal and external policies and decision-making systems were sharply criticized by many participants. However, due to the Kuomintang's monopoly of ruling power for many years, it has lost its innovative spirit. In addition, Chiang Kai-shek used his arbitrary power within the Kuomintang to roughly control the overall process and decision-making of the Third Plenary Session of the Sixth Central Committee. The meeting failed to fundamentally solve the various problems faced by the Kuomintang. ③

The factional struggles and personnel disputes within the Kuomintang have been a hot topic for researchers in recent years. Taking Wang Jingwei as a clue, Jin Yilin examined the dramatic changes in the relationship between Wang Jingwei and Chiang Kai-shek, Hu Hanmin and others during the Ning-Yue confrontation between the Kuomintang in the early 1930s. He believes that it is not difficult to find from these changes of Wang Jingwei that the real reason for the factional struggles in the Kuomintang is not the different political attitudes among the leaders within the party. Whether it is Wang Jingwei, or the Kuomintang factions such as Chiang Kai-shek and Hu Hanmin, the focus of the political struggle between each other is more focused on the power struggle of the party. ④ Sang Bing, through studying the Yi Chang incident at Sun Yat-sen University in 1948, pointed out that during the Anti-Japanese War, the Kuomintang used universities too much as political territory or sphere of influence, which was in sharp conflict with the independence that universities should have. As a result, the reputation of the Kuomintang and the National Government in the intellectual community deteriorated, and the influence of the university made it expand rapidly. At the same time, the factional conflicts within the Kuomintang in the university caused the image of the Kuomintang to be privatized. On the one hand, it made the teachers and students in the school increasingly alienated from the Kuomintang, and on the other hand, it aroused a chain reaction in the society, which became an important reason for the Kuomintang to lose the university and even the entire regime. ⑤

① Deng Ye: "The Political Contest between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party after the Southern Anhui Incident", "Modern History Research" 2008 No. 5.

② Deng Ye: "Chiang Kai-shek's Proposition on "China's Destiny" and the Two Slogans of the Kuomintang and the Communist Party", "Historical Research" 2008 No. 4.

③Wang Chaoguang: "The Debate on "Bureaucratic Capital" and the KMT's Governance Crisis - Re-study of the Second Plenary Session of the Sixth National Congress of the KMT (Part 3), Archives of the Republic of China, No. 1, 2008; "Responses in Crisis - Study of the Third Plenary Session of the Sixth National Congress of the KMT", Historical Research, No. 3, 2008.

④Jin Yilin: "Wang Jingwei and the KMT's Factional Dispute - An Investigation Centered on the Ning-Yue Confrontation", Chinese Social Sciences, No. 3, 2008.

⑤Sang Bing: "The 1948 Sun Yat-sen University Yi Chang Incident and the KMT's Factional Dispute", Academic Research, No. 1, 2008.

Zhang Hao, by examining the Constitution of the Republic of China promulgated by the National Government in 1947, pointed out that the promulgation of this constitution was the result of the evolution of the power struggle within the Chiang Kai-shek group. The CC faction within the Kuomintang challenged Chiang Kai-shek's authority with the Legislative Yuan as its base. On the surface, the first constitutional Legislative Yuan was "almost entirely Kuomintang forces", but in fact, among the 773 legislators, about one-third of the legislators were under the control of the CC faction. ①

Regarding the issue of the political system of the Republic of China, in recent years, more attention has been paid to the power and power behind the system, and this year has been further deepened. Lu Weidong explored the number of participants, admission ratio, distribution and appointment of the civil service examination during the Beiyang period, pointing out the serious deviation between the design and actual operation of the civil service examination system during the Beiyang government period. People who passed the examination were not used, and officials were often appointed through non-institutionalized personal relationships such as geographical, academic, and blood relations. ② Wang Qisheng, through his investigation of the Central Political Conference of the Kuomintang (abbreviated as "Central Political Conference") from 1924 to 1927, pointed out that in the short period of two or three years, the name, nature, personnel, organization and functions of the Central Political Conference were constantly changing. In fact, it had become the focus of contradictions in the competition among the party elites and the struggle between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party. It was also a microcosm of the drastic changes in the revolutionary regime in the south before and after the Northern Expedition. Although its operations were carried out under the banner and name of the party constitution, party discipline, party power, party governance, and party unification, in fact, everything was based on strength competition and power and intrigue. The author also pointed out that from these changes in the Central Political Conference, it is not difficult to see the transformation from traditional "imperial rule" to modern "party rule". What changed was more of an external form, while what remained unchanged may have continued in China's deep political culture for thousands of years. ③ Chen Ruiyun examined the status of the Central Political Conference in the KMT central system before 1949, and believed that the Central Political Conference has always been an important political institution established under the KMT Central Executive Committee. Even if its status reached the highest guiding body of political training and the highest political guiding body, it should still be responsible to the Central Executive Committee. During the recess of the Central Executive Committee, it should be responsible to the Central Standing Committee, not the highest power body of the KMT or the highest party and government body. ④ Jiang Pei examined the political system of the KMT army from 1924 to 1928, and pointed out that the political work system implemented by the National Revolutionary Army in the early days was modeled after the Soviet Red Army, which was a concrete manifestation of the KMT's concept of "ruling the army with the party". With the suspicion between the KMT and the CPC, the political work system of the National Revolutionary Army underwent major changes due to the "purge" movement. The party representative system was abolished, the status of the political training department declined, and the military party department was even more in name only. The concept and system of "the party is above the army" evolved into "ruling the party with the army" in actual operation. ⑤

There are several articles worth paying attention to in the study of local government and grassroots political power. Yan Haijian examined the differences between the central and non-central factions in the Beiping authorities in handling the student movement from 1946 to 1948, and pointed out that behind this difference were the different motivations, resources and reliance of the central and local governments. The result was often that the central government suffered serious political disasters, while non-central factions such as Li Zongren and Fu Zuoyi gained corresponding power capital by handling the student movement. ⑥Huang Tianhua focused on the battle between the Sichuan warlords Liu Xiang and Liu Wenhui that broke out in 1932, and examined the entanglement and interaction of the Kuomintang, the Communist Party and local warlords during the war. He believed that the "national unification" movement led by the Nanjing National Government was not only resisted by localism, but also strongly challenged by the Communist Party of China. Especially when local political struggles and the development of the Soviet base areas occurred simultaneously, the Nanjing government had to stand at the height of the "central government" and try its best to coordinate the various local factions to compete with the Communist Party of China. Otherwise, the local forces' maneuvers and the change of public opinion would lead to the fate of being "revolutionized" again. ⑦

① Zhang Hao: "The Power Struggle between Chiang Kai-shek and the CC Faction under the Constitution of the Republic of China", "Historical Archives", Issue 2, 2008.

② Lu Weidong: "The Divergence between Institutional Design and Practice - A Preliminary Study on the Civil Service Examination during the Beiyang Government Period", "Anhui Historiography", Issue 1, 2008.

③ Wang Qisheng: "The Central Political Council and the Rotation of the Supreme Power of the Kuomintang (1924-1927)", "Historical Research", Issue 3, 2008.

④ Chen Ruiyun: "On the Status of the Central Political Council in the Central System of the Kuomintang", "Historical Monthly", Issue 4, 2008.

⑤ Jiang Pei: "The Evolution of the Political System of the Early Military of the Kuomintang, 1924-1928", "Anhui Historiography", Issue 4, 2008.

⑥ Yan Haijian: "The Peking Student Movement from 1946 to 1948: Differences between the National Government's Central and Local Handling", Archives of the Republic of China, No. 1, 2008.

⑦ Huang Tianhua: "National Unity and Local Political Struggle: Focusing on the "Two Lius' War" in Sichuan", Journal of Sichuan Normal University, No. 4, 2008.

Wang Xianming, with the two lakes as the center, examined the historical process of the 20th century China's township system from self-government to replace the baojia system and promoting self-government by reviving the baojia system. He believes that the "revival" of the baojia system concentratedly expressed the National Government's attempt to directly introduce the administrative system into the village through the baojia system, making the village the most basic administrative unit, but its effectiveness in controlling rural society was not as expected. The variability and repetitiveness of the modern rural system are the result of the historical practice of different power subjects constantly seeking the most suitable for their own needs under the dual influence of China's traditional institutional cultural resources and Western modern institutional cultural resources; at the same time, it also reveals that the essence of the construction of the power mechanism lies in the appropriate division and normative definition of the interests of the power subjects, rather than simply relying on the system. ① Wei Benquan, Chen Yiyuan and Yang Huanpeng took North China, Liling County, Hunan and Zhejiang Province as examples to examine the district and township regimes established by the Kuomintang regime to strengthen rural control, pointing out that this district and township institution between the county and the village is alienated from the rural social structure, and the system is out of touch with practice. ② Cao Tianzhong examined the evolution of the integration of politics and religion in the new county system of the Republic of China, pointing out that the focus is on the personnel conflict between the township head as the main body and the principal as a part-time job, or the principal as the main body and the township head as a part-time job. This is subjectively related to the game of interests between the political and religious circles, including the CC faction that controls the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of the Interior, and the New Deal School. Objectively, it is constrained by the economic level and the contradiction between social integration and division of labor. It is not appropriate to simply deny it by strengthening ideological control. ③

IV. History of the Anti-Japanese War

In the study of Japan's invasion of China, the implementation and promotion of Japan's invasion policy is generally studied from the perspective of the cabinet, government, and military, while the following two articles adopt another perspective. First, Qi Qizhang pointed out that the Asian revitalization trend includes religious enlightenment, cultural revival, autonomous alliance, continental policy, and vertical and horizontal alliances in the previous studies that affirmed the view that Japan had early Asian revitalization. Although there are many revolutionary factions such as Miyazaki Toranosaki, the continental policy faction and the vertical and horizontal alliance faction played a leading role and had a major impact on Sino-Japanese relations. Their view is not to establish mutual benefit among Asian countries, but to pursue the interests of Japanese imperialism nakedly. As for the Asia Development Association, which vigorously promoted the Asia Development Movement, it was not a "civilian organization" or a "civilian friendly organization towards China" as some people said, but an intelligence agency directly controlled and led by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan and operated by the military. Second, Shi Guifang and Wang Ke analyzed the attitude of Japanese intellectuals towards the war and its relationship with the Japanese government's aggressive policy. They believed that from the "September 18th Incident" to the end of the war, Japanese intellectuals generally paid close attention to the domestic and international situation, took the initiative to discuss national countermeasures, and served as advisers to the government. For example, the Showa Research Society tried to exert influence on the Japanese government and played an important role in the formation of the Konoe Cabinet, the Japanese government's policy towards China, and the implementation of a new domestic system. Although there were indeed left-wing people who participated in it and criticized Japan's policy of armed conquest, under the circumstances at the time, their understanding of the war could not be as profound as that of the Chinese. Their relationship with the Showa Research Society is relatively complicated and still needs further research. ④

There are two articles worth noting about Japan's specific aggressive expansion policy. First, in response to previous studies on the reasons for Japan's launching of the Pacific War, most of them focused on the direct contradictions between Japan and the United States and Japan's established policies. From the perspective of the policy, Lu Xijun further verified the intrinsic connection between the China issue and Japan's launching of the Pacific War by consulting a large number of original Japanese archives. ⑤Second, Zang Yunhu examined Japan's response to the Xi'an Incident and the changes in its policy of aggression against China. The author believes that during the incident, Japan initially adopted the policy of "continuation and promotion" and attempted to take the opportunity to continue to implement its previous policy toward China; after clarifying the situation of the incident, it was forced to adopt a wait-and-see attitude, but resolutely intervened in China's "tolerance of communism" issue; the peaceful resolution of the incident forced the Japanese government to re-recognize China, and Japan's political situation also experienced great turmoil, and revised its policy of aggression against China, and finally embarked on a full-scale invasion of China after the July 7 Incident. ⑥

①Wang Xianming: "From Autonomy to Baojia: The Historical Return Issue in the Reconstruction of the Township System-Based on the Rural Society of Hunan and Hubei in the 1930s and 1940s", "Historical Monthly" No. 2, 2008.

② Wei Benquan: "The Disjunction between Grassroots Political System and Rural Social Structure: Focusing on the Changes of the District System in North China in Modern Times", "Chinese Agricultural History", No. 2, 2008; Yang Huanpeng: "On the Grassroots Township Civil Service System in the Republic of China Period - Focusing on the Hangzhou-Jiaxing-Huzhou Region", "Nanjing Social Sciences", No. 5, 2008; Chen Yiyuan: "The Construction of Grassroots Political Power of the Kuomintang in Rural Areas during the Republic of China Period: The Disconnection between System and Practice - Focusing on Liling County, Hunan", "Chinese Agricultural History", No. 1, 2008.

③ Cao Tianzhong: "The Evolution and Background of the "Integration of Politics and Religion" in the New County System", "Modern History Research", No. 4, 2008.

④ Qi Qizhang: "The Trend of Asianism and the Asian Development Association in Modern Japan"; Shi Guifang and Wang Ke: "On Japanese Intellectuals in the War from the Perspective of the Showa Research Society", both published in "Research on the Anti-Japanese War", No. 2, 2008.

⑤ Lu Xijun: "The China Issue and Japan's Decision to Start a War in 1941 - Reconfirmation Based on Japanese Archives", Modern History Research, No. 3, 2008.

⑥ Zang Yunhu: "The Xi'an Incident and Japan's Policy Towards China", Modern History Research, No. 2, 2008.

In the study of China's War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the research on wartime manpower mobilization, military service system and preferential treatment for soldiers is worth noting. Jiang Hongying examined how the wartime National Government balanced the country's human resources in the process of formulating military service implementation policies, ensuring military logistics and building rear-area industries, involving the control of general manpower, technical staff and wages, as well as national compulsory labor. These measures "provided a human resource policy guarantee for persisting in the protracted war of resistance and finally winning the victory of the war of resistance. However, as time went by and the objective situation changed, its effect became worse and worse, and ultimately fell far short of the expectations of the National Government." Zhang Yanping examined the formulation and implementation of the National Government's military service policy during the war, pointing out that the National Government adopted two methods: recruiting volunteers and conscripting conscripts. Especially in the middle and late stages of the war of resistance, the conscripted military service system was mainly adopted. Although this military service system has achieved certain results, it has also had many serious drawbacks. Mo Zigang examined the implementation of the military service system in Guizhou, and explained the advantages and disadvantages of the implementation of the National Government's military service system during the war with relatively specific case examples. ① Li Xiang examined the historical process of the establishment and operation of the National Government's wartime pension agency, and believed that government pensions inspired the fighting spirit of officers, soldiers and the public, and also changed the concept of pensions, which led to the development of active pension business and made certain contributions to the persistence and victory of the war of resistance. However, in the late stage of the war of resistance, the bad signs of pension operation began to appear, indicating that there were serious problems in the operation of the National Government's regime. ②Su Zhigang examined the preferential treatment of soldiers in Shaanxi, Gansu and Ningxia, involving the formulation and evolution of the border government's policy on the resettlement of anti-Japanese soldiers and the specific process of policy implementation. ③

In terms of wartime social research, there are three articles worthy of attention. First, Zhang Tongle, with the locust plague in North China in 1940 as the background, narrated and compared the corresponding locust plague in the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan and Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei anti-Japanese bases and the occupied areas. He believed that the differences in locust control and social mobilization methods in different regime-controlled areas led to different effects; the management conditions of different governments in the monitoring and control of locust plagues reflected the people's support and the rise and fall of regimes in a certain sense. The large-scale mass locust control movement in the anti-Japanese bases indicated that China's disaster relief system was transforming from traditional to modern. Second, while Hu Huifang examined the disaster relief measures in the anti-Japanese bases, she also examined long-term disaster relief methods such as water conservancy construction and afforestation. ④Third, Li Zaiquan and You Haihua investigated the rural construction activities carried out by the Peace Church in Hunan, Sichuan and other places during the Anti-Japanese War, and examined how these activities interacted and influenced local society, economy, culture and politics, and explored the interactive relationship between civil groups and the government during the Anti-Japanese War. ⑤

In terms of the study of war legacy issues, regarding the post-war trial, Zhang Sheng and Zhai Yian used the latest collected historical materials to narrate and analyze the cross-examination of the prosecution and defense during the trial of the Nanjing Massacre in the Tokyo Trial, and pointed out that as early as the Tokyo Trial, defendants such as Matsui Iwane and many Japanese witnesses had already perjured themselves on the Nanjing Massacre. However, through cross-examination, Matsui's relationship with the Nanjing Massacre was very clear. It can be seen from the court's verdict that the mutual cross-examination between the defense and the prosecution had an important impact on the result. The court's rejection of the prosecution's multiple charges against Matsui Iwane and the acquittal of Muto Akira in the Nanjing Massacre case show that the court fully absorbed the opinions of the defense. ⑥ Regarding the statistical problem of war property losses, Yuan Chengyi analyzed the problems in war loss investigation and loss value calculation based on the various statements in previous related studies and the academic history of related research, and then proposed that this study should further explore historical materials, first, the research materials on war losses of the Executive Yuan Relief and Rehabilitation Administration of the National Government; second, the research materials made by relevant institutions during the war; third, the integration of relevant archives in mainland China and Taiwan; fourth, the historical materials of local historical and historical departments. ① Jiang Hongying: "Manpower Control of the National Government during the Anti-Japanese War"; Zhang Yanping: "A Commentary on the Mobilization of Troops of the National Government during the Anti-Japanese War"; Mo Zigang: "A Preliminary Study on Guizhou Service Policies during the Anti-Japanese War", all published in "Research on the Anti-Japanese War" No. 4, 2008. ② Li Xiang: "A Preliminary Study on the National Government's Army Pension Institutions during the Anti-Japanese War", "Research on the Anti-Japanese War" No. 1, 2008. ③ Su Zhigang: "A Study on the Resettlement of Veterans in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region during the Anti-Japanese War", "Research on the Anti-Japanese War" No. 4, 2008. ④ Zhang Tongle: "Locust Plague and Social Mobilization in North China in the Early 1940s - Taking the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan, Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei Border Region and Occupied Areas as Examples"; Hu Huifang: "Disaster Relief and Famine Relief Work in the Jiangsu-Anhui Border Region during the Anti-Japanese War", both published in "Research on the Anti-Japanese War" No. 1, 2008. ⑤ Li Zaiquan and You Haihua: "Rural Construction Movement during the Anti-Japanese War - An Investigation Centered on the Peace Church", "Research on the Anti-Japanese War" No. 3, 2008. ⑥ Zhang Sheng and Zhai Yian: "Defense of the Nanjing Massacre Case in the Tokyo Trial - An Investigation Centered on the Cross-Examination of the Prosecution and the Defense", "Research on the Anti-Japanese War" No. 4, 2008.

In addition, attention should be paid to the historical continuity of investigations and statistics, and the principle of seeking truth from facts should be followed. Regarding the issue of war reparations, Gao Fanfu proposed that the "distinction theory" (i.e., distinguishing Japanese militarists from the Japanese people) and the "people's diplomacy line" were friendly factors for the Chinese government to give up its demand for war reparations from Japan, and the result objectively promoted Sino-Japanese friendship. However, the distinction theory was too idealistic, simplistic and one-sided, which was not conducive to the Japanese people's recognition of their own war responsibilities and reflection on war crimes; it also brought certain difficulties to the current Chinese civil movement for compensation from Japan, but there was no necessary connection. ①

V. History of Sino-foreign relations in modern times

In the comprehensive study of the diplomatic history of the Republic of China, there are three articles worth noting. First, Wang Jianlang analyzed the proactive diplomatic behavior of the National Government in the late period of the War of Resistance Against Japan, and believed that shortly after the outbreak of the Pacific War, China began to consider its own post-war status, and seriously considered the establishment of new international organizations to ensure the dominant position of the four major powers in international organizations. China actively intervened in Asian affairs and showed the image of a responsible major power. The National Government's post-war disposal plan for Japan tried to take a long-term view and take into account both historical and current conditions. China's diplomacy during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression seized the rare historical opportunity, but also had some immature and imperfect aspects. Wang Jianlang also tried to compare the differences between the British and American policies toward China in the late period of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression and the differences between the Nationalist Government's foreign policies toward Britain and the United States, centering on the relevant narratives in Chiang Kai-shek's diary. During this period, although China and Britain and the United States became allies fighting together, their closeness was different. Sino-British relations did not improve much during this period. On the contrary, the differences between the two sides on some major issues gradually emerged. Compared with Britain, the image of the United States was relatively good. China hoped to use the United States to restrict Britain. Although China and the United States had a large overlap in post-war goals, the Anglo-American relationship was, after all, the most important bilateral relationship for the United States, and the United States' support for China in the Sino-British conflict was quite limited. ② Fu Yihua used the diary of Fu Bingchang, the last ambassador of the Nationalist Government to the Soviet Union, as the main material to explore the important impact of the agreement reached by the United States, Britain and the Soviet Union in Yalta in 1945 on wartime and post-war Far East issues on China. He believed that Fu Bingchang had learned about the relevant situation of the Yalta Conference earlier, but did not know the content of the secret agreement. However, his work had a certain influence on Chiang Kai-shek's decision on the Soviet policy. In fact, the policies of the Soviet Union and the United States before and after the Yalta Conference were the same as before, and the Yalta Conference also exposed all the problems, including conflicts of interest and strategic confrontations between countries, which may be the reasons for the advent of the Cold War. ③

In the study of the history of Sino-British relations, the results are relatively fruitful. Wu Yixiong analyzed the anti-smoking activities of Deng Tingzhen, the governor of Guangdong and Guangxi, in Guangdong, and believed that it was directly related to the evolution of Sino-British relations before the Opium War. Deng Tingzhen once supported the relaxation of the ban on opium trade in 1836. After the Qing court decided to implement a strict ban policy, he still had a hesitant and wait-and-see attitude, but he also effectively cut off the connection between inland opium dealers and opium barges, causing a severe blow to the opium trade model that had lasted for many years. After that, facing the severe situation that foreign opium dealers moved to the eastern and northern coastal areas of China and led to the revival of opium smuggling in Guangzhou's inland rivers, Deng Tingzhen used the incident of opium trafficking by righteous men under political pressure to force the British to reach an agreement to ban opium smuggling in Guangzhou's inland rivers, but it ended soon because Lin Zexu took more severe anti-smoking measures. ④ Zhang Zhiyong's view on the role of Hart in the negotiation process of the Sino-British "Tibetan-Indian Treaty" was contrary to the traditional view, and he believed that Hart played the role of behind-the-scenes commander, Chinese diplomatic adviser and mediator. In the process of Sino-British "Tibetan-Indian Negotiations", the contradictions between China and Britain, Britain and Tibet, and the contradictions between the Qing central government and the Tibetan local government ran through the whole process. Whether these three contradictions can reach a compromise is the factor that truly determines the progress of the negotiations. ⑤ Chen Caijun explained Morrison's important role in the early Sino-British diplomatic relations by analyzing the historical facts such as Morrison's service as an interpreter for the East India Company in Macau, his participation in the Sino-British conflict negotiations, his visit to Beijing as the secretary of the Amherst Mission, and his service as the secretary and translator of the British Trade Supervisor in China. ⑥

① Yuan Chengyi: "Several Issues in the Study of China's Property Losses during the War of Resistance Against Japan"; Gao Fanfu: "On the Friendly Factors of the Chinese Government's Abandonment of the Claim for Compensation from Japan", both published in "Research on the War of Resistance Against Japan", No. 2, 2008.

② Wang Jianlang: "Great Power Consciousness and Great Power Actions - China's International Role Positioning and Diplomatic Efforts in the Late Period of the War of Resistance Against Japan", "Historical Research", No. 6, 2008; "A Look at Sino-British-American Relations in the Late Period of the War of Resistance Against Japan from Chiang Kai-shek's Diary", "Republic of China Archives", No. 4, 2008.

③ Fu Yihua: "Re-exploring the Yalta Agreement on the Far East - A Discussion Centered on Fu Bingchang", "Journal of Nanjing University", No. 1, 2008.

④ Wu Yixiong: "Deng Tingzhen and the Issue of Banning Opium in Guangdong", "Modern History Research", No. 5, 2008. ⑤ Zhang Zhiyong: "Hard and the Sino-British Tibet-India Treaty", "Research on Chinese Border History and Geography", No. 3, 2008.

⑥Chen Caijun: "A Study on Morrison and Early Sino-British Diplomatic Relations", Guangdong Social Sciences, No. 5, 2008.

Ding Zhaodong discusses the little-known event that the Nationalist Government sent a Chinese delegation to Britain (also known as the "Reporting Mission") at the end of 1943. The author uses a large amount of Chinese and English materials to analyze the background of Sino-British relations before and after the visit of the delegation, as well as the visit plan formulated by the Nationalist Government. The content of the plan involves the Hong Kong issue, Kowloon issue, Tibet issue and India issue, which are fundamentally different between China and Britain. However, during the visit, both sides avoided discussing these different issues and emphasized common interests, which strengthened Sino-British relations. The signing of a 50 million pound loan agreement between China and Britain in 1944 was not unrelated to this. ①Jiang Yun used a large amount of archival historical materials to narrate and analyze the process of Sino-British negotiations on the Tibet crisis in 1943. The author believes that in the negotiations on the Kangyin Highway, Song Ziwen successfully safeguarded China's sovereignty over Tibet with his superb diplomatic wisdom in order to ensure the smooth flow of China's international transportation lines. ② Zhang Junyi used Song Ziwen's archival materials to examine the forced demolition of Kowloon City houses by the Hong Kong British government in early 1948. He believed that this incident once again triggered negotiations between China and Britain over the sovereignty of Kowloon City, and triggered a wave of protests by mainland people against the actions of the Hong Kong British authorities. Faced with public indignation, the CC faction headed by Gao Xin, director of the Guangzhou Municipal Party Committee of the Kuomintang, organized and led demonstrations from all walks of life in Guangzhou in a high-profile manner in order to gain political capital and prevent the underground Communist Party of China from taking advantage of the opportunity. However, due to the numerous local factions in Guangdong and the lack of cooperation among all parties, the demonstrations eventually got out of control, resulting in the Shamian incident in which the British Consulate General in Guangdong was burned, which put the National Government in a passive position in diplomacy. ③

In the study of the history of Sino-Japanese relations, there are also considerable gains. Guo Haiyan examined the dispute between China, Japan and Korea over telecommunications rights in the decade before the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, and believed that both China and Japan adopted a diplomatic strategy of avoiding each other and directly negotiating with Korea on specific rights and interests issues; at the same time, as a stopgap measure, they both made full use of each other's position to exert pressure on Korea to achieve their goals. The Qing government adopted a flexible diplomatic policy that combined traditional vassal diplomacy with modern treaty diplomacy towards Korea; Japan adopted a pragmatic diplomacy towards China that temporarily gave up the competition for the right to build and manage the Korean telecommunications lines and put the acquisition of communication means first. This relationship, which was not directly opposed on the surface but fiercely competitive under the surface and sometimes mutually beneficial, was the characteristic of Sino-Japanese relations during this period. ④ Ma Jianbiao discussed the diplomatic rumors about "direct negotiations on the Shandong case" that arose between China and Japan before the opening of the Washington Conference in 1921, and believed that the process of the Beijing government refuting the rumors was also a process of conflict between the realism of government diplomacy and the idealism of national diplomacy. Foreign Minister Yan Huiqing used the principle of open diplomacy and his "private network" with social opinion elites to successfully guide public opinion, which not only alleviated the passive situation of the Beijing government due to the issue of direct negotiations, but also cleverly used public opinion as the backing of government diplomacy, got rid of the entanglement of Japan's strong demand for direct negotiations between the Chinese and Japanese governments, and made the Shandong issue submitted to the Washington Conference for discussion. ⑤

Regarding the study of the history of Sino-Japanese cultural exchange, Gao Jianming and Li Bin explored the issue of the Sino-Japanese science and technology communication model in the late Qing Dynasty, and believed that there were significant differences in the science and technology communication models of China and Japan, which were specifically reflected in the core elements and external conditions of science and technology communication. This difference was determined by the different natures of the two countries and led to different consequences. ⑥ Wang Qisheng examined the phenomenon of Japanese book translation into Chinese during the Republic of China period and believed that from the Sino-Japanese War to the Anti-Japanese War before the May Fourth Movement, the number of books translated from Chinese to Japanese had always been in the leading position among all languages. In the late Qing Dynasty, it was overwhelmingly dominant, but it declined greatly in the early Republic of China. The ten years before the war were the heyday. The Chinese people's attitude towards translating Japanese books also changed: in the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic of China, they felt that learning Western culture through Japan could "save effort and be more efficient", and then they believed that "the West is not as good as the East in terms of studying abroad", and "translating Western books is not as good as translating Eastern books"; after the May Fourth Movement, they felt that Western culture was "chewed" by the Japanese, and it was difficult to get the "true face" and "true tradition" of Western culture. They then believed that studying in the West and studying in the East were "gilded" and "silvered", and that translating Eastern books was far worse than translating Western books directly. ⑦

① Ding Zhaodong: "Comments on the Chinese Visiting Group to Britain", "Research on the Anti-Japanese War" No. 1, 2008.

② Jiang Yun: "Song Ziwen and the Negotiations on the Tibet Issue during the War", "Republic of China Archives" No. 1, 2008.

③ Zhang Junyi: "The Beginning and End of the Guangzhou Shamian Incident in 1948 - Focusing on the Song Ziwen Archives", "Chinese Social Sciences", Issue 6, 2008.

④ Guo Haiyan: "On Sino-Japanese Relations before the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895 from the Perspective of the Korean Telecommunications Line Issue", "Modern History Research", Issue 1, 2008.

⑤ Ma Jianbiao: "Rumors and Diplomacy - A Preliminary Study on the "Direct Negotiation of the Lu Case" Before the Washington Conference", "Historical Research", Issue 4, 2008.

⑥ Gao Jianming and Li Bin: "Comparative Analysis of Sino-Japanese Science and Technology Communication Models in the Late Qing Dynasty", "Science, Technology and Dialectics", Issue 3, 2008.

⑦ Wang Qisheng: "Japanese Books in the Republic of China", "Modern History Research", Issue 6, 2008.

In the study of the history of Sino-US relations, there are two articles worth noting. Wang Lixin examined the "China Concept" in the United States from the late 18th century to the mid-20th century, and believed that today's United States should abandon the way of understanding and imagining China within its own concept and interest framework, and truly understand and appreciate the feelings, desires and aspirations of the Chinese people, so that the stable development of Sino-US relations can have a healthy emotional foundation. ① Zhao Rukun proposed a different view on the view held in previous studies that the US policy toward China changed from supporting Chiang Kai-shek and tolerating the Communist Party to supporting Chiang Kai-shek and opposing the Communist Party since April 1945. He believed that the factors affecting the US policy toward China were the overall world strategy of the United States, the pattern of international relations in the Far East, and the domestic political situation in China. Before and after the victory of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the US policy toward China was to promote cooperation between the Kuomintang and the Communist Party and form a coalition government headed by Chiang Kai-shek, which was implemented from the spring of 1944 to March 1946. ② In addition, the Guangdong Academy of Social Sciences and other units jointly held an academic seminar "Commemorating the 130th Anniversary of Chen Lanbin's Mission to the United States", which is of great significance to promoting this research.

In the study of the history of Sino-German relations, there are several articles worth noting. Xiao Jiandong used facts to reveal the inside story of the Nationalist Government's participation in the First World War. He believed that China, as a weak country, was passively involved in this war by declaring war on Germany. On the surface, it was complicated and mixed with various political interests and disputes, but from the perspective of diplomacy and actual effects, it was actually to safeguard the country's sovereignty and territorial integrity, and it was an instinctive manifestation of survival in the cracks of imperialist powers. ③ Zuo Shuangwen explored the relationship between the event of Germany's recognition of the puppet Manchukuo and the Nationalist Government's diplomatic policy. He believed that after the establishment of the puppet Manchukuo, the Nationalist Government had always hoped that friendly countries would not recognize it, and had even higher expectations for Germany. However, after the Nazis came to power, Germany increasingly placed diplomacy with Japan above diplomacy with China, and announced its recognition of the puppet Manchukuo in February 1938; later, it embargoed arms to China and forced the withdrawal of military advisers in China, forcing the Nationalist Government to change its original attitude of striving to maintain a relatively balanced diplomacy with Germany and the Soviet Union, and once showed a more determined determination to ally with the Soviet Union. ④ Guan Yinfeng discussed the ever-changing and complicated situation of Sino-German relations between 1933 and 1941, and believed that Germany's pragmatic foreign policy was an important factor in the evolution of Sino-German relations. Although this foreign policy pursued by Germany enabled it to gain a brief glory, it also accelerated the process of its demise and the victory of the world anti-fascism. ⑤

VI. History of the Chinese Communist Party Revolution

There are not many valuable new achievements in the study of revolutionary history this year, and the research hotspots are still focused on the excavation of the social basis of political appearances. Xie Hongwei and Zou Zhi re-explored the Yuan Wencai and Wang Zuo incidents from the perspective of social history, pointing out that when we restore the incidents to the historical context of the regional society, we can see the distinctive expressions of Chinese revolutionary practice in the regional society. The murders of Yuan Wencai and Wang Zuo were caused by many factors, and at different stages, the roles and influences of various factors were also different. The inherent conflicts between the natives and the Hakkas in the local society of Jinggangshan, the phenomenon of "native party, Hakka guns" formed during the revolution and the contradictions and oppositions between them, as well as the combination of class contradictions and struggles within the party, made the occurrence of the incident quite inevitable. ⑥ Zhang Zhaojin and You Haihua examined the rise of the land revolution in Jiangxi from the perspective of Hakka warlords and local gentry, and believed that Jiangxi had been ruled by Hakka warlords from the early years of the Republic of China to the early 1930s. The two major power groups of Hakka warlords and local gentry were intertwined, and various contradictions and conflicts were intertwined, forming a weak link in the rule of the authorities. These factors were objectively very conducive to the rise and development of the land revolution in Jiangxi. The Chinese Communists seized this favorable opportunity and effectively mobilized the grassroots society, which enabled the rapid development of the revolutionary forces in Jiangxi. ⑦

① Wang Lixin: "In the Reflection of the Dragon: Imagination of China and the Construction of American National Identity", "Chinese Social Sciences" 2008 No. 3.

② Zhao Rukun: "Re-exploring the US Policy Towards China Before and After the End of World War II", "Research on the Anti-Japanese War", Issue 3, 2008.

③ Xiao Jiandong: "The Historical Truth of China's Declaration of War on Germany during the First World War", "Journal of Wuhan University of Technology", Issue 1, 2008.

④ Zuo Shuangwen: "Germany's Recognition of the Puppet Manchukuo Issue and the National Government's Diplomatic Policy", "Historical Monthly", Issue 11, 2008.

⑤ Guan Yinfeng: "A Brief Analysis of the Utilitarian Factors in Sino-German Relations from 1933 to 1941", "Journal of Chongqing University of Science and Technology", Issue 6, 2008.

⑥ Xie Hongwei and Zou Zhi: "Re-examination of the Yuan Wencai and Wang Zuo Incidents - A Perspective of Combining the Study of CCP History and Social History", "CCP Party History Materials", Issue 2, 2008.

⑦ Zhang Zhaojin and You Haihua: "Hakka Warlords, Local Gentry and Jiangxi Land Revolution", Guangxi Social Sciences, No. 7, 2008.

It should be said that paying attention to the social background of political events in research and explaining historical events on a broader basis will help deepen the understanding of the complexity of historical movements. However, the occurrence of most political events, after all, depends more directly on the interactive movement and choices of various political forces themselves. Exaggerating the role of social background sometimes also fails to approach the historical truth.

Social mobilization in revolution has been a topic of great concern to researchers in recent years, and some noteworthy articles have been published this year. Zhang Hongqing and Xiao Wenyan examined the land investigation movement in the Central Soviet Area from the perspective of mobilization, and believed that the land investigation movement was constructed through extensive and in-depth political movements and meticulous and thoughtful mobilization methods. In the mobilization, the external force of propaganda and administration was strengthened, and the organizational methods of suggestion, persuasion, reporting and punishment were adopted. Political ideals and slogans were used as weapons of ideological mobilization, and farmers were given appropriate material benefits and "identity" treatment, thus creating a mobilization model for social revolution - through the expression of "class" discourse, combined with the satisfaction of the specific rights and interests of most farmers, relying on the grassroots organizations with strong penetration and guarantee functions, the core of traditional society, such as local, blood, and patriarchal relations, was creatively transformed into positive factors in the land revolution. ① Li Deman studied the land reform movement in the liberated areas from the perspective of rural political power and resource mobilization, and proposed that: the rural power in traditional China was built on a multicultural network, with poor resource mobilization capabilities and low efficiency. The land reform in the liberated areas destroyed the traditional multicultural network through ideological transformation and organizational reconstruction, and replaced it with a single ideology - class discourse, and at the same time formed a new single administrative power on the basis of destroying the original organizational network. This kind of rural regime has a strong mobilization ability and can efficiently extract resources. It can not only gather all social resources within the scope of disposal, but also reduce the resistance to resource mobilization through the role of ideology, providing a solid backing for the victory of the Liberation War and the subsequent modernization construction. ② Li Ye's research on the land reform in Jinzhong New District noted the procedures and goals of the CPC's mass mobilization. At first, the poor peasants were terrified of the land reform movement. They and the landlords and rich peasants were in a network woven by power, interests and rural sentiment, and chose to resist the land reform together. However, after the poor peasants were mobilized by the working group through individual contact and "grievances", the desire to turn over quickly overwhelmed the face of the villagers. The "net" woven by power, interests and rural sentiment was torn apart, the traditional village power structure collapsed, and the land reform movement was successfully carried out and completed. Through mass mobilization, the traditional power structure of the village was destroyed, and the CPC won the support of the poor peasants and middle peasants, who accounted for the vast majority of the rural population, and initially achieved the integration and control of the vast rural areas. ③ Li Lifeng studied the situation judgment and behavioral characteristics of various social classes during the land reform in North China from the perspective of micro-interaction and his "rational man" hypothesis. He believed that when the revolutionary party gained regional control, it was inevitable for rural members to participate in the land reform. All they could choose was how to participate in the land reform. Because rural social members were given different class identities, they judged the revolutionary situation and their own situation on this basis, and then made corresponding behavioral choices. Among them, landlords and rich peasants had less room for choice and could only try to avoid worse results; while poor and hired peasants were in a dominant position, and their behavior reflected the tension between rational peasants and moral peasants; middle peasants weighed between security and interests, and the former often prevailed and became the basic basis for their behavioral choices. ④

In recent years, the academic community has begun to have a more objective evaluation and description of the preparation process for the Red Army's Long March. Yi Fenglin used the newly released Comintern materials to further elaborate on the deployment and preparation of the CPC Central Committee for the guerrilla war in the Central Soviet Area before the Long March, pointing out that after the failure of the Guangchang Campaign, the CPC Central Committee and the Comintern fully considered the deployment of the remaining Soviet Area when preparing to implement the strategic transfer, clarified the important role of the remaining troops in coordinating the transfer of the main force of the Red Army and defending the Soviet Area, and made specific and sufficient organizational preparations, military preparations and political mobilization preparations for the revolutionary struggles in the remaining southern Soviet Areas. It can be seen that the CPC Central Committee did not give up the Central Soviet Area. ⑤

For a long time, the academic community has not given a high evaluation of the March 1938 Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee, believing that it has a strong Wang Ming color. In this regard, Li Donglang put forward a different view, pointing out that although the March Political Bureau meeting was influenced by Wang Ming's rightist propositions, the positive factors were the main ones, and it was a meeting to democratically discuss party issues.

① Zhang Hongqing and Xiao Wenyan: "Land Investigation Movement and Mobilization of the People in the Central Soviet Area", "Journal of Jianghan University" No. 5, 2008.

② Li Deman: "Cultural Power, Rural Political Power and Resource Mobilization - Re-understanding of the Land Reform Movement in the Liberated Areas", Journal of the Party School of the CPC Zhejiang Provincial Committee, No. 4, 2008.

③ Li Ye: "Discovering History in Local Archives - Mass Mobilization in the Land Reform Movement in Jinzhong New District", Shanxi Archives, No. 3, 2008.

④ Li Lifeng: "Rational People in the "Movement" - Situation Judgment and Behavior Choices of Various Classes during the Land Reform in North China", Modern History Research, No. 1, 2008.

⑤ Yi Fenglin: "On the Deployment and Preparation of the Central Soviet Area Guerrilla War by the CPC Central Committee before the Long March", Party History Literature, No. 7, 2008.

There were obvious differences of opinion at the meeting, and some decisions were made on the basis of discussion, most of which played a positive role later. Therefore, the differences and clashes of opinions at this meeting reflected the proper democratic life within the party and should be affirmed. The biggest mistake Wang Ming made in the early days of the War of Resistance was that he placed himself above the central government and sought independence in the organization. ①

VII. Modern Economic History

In the study of the relationship between ports and hinterlands, some articles explore regional economic history from the perspective of two-way interaction between ports and hinterlands. Wang Liehui defined the scope of the hinterland based on the flow of import and export commodities provided by customs reports and economic surveys in different periods, and examined the changes in the hinterland scope of Ningbo Port from 1844 to the 1930s. He believed that with the opening of cities such as Wenzhou and Hangzhou, the hinterland of Ningbo Port showed a trend of continuous shrinking, which led to the decline of the status of Ningbo Port. Zhuang Weimin introduced the concepts of central ports and secondary ports, indirect hinterlands and direct hinterlands, and believed that the relationship between regional secondary ports such as Tianjin, Yantai, and Qingdao in North China and their own hinterlands was direct, belonging to the general port-direct hinterland model. The economic interaction between the central port Shanghai and the hinterland of North China is largely mediated by secondary ports such as Tianjin and inland central markets such as Jinan, so North China is the indirect hinterland of Shanghai. The interactive relationship between Shanghai and regional secondary ports and the hinterland of North China is constantly changing with the establishment of new trade routes, the economic development of secondary ports themselves and the increasing convenience of financial exchange. For example, secondary ports have become strong market competitors of central ports. ② Jia Hongwei studied the relationship between regional famine and port trade and proposed that in addition to the interaction between ports and hinterlands, regional society itself also has an important role in shaping the evolution of port trade. Between 1867 and 1931, every major famine in Zhili, Shanxi, northern Henan and northwestern Shandong, which are the main trade hinterlands of Tianjin, would affect the changes in the trade structure and trend of Tianjin Port to varying degrees, which concentratedly reflected the influence of regional society on the evolution of port trade. ③

In the study of the "three rural issues" in modern times, there are three articles on land rights that are worth noting. First, Hu Yingze studied the land rights distribution in Guanzhong. He believed that the land registers in the eastern part of Guanzhong from the Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China basically belonged to the Yellow River beach land registers. The beach is a unique type of land. The compilation of land registers and the beach system are complex networks formed by ecological environment, technical selection and social control. Its main manifestations are regular plots, long boundaries, equal land rights and low trading rate, which belong to an "abnormal" land right. There are two types of beach land rights: village public ownership and household private ownership. The former has equal and solidified land rights, while the latter has uneven land rights. The author also proposed a discussion on the use of data by Qin Hui and others in the study of the "Guanzhong Model". ④ Second, Zhao Gang and Liang Jingming used the fish scale atlas sample of Lanxi, Zhejiang Province in the late Qing Dynasty to calculate the Gini coefficient of land rights distribution in the region. They believed that the value of Lanxi was as low as that of Jiangsu and Anhui Provinces, which reflected the high population density of the provinces in the south of the Yangtze River and formed a sharp contrast with the higher Gini coefficient in North China. They further pointed out that when the per capita cultivated land dropped to about two mu, there was basically no room for polarization in rural land rights distribution. ⑤Third, Zheng Qidong studied the land reporting problem during the period of the Nationalist Government, and believed that the long-term cause of carrying out land reporting was to solve the problem of uneven land tax left over from history, the immediate cause was to get rid of the financial difficulties of provinces and counties, and during the Anti-Japanese War, it was to implement the land tax collection. However, as a result, due to poor planning, opposition from gentry, chaos in the books, and poor government implementation, not only did it fail to achieve the initial goal, but it also undermined rural stability and became a major potential cause of the collapse of the Nationalist Government. ⑥

①Li Donglang: "On the March 1938 Political Bureau Meeting of the CPC Central Committee", "CCP Party History Research" No. 4, 2008.

②Wang Liehui: "Migration and The Changes in the Hinterland of Ningbo Port in Modern Times"; Zhuang Weimin: “Trade Dependence and Indirect Hinterland: Modern Shanghai and North China Hinterland Market”, both published in “Chinese Economic History Research”, No. 1, 2008.

③ Jia Hongwei: “Great Famine and Trade (1867-1931)--Centered by Tianjin Port”, “Modern History Research”, No. 4, 2008.

④ Hu Yingze: “Flowing Land and Solidified Land Rights--A Study of Land Registers in Eastern Guanzhong from the Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China”, “Modern History Research”, No. 3, 2008.

⑤ Zhao Gang and Liang Jingming: “Land Rights Distribution in Lanxi in the Late Qing Dynasty”, “Zhejiang Journal”, No. 1, 2008.

⑥ Zheng Qidong: “Research on Land Reports of the National Government”, “Ancient and Modern Agriculture”, No. 1, 2008.

Regarding rural financial issues, two articles can be noted. Liu Kexiang used hundreds of local chronicles to investigate the rise and fall of the rural money houses industry. He believed that rural money houses originated from currency exchange and rose in full swing after the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895. They reached their peak between 1921 and 1931, but their distribution was very uneven, mainly concentrated in areas where commodity exchange and commercial circulation were relatively developed and the merchant team was relatively strong. After entering the 1930s, they declined in full swing due to competition from the banking industry, the abolition of the two-yuan system and the reform of the legal currency, and the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War. ① You Haihua investigated the rural cooperative movement in the border area of ​​Jiangxi and Fujian from 1934 to 1937 and came to a different conclusion from the traditional one. He believed that in order to alleviate the urgent problems of the rural economy, the local governments of Jiangxi and Fujian guided farmers to generally form and utilize cooperative preparatory societies, widely carried out credit lending, and quickly directed the government's "agricultural support" funds to the border rural areas, so that modern finance "went to the countryside" and the effective operation of capital strongly supported the recovery of the local rural economy. ②

In terms of the research on enterprise development and its environment, the new progress is mainly reflected in the following aspects: Chen Yan investigated the preparation and development process of China Airlines and believed that the company headed by Sun Ke had changed its chairman and the US equity in just over a year from its establishment to its end. There were endless power struggles within the government and opposition from all walks of life. The main reason was the lack of a sound foreign investment introduction system, the government's lack of understanding of the entity status of Sino-foreign joint ventures, the lack of legal basis and lax law enforcement during the introduction of foreign investment and negotiation, the lack of unified main institutions, and the lack of distinction between government and enterprises. ③ Ge Tao studied the rise and fall of Shanghai EMI Records and pointed out that the company was founded in the late Qing Dynasty and started from street stalls. After French and British merchants, it was forged into China's largest record company. The records it produced became the most prestigious brand in the Republic of China era with its large quantity, diversity, popularity and classic characteristics. Its influence has far exceeded the records themselves and involves many aspects of social and cultural life. ④ Zhuang Anzheng, through studying the "accounts" of Dasheng Cotton Mill, found that the average likin tax rate borne by Dasheng Mill No. 1 between 1900 and 1922 and by Dasheng Mill No. 2 between 1907 and 1924 was below 5%, lower than the 5%-20% confirmed by Yan Zhongping. Moreover, it showed a trend of significant decline at the end of the Qing Dynasty and the beginning of the Republic of China, and it was even likely to fall below 1% around 1920. There are two main reasons for this. One is that the enterprise adheres to the marketing policy of "local products and local sales", and the other is that the struggle for likin reduction has been partially successful, which is unique. ⑤

In the study of fiscal and financial issues, scholars pay more attention to various factors that affect institutional change. Liu Zenghe's research believes that during the New Deal period of the late Qing Dynasty, in order to solve the increasingly heavy fiscal pressure, the central government began to regulate the finances of various provinces on the basis of the self-integration of various provinces, with the theme of reducing bureaus and reforming the system, so that the power of fiscal revenue and expenditure began to be concentrated in the governor, and the provincial fiscal institutions were initially formed, which affected the fiscal system in the early years of the Republic of China. At the same time, people looked back at the old domestic tax system with new knowledge from abroad, and believed that the only way out was to promote tax reform that clearly divided national and local taxes, and launched heated discussions around the division standards of national and local taxes and the classification of local taxes. The differences in the perspectives of cognition of Western tax systems, the protection of provincial interests, and the constraints of foreign new systems by the old Chinese system in the discussion provided an excellent perspective for the academic community to review the mechanism of change in the system and knowledge system during the Qing Dynasty. ⑥ Feng Xiaohong and Zhang Qingfu's research believes that the purpose of the brokerage system reform in the county-level tax collection and management in Hebei Province from 1928 to 1937 was to abolish the brokerage system and enable government tax agencies to directly face taxpayers, so as to reduce tax losses in the collection of land taxes and improve the efficiency of tax collection and management. However, due to the low level of government integration, the scattered tax platforms; the overly simple reform methods and the lack of supporting measures, the reform failed. ⑦

① Liu Kexiang: "The Origin and Rise and Fall of the Money Bank Industry in Modern Rural Areas-One of the Explorations of the Modern Rural Money Bank Industry", "Chinese Economic History Research" 2008 No. 2.

② You Haihua: "Rural Cooperation and Finance "Going to the Countryside" - A Study on the Recovery of Rural Economy in the Fujian-Jiangxi Border Region from 1934 to 1937", "Modern History Research", No. 1, 2008.

③ Chen Yan: "Institutional Deficiencies and Sino-foreign Joint Ventures in the Early Period of the Nanjing National Government - A Study Centered on China Airlines", "Academic Research", No. 4, 2008.

④ Ge Tao: "The Rise and Fall of EMI - The Rise and Fall of EMI Records in Shanghai in Modern Times", "Shilin", No. 5, 2008.

⑤ Zhuang Anzheng: "Analysis of "Huasha Lijin" and Other Data in the "Accounts" of Dasheng Cotton Mill - and the Cotton Mill's Strategy to Cope with Lijin Pressure", "Chinese Economic History Research", No. 3, 2008.

⑥ Liu Zenghe: "From Disorder to Integration: Changes in the Financial Institutions of Other Provinces in the Late Qing Dynasty", Modern History Research, No. 5, 2008; "Institutional Grafting: Western Tax System and the Division of National and Local Taxes in the Late Qing Dynasty", Journal of Sun Yat-sen University, No. 3, 2008.

⑦ Feng Xiaohong and Zhang Qingfu: "On the Reform of the Brokerage System in the County-level Tax Collection and Administration in Hebei Province from 1928 to 1937 - and Discussion with Mr. Du Zhanqi", Chinese Social and Economic History Research, No. 1, 2008.

In the study of the history of economic thought in the Republic of China, a group of papers written by Yan Shuqin showed the discussion of industrialization issues by intellectuals in the Kuomintang-controlled areas during the Anti-Japanese War. As for the connotation of industrialization, they promoted the simple mechanization understood before the Anti-Japanese War to the overall economic level, and regarded it as an overall economic change including industry, agriculture, mining, transportation and finance. Furthermore, they linked industrialization with social transformation, analyzing the social impact of industrialization on the one hand and raising industrialization to the height of a new type of civilization on the other, marking the comprehensive and in-depth study of industrialization theory by Chinese intellectuals. As for the way to achieve industrialization, they discussed the division of the scope of state-owned and private economy and how to improve the efficiency of state-owned economy; in the face of the extreme lack of construction funds and the immaturity of industry in China, they also discussed how to introduce foreign capital to accelerate China's industrialization construction and what kind of foreign trade policy to adopt. ①

Modern Expo is a new topic in recent years and is still in progress this year. Yu Heping and Hong Zhenqiang investigated the Chinese National Products Exhibition initiated by the Nanjing National Government in 1928 and its relationship with merchants. They believed that this exhibition was aimed at pursuing development and safeguarding the interests of the entire nation and the country as its fundamental purpose; it was completely different from the exclusive boycott movement that advocated economic severance, and had the intention of safeguarding the overall and long-term interests of merchants and civilians. Its advocacy of improving and manufacturing domestic products also met the consumption requirements of ordinary citizens. Therefore, this exhibition easily received the unanimous support of the government, businessmen and citizens, reflecting the cooperation between the government, businessmen and the people. ② Fu Haiyan, through the investigation of the 1935 Wuxi National Products Mobile Exhibition, put forward another point of view, pointing out that the national products exhibition has the side of cheap bidding and dumping of national products, which led to the commercial competition between the national products exhibition, national products manufacturers and local industries in the national products movement. The trend of opposing national products exhibitions and national products shopping malls in various places also occurred frequently, which can be called "off-tune" national products exhibitions. ③ Qiao Zhaohong studied the government's active advocacy and participation in China's modern expositions. ④

VIII. Modern Social History

In the study of social life, both cities and rural areas are involved. He Yimin and Zhuang Lingjun investigated the rise of modern urban mass culture and pointed out that mass culture is a complex of popular culture, communication culture, consumer culture and commercial culture since modern times. It is an urban consumer culture based on mass communication tools and pursuing profits. The emergence and development of mass culture has promoted the diversification of urban cultural styles, the coexistence of elegance and vulgarity, and the development to a higher level; at the same time, it will also be driven by commercial profits and lose its due literary and aesthetic value. Mass culture not only inherits and develops traditional culture and folk culture, but also integrates Western culture, and is smelted in the melting pot of modernization and urbanization. ⑤ Peng Nansheng investigated the cultural life of farmers in the 1920s and 1930s and believed that its form includes three parts, namely daily cultural life, seasonal cultural life and event-oriented cultural life. Different cultural existences not only depend on the different spiritual needs of farmers, but also obey the seasonal laws of agricultural production. The various forms of rural culture play a regulatory role in farmers' lives, reflecting a kind of cultural creation of farmers after agricultural production and their construction and maintenance of social order. ⑥ Huang Zhenglin's research pointed out that during the Anti-Japanese War, despite the material poverty in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region, entertainment life was very rich, and various parties, dances and sports activities were often held. "Millet plus rifles" not only reflects the characteristics of revolution, but also the characteristics of social life. Millet is the main food for meals, and millet is also the main food for distributing allowances and calculating prices. Millet plays the role of a general equivalent.

① Yan Shuqin: "From Mechanization to Industrial Society-The Interpretation of the Connotation of Industrialization by Chinese Intellectuals in the 1930s and 1940s", "Hebei Journal", No. 1, 2008; "The Debate on State-Owned and Private Economy during the Anti-Japanese War", "Journal of Tianjin Normal University", No. 2, 2008; "Foreign Investment and Foreign Trade and China's Industrialization-Discussion on Post-War Construction Issues by Intellectuals in the Kuomintang-Controlled Areas in the Late Anti-Japanese War", "Modern History Research", No. 3, 2008.

② Yu Heping and Hong Zhenqiang: "Merchants and the 1928 Chinese National Products Exhibition", "Journal of Central China Normal University", No. 6, 2008.

③ Fu Haiyan: "The "out-of-tune" domestic product exhibition - a study of the 1935 Wuxi domestic product mobile exhibition", Modern History Research, No. 4, 2008.

④ Qiao Zhaohong: "Government Behavior in Modern Chinese Expos", Social Sciences, No. 2, 2008.

⑤ He Yimin and Zhuang Lingjun: "Urbanization and Popularization: The Rise of Modern Chinese Urban Mass Culture", Journal of Xiangtan University, No. 1, 2008.

⑥ Peng Nansheng: "The Cultural Life Form of Chinese Peasants in the 1920s and 1930s", Journal of Central China Normal University, No. 3, 2008.

In terms of clothing, all troops, institutions, and schools, regardless of gender, wore the uniforms of the Eighth Route Army, which had very obvious revolutionary colors and anti-Japanese characteristics. In terms of entertainment, especially mass entertainment, the political significance and characteristics of the times are particularly obvious. Under the leadership of the "Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region People's Entertainment Improvement Association", the old folk entertainment forms in the border region were transformed into new "anti-Japanese national mass" entertainment. ①

In terms of social class research, two articles involve the gentry class. Wang Xianming examined the relationship between the civil uprising in the late Qing Dynasty and the changes in the social status of the gentry class. He believed that the gentry was already in a central position in the civil uprising in the late Qing Dynasty. This was because the "New Deal" gave the gentry an institutional and legal basis for the expansion of power, and the powerful gentry formed a direct conflict with the interests of the people in the process of resource aggregation, which continued to erupt in the form of "civil uprisings". In the process of implementing the New Deal, the gentry was directly pushed to the center of the reconstruction of grassroots social power. The conflict and deterioration of the interests and relations between the gentry and the people formed the basic reason for the continuous surge of the civil uprising. In short, the New Deal in the late Qing Dynasty constituted the institutional basis for the institutionalization and expansion of gentry power, and the "institutionalization" of the powerful gentry constituted the institutional root of "civil uprisings" or "conflicts between gentry and the people". ② Regarding the issue of the migration of rural gentry to towns, it is generally believed that this is the reason for the depletion of the genuine gentry in rural society and the dominance of the inferior gentry. Wu Qianghua, by examining the migration history of a family, believes that the regional migration of gentry is a phenomenon that coexists with the development of gentry families. This is true in both traditional and modern societies, but the urbanization of modern times has accelerated this process. In terms of the orientation of regional migration, it is mainly from rural areas to towns, especially for non-gentry migrants, indicating that with the expansion of urban scale, the migration of rural population to towns is the migration of the whole society. Moreover, in fact, the migration of gentry to towns has not weakened their power in rural areas. ③

Research on social groups and social organizations is still a hot topic this year. Gao Hongxia analyzed and discussed the development trajectory, group structure and characteristics of Fujian immigrant groups in the 100 years after the opening of Shanghai as a port, and believed that the Fujian merchants in Shanghai did not rise step by step with the process of Shanghai's modernization like the merchant groups in Jiangsu, Zhejiang and Guangdong, but showed a trend of overall retreat and partial activity. Despite this, Fujianese still showed distinct group characteristics in the city's commercial operations and political expressions, which made them play an important role in the evolution of Shanghai. As for the overall retreat of Fujian merchants in Shanghai, it was closely related to their mobile business methods. After the Opium War, Fujianese people migrated to various parts of the world, especially to Southeast Asia, which relatively reduced migration and investment in Shanghai. ④ Zhu Ying examined the fate of the Suzhou Merchants' Corps after the establishment of the Nanjing National Government and pointed out: At the end of 1927, the Jiangsu Provincial Government proposed to reorganize the merchant corps into a defense corps. The Suzhou Merchants' Corps had been resisting and requested the National Government to promulgate new merchant corps regulations. Together with the merchant corps in Jiangsu, they adopted a strategy of delaying reorganization or ignoring it. By October 1935, under the strict order of the Jiangsu Provincial Government, all merchant corps were reorganized into local armed forces, directly under the control and command of the county magistrate and the head of the township baojia. The merchant corps completely lost their original nature as independent armed groups run by merchants and could no longer play their original functions. The Suzhou Merchants' Corps then announced its own dissolution. ⑤Wei Wenxiang and Zhao Yongli investigated the lawyer community in Wuhan after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War and pointed out that after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, the lawyer associations in Wuchang and Hankou were rebuilt and tried to do something to safeguard the vital interests of the lawyer community. However, the performance of lawyers was mixed. Although there were lawyers who defended justice, the behavior of some lawyers who were profit-seeking and confused black and white seriously damaged the image of Wuhan lawyers, so the social prestige of the lawyer community was not high. ⑥Li Yancheng believed that the lawyer associations in the Republic of China should have been the spokespersons of civil society and played an important role in the development of civil society. However, the government of the Republic of China has always been committed to the realization of the two major goals of "self-reliance" and "national independence", and other policies are subject to this premise, and civil society also agrees with this. Therefore, faced with the conflict between "national power" and "human rights", civil society represented by the lawyer association often gave up the responsibility of checking and balancing state power, which gradually shrank the development of modern civil society itself. ⑦

①Huang Zhenglin: "Social Life in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region during the Anti-Japanese War", "CCP Party History Research", Issue 6, 2008.

②Wang Xianming: "Gentry Class and the Civil Rebellion in the Late Qing Dynasty - Historical Trends and Causes of the Conflict between Gentry and Civilians", "Modern History Research", Issue 1, 2008.

③Wu Qianghua: "The Urban-Rural Migration of Rural Gentry in Jiangnan in Modern Times - Taking the Liu Family of Fenhu as an Example", "Shilin", Issue 1, 2008.

④Gao Hongxia: "The Group Structure and Characteristics of Fujianese in Modern Shanghai", "Journal of Shanghai Normal University", Issue 1, 2008. 

4; "The Overall Retreat of Fujian Merchants in Modern Shanghai and Its Reasons", "Shilin" 2008 No. 3.

⑤ Zhu Ying: "The Reorganization and Extinction of Suzhou Merchants after the Establishment of the Nanjing National Government", "Historical Research" 2008 No. 5.

⑥ Wei Wenxiang and Zhao Yongli: "The Development Trajectory of Wuhan Lawyers after the Victory of the Anti-Japanese War", "Gansu Social Sciences" 2008 No. 2.

⑦ Li Yancheng: "The Lawyers Association of the Republic of China from the Perspective of the State and Society", "Journal of Hubei University" 2008 No. 5.

Yin Qian investigated the physician groups and their organizations in the Republic of China, and pointed out that: With the acceleration of the professionalization process of the physician groups in the Republic of China, the physician groups flourished. The numerous professional groups made the medical community in the Republic of China present a complex and chaotic situation. The division between Chinese and Western medicine became more and more obvious, the Chinese and Western medical groups became increasingly confronted, the medical group organizations overlapped, and the factional division was serious; academic groups and professional groups gradually separated. Differentiation and integration among medical groups are the main characteristics of the development of medical groups during the Republic of China period, and have a profound impact on the professionalization process of medical groups. ① Yang Pinyou investigated the rise and fall of the Binxing Society in Nankang County, Jiangxi Province during the late Qing Dynasty and the Republic of China. He pointed out that the Binxing Society was an organization established by gentry to support scholars to participate in the imperial examinations. During the Xiantong period of the Qing Dynasty, influenced by the Taiping Rebellion, local gentry actively organized militia and participated in local affairs. The Binxing Society took on social relief, social welfare and other affairs, becoming a quasi-governmental organization, indicating that the Qing government gradually shifted its control over grassroots society. It was not until the 1930s that the Nankang Binxing Society withdrew from the historical stage. ② Hong Yu investigated the newspaper vendors in modern Shanghai, including the formation of the profession of newspaper vendors, the internal organization of the newspaper vendors, their living conditions and their impact on the development of urban citizen culture. ③

For religious organizations, Yang Tianhong inspected the frontier research of the National General Assembly of the Chinese Christian Church and pointed out that: At the end of 1939, the church established the Frontier Service Department and launched a "Frontier Service" movement aimed at promoting the social, economic and cultural development of ethnic minority areas in western China and supporting the National Government's war of resistance. To this end, a large number of influential experts and scholars inside and outside the church and colleagues from the Frontier Service Department were mobilized to go deep into the northwest Sichuan, Xikang and Yunnan Tibetan, Qiang, Yi and other ethnic minority areas to conduct investigations and research on local cultural education, production and livelihood, medical and health care, religious conditions, social customs, ethnic relations and border affairs, and launched a number of valuable research results, which not only promoted the revival and development of "Frontier Research", but also promoted various social undertakings in the Frontier Service Movement, forming an interaction between research and service, and having both academic and social value. ④Huang Zhifan and Zhou Weihua inspected the missionary activities of the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church in Jiangxi in the early years of the Republic of China and believed that the missionary measures adopted by the church in Jiangxi Province, which took a three-pronged approach of teaching, learning and medicine, objectively promoted the development of education and medical undertakings in Jiangxi. ⑤ Zhou Qiuguang and Zeng Guilin investigated the charitable work of Western churches in China in modern times. They believed that since the American Congregationalist missionary Peter Parker founded the first church hospital in modern China in Guangzhou in 1835 for the purpose of preaching, by the time of the Republic of China, the church's medical, infant care, relief and other charitable work had not only spread throughout the country, but also gradually faded in religious color and tended to be secularized. ⑥ Zhu Hu investigated the disaster relief action of the gentry in northern Jiangsu in the second year of Guangxu, and believed that the direct motivation of the gentry in Jiangnan for this action was not only an effort to deal with the influx of foreign refugees, but also a certain extension of the local famine relief tradition in Jiangnan. ⑦ In addition, a few articles investigated the issues of epidemic prevention and avoidance in the late Qing Dynasty. ⑧

IX. History of Modern Thought and Culture

The greatest achievement in the study of modern thought and culture history this year was the study of Chinese cultural transformation headed by Geng Yunzhi. In addition to the "Research on Modern Chinese Cultural Transformation" (nine volumes) edited by him and published by Sichuan People's Publishing House, he also published three articles discussing three issues. First, it discusses the interactive relationship between politics and culture in social transformation, and believes that in modern China, every political awakening has led to cultural awakening to a certain extent; cultural awakening will always promote political change. However, due to the priority of modern political awakening, it has caused a long-standing tendency of pan-politicization in the field of ideology and culture to a certain extent.

① Yin Qian: "Differentiation and Integration: On the Development Characteristics of Physician Groups in the Republic of China", "Gansu Social Sciences" 2008 No. 2.

② Yang Pinyou: "The Transfer of Imperial Examination Society Organization and Social Power - An Analysis of the Binxing Society in Nankang, Jiangxi from the Late Qing Dynasty to the Republic of China", "Chinese Social and Economic History Research" 2008 No. 1.

③ Hong Yu: "A Study on the Professional Group of Shanghai Pedestrians in Modern Times", "Historical Monthly" 2008 No. 12.

④ Yang Tianhong: "Christianity and the Renaissance of China's "Frontier Studies" - Frontier Studies of the National General Assembly of the Chinese Christian Church", "Journal of Sichuan University" 2008 No. 1.

⑤Huang Zhifan and Zhou Weihua: "A Study of the Methodist Episcopal Church in Jiangxi in Modern Christianity", Journal of Nanchang University, No. 4, 2008.

⑥Zhou Qiuguang and Zeng Guilin: "On the Charity of Western Churches in China in Modern Times", Journal of Guizhou Normal University, No. 1, 2008.

⑦Zhu Hu: "The Impact of the Great Famine in Dingwu on Jiangnan and the Response of Local Society - On the Nature of the Disaster Relief Action of Jiangnan Gentry in Northern Jiangsu in the Second Year of Guangxu", Social Science Research, No. 1, 2008.

⑧Yu Xinzhong: "From Avoiding Epidemics to Preventing Epidemics: The Evolution of the Concept of Responding to Epidemics in the Late Qing Dynasty", Journal of East China Normal University, No. 2, 2008; Lu Caixia: "Spending the New Year in the Middle of the Year and Avoiding Epidemics in the Late Qing Dynasty - A Study Focusing on the 28th Year of Guangxu", Shilin, No. 5, 2008.

Second, it analyzes the problems existing in the modern cultural transformation, such as the distinction between Chinese and Western culture and between Huayi, the different fates of ancient and modern culture and the fate of the nation, the relationship between material civilization and spiritual civilization, and the social conditions in the process of cultural transformation. It is believed that the modern cultural transformation of China is basically synchronized with the modernization of the whole country. The most basic trend is cosmopolitanism and individualism, that is, we must uphold an open cultural concept externally and insist on human liberation internally to maximize the initiative of human creativity. Third, it examines the role transformation of conservatism in the process of modern cultural transformation. It is believed that conservatism has played the role of the guardian of tradition in all periods of cultural transformation, but the role it plays has changed. During the Westernization Movement, it almost rejected all Western culture and wanted to keep the entire Chinese tradition unchanged. In the period of the Reform Movement of 1898, "learning from the barbarians" was no longer a problem, but it required that China's traditional political and religious system should not be changed. At the climax of the anti-Qing revolution, denying the traditional political and religious system was almost no problem, and it called for cherishing and preserving the "national essence" with national spiritual significance. During the New Culture Movement, many fields closely related to the national spiritual life were baptized by Western culture. It proposed the human cultural spirit that is truly worth preserving and promoting. Both China and the West are deeply hidden in the legacy of ancient philosophers, and began to recognize the identity of Chinese and Western cultures. ① Zheng Dahua analyzed the important influence of the Jiaqing and Daoguang thought in the process of social transformation in the late Qing Dynasty, and believed that: politically, they criticized the feudal autocratic system and introduced the democratic political system before and after the Opium War, thus promoting the transformation from the former to the latter; economically, they broke through the traditional "agriculture-based, commerce-based" thinking and "agriculture-focused, commerce-suppressed" policy before the Opium War, and then not only sprouted the consciousness of mercantilism, but also proposed the idea of ​​developing national industry and mining, which had an important influence on the later Westernization Movement; in terms of thought and academics, they advocated academic management, which played an important bridge role in the transformation of Chinese thought and academics from traditional to modern. ②

In the study of modern Chinese socialist thought, there are two articles involved. First, Zheng Kuangmin investigated the Socialist Seminar organized by revolutionaries in Japan in 1906 and believed that the seminar was established by revolutionaries such as Zhang Ji under the influence and support of the Kotoku Shusui faction, which was the most powerful faction in the Japanese socialist movement, and was set up in the Tongmenghui. Based on Kotoku Shusui's "direct action" theory, it had a fierce conflict with the Tokyo Constitutional Party's Seibunsha. However, not long after, the Meiji government suppressed the socialist movement in Japan, causing it to gradually decline, and ended with the Japanese government banning the Hengbao and Liu Shipei returning to China. ③Secondly, Zheng Dahua analyzed the three periods of the evolution of Zhang Junmai's socialist thought: during the May Fourth Movement, he was influenced by the German Social Democrats and formed the ideas and propositions of democratic socialism; in the early 1930s, on the basis of learning from the experience and lessons of Russia's socialist planned economy and Europe and the United States' capitalist free economy, he advocated that national socialism be the path of China's economic development, aiming to "place public and private economies under the state to create a collective economy of our country"; after the victory of the Anti-Japanese War, he returned to the position of democratic socialism held during the May Fourth Movement, emphasizing that the implementation of socialism must take into account the basic freedom of individuals, and believed that socialism and democratic politics are not contradictory, and that it is entirely possible to gradually move towards socialism through reform under democratic politics, without the need for violent revolution like the Soviet Union. ④

In the study of the May Fourth New Culture Movement, the following achievements are worth noting. Geng Yunzhi discussed the significance of the New Culture Movement in establishing the cultural relationship between China and the world, and believed that it was only after the Opium War that a foreign culture that showed overall superiority gradually appeared before the Chinese. After that, after many attempts, setbacks and reflections, the open cultural concept of pursuing the establishment of close ties between Chinese and world culture as one of the basic goals gradually formed among some pioneers, matured and developed in the New Culture Movement, and became the most important internal driving force of the New Culture Movement. ⑤

① Geng Yunzhi: "The Interaction between Politics and Culture in the Transformation of Modern Society", Journal of Sichuan University, No. 1, 2008; "Cultural Transformation in Modern China: Problems and Trends", Guangdong Social Sciences, No. 3, 2008; "The Development Path of Modern Chinese Culture from the Evolution of the Role of Conservatism", Journal of Hunan University, No. 6, 2008.

② Zheng Dahua: "The Thought of Jiaqing and Daoguang and the Modern Transformation of Late Qing Society", Historical Monthly, No. 1, 2008.

③ Zheng Kuangmin: "The Relationship between Socialist Seminars and Japanese Thought", Social Science Research, No. 3, 2008.

④ Zheng Dahua: "Zhang Junmai's Socialist Thought and Its Evolution", "Zhejiang Journal", No. 2, 2008.

⑤ Geng Yunzhi: "The New Culture Movement: Efforts to Establish Close Relationships between Chinese and World Culture", "Academic Research", No. 2, 2008.

Zheng Shiqu studied the Chinese people's reflection on modernity, including four aspects: the eastward spread of European reflection on modernity; questioning "reasonable life" and cultural demands; reflecting on the relationship between Chinese and Western cultures under the perspective of modernity; pursuing modernity and reflecting on modernity - the internal tension of the New Culture Movement. The author believes that the Europeans' reflection on modernity is mainly manifested in the rise of irrationalism, criticizing the confinement of human nature by rationality, and emphasizing human emotions, will and beliefs. For a long time, the academic community in my country has paid little attention to the response of the reflection on modernity in China, which makes it impossible for us to accurately understand and grasp the social and cultural trends in China in the early 20th century, including the New Culture Movement. ① Xu Jilin explored the discussion on political legitimacy during the May Fourth Movement, pointing out that: from Jiayin to New Youth, the focus of the thinking of May Fourth thinkers gradually shifted from the institutional arrangement of power to the core values ​​and ethical spirit behind politics, thus proposing the proposition of rebuilding the individual; but how to form a political community among individuals shifted from the original concept of "axiom" to the study of "public opinion" as the core. From Chen Duxiu to Li Dazhao, "public opinion" gradually moved from the theory of conscience to the free choice of the people's will. When the "public opinion" manipulated by various ideologies pretended to be "public opinion" and became the basis of political legitimacy, it aggravated political turmoil and disorder. The author also analyzed the origin of individualism during the May Fourth Movement in another article, believing that the individualistic resources of this period were the richest and it was an era of "the rise of the individual". Although this individualistic tradition is very different from the Western "rights individual", it has acquired another modernity in its unique way. ②

In the study of the interaction between Chinese and Western cultures, Xiong Yuezhi studied the debate on Western etiquette in the late Qing Dynasty and pointed out that since modern times, the introduction and comments on Western etiquette have increased day by day, and the most concentrated ones are "Western Etiquette Notes" and "Etiquette Notes" translated by John Fryer and "New Compilation of Western Etiquette" translated and compiled by Liu Shixun. Before the 1880s, people had both praise and criticism for Western etiquette. They appreciated Western customs such as punctuality and simplicity, and had some complaints about the etiquette of women participating in social activities. After the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895, there were more positive comments on Western etiquette. By the early 20th century, some people believed that Western etiquette was based on emotion, rooted in nature, honest and simple, and comparable to the three ancient dynasties in China, and China should strive to learn from them. ③ Li Changli examined the impact of the progress of modern transportation on the lives of Chinese people and pointed out that: people's travel is faster, more comfortable and more convenient, which has played a certain role in enlightening and leading people to understand and accept modern industrial technology; people's travel frequency is higher, social mobility is increased, public activities are promoted, and certain conditions are provided for modern civil society; people's travel methods are more commercialized, and therefore more equal and popular, and the previous hierarchical color tends to fade, which promotes people's sense of equality; the imbalance in the development of transportation tools has also widened the difference in urban and rural travel methods, forming a new and old dualistic travel method between urban and rural areas and the difference in vision and concepts between urban and rural people. ④

In the study of education system reform, the issue of "professor governance" during the Republic of China period began to attract attention. Zuo Yuhe's research believes that when China transplanted the Western modern university system, it paid attention to the institutional design of "professor governance", embodied the principle of "professor governance" by establishing a review committee and a professor's council, and provided institutional guarantees for academic freedom and academic independence. The principle of "professor governance" requires the government to give up political control over universities, but the Nationalist government still uses the excuse of improving academic standards to undermine the principle of "professor governance" and continuously strengthens its control over higher education, so that there is always a huge tension between the independent and free spirit pursued by universities and the Nationalist government's party-oriented education policy and administrative intervention policy. How to properly handle the relationship between the two has become a thorny issue affecting the development of modern universities in China. ⑤Xu Xiuli's research believes that in the school management of Peking University and Tsinghua University, professors play an important role. Professors' governance is not limited to academic affairs, but also includes almost all school affairs; they not only play a role as a group, but also deeply intervene as individuals; they not only "participate" in school affairs, but also "decide" school affairs. It is a relatively complete professor governance system. ⑥

①Zheng Shiqu: "Reflections on Modernity of Chinese People Before and After the European War", "Historical Research" No. 1, 2008.

②Xu Jilin: "National Foundation, Individual and Public Will - Discussion on Political Legitimacy during the May Fourth Movement", Shilin, No. 1, 2008; "The Origin of Individualism - A Study of Self-View during the May Fourth Movement", Tianjin Social Sciences, No. 6, 2008.

③Xiong Yuezhi: "Debate on Western Customs in Late Qing China", Academic Monthly, No. 8, 2008.

④Li Changli: "The Social and Cultural Effects of Modern Transportation Progress on Chinese People's Lives", Academic Research, No. 11, 2008.

⑤Zuo Yuhe: "Persistence and Maintenance: The Principle of "Professor Governance" in Modern Chinese Universities", Peking University Education Review, No. 2, 2008.

 ⑥Xu Xiuli: "Governance of National Universities in the Late 1940s", "Historical Monthly", No. 11, 2008.

In the study of modern new terms, many achievements have been made in recent years, and there are still a few articles worth mentioning here. Based on previous research, Feng Tianyu examined the feudal views of Huang Zunxian, Liang Qichao, Yan Fu, Zhang Taiyan, Sun Yat-sen and other advanced Chinese scholars in the late Qing Dynasty and early Republic of China, and believed that the new name "feudalism" they reconstructed and recreated, its connotation is aristocratic politics and lord economy, and its extension refers to the Yin and Zhou systems, and also covers similar systems in the Middle Ages in Europe, the Middle Ages in Japan and the modern times, becoming a common name for a global historical form. This feudal view has better achieved the unity of inheritance and variability in concept evolution, and has initially achieved the commonality and integration of traditional Chinese historiography concepts and Western historiography concepts. However, they failed to examine the social form in an all-round way, so their "feudal" view was still weak in theory and insufficient to resist the challenge of the strong pan-feudal view that emerged later. Since the 1930s, it has gradually retreated from the mainstream. ① Wang Hongbin examined the evolution of the word "government" in modern times and believed that the government gradually evolved into the modern meaning during the Guangxuan period, but it was only a pronoun at that time and was not officially transformed into a noun until the establishment of the Provisional Government of the Republic of China. Because the word "government" has undergone a long and complex evolution process, the agencies it refers to in different dynasties are different, so when interpreting the archives of the late Qing Dynasty, we should be particularly cautious. ② Liu Jilin examined the changes in the conceptual meaning of the word "study abroad" and believed that it was a new term imported from Japan in the late Qing Dynasty. During the Westernization Period, the term "study abroad" was mainly used; after the Reform Movement of 1898, the official gradually used the term "study abroad", and the folks were influenced by the academic circles studying in Japan and used the term "study abroad" more. Although the two were used together, the latter was more popular and affected the official. ③

〔Author Yu Heping, researcher at the Institute of Modern History, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences. Beijing, 100006. yuhp@cass.org.cn〕