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Does a political revolutionary vanguard, especially after it becomes the governing collective, kill its enemies (in the context of Marxist Revolution in China when class struggle was the ascendant principal contradiction-- the four types of class elements (“四类分子”) -- 地主、富农、反革命、坏分子）(landlords, rich peasants, counterrevolutionaries, and bad elements)) or supervise and control them with the eventual hope of reforming them? The Soviet Union especially through the period ending with the death of J. Stalin tended toward the former position. Chinese Marxist-Leninism has tended toward the latter position and increasingly aligning discourse with policy after the 1970s (here).
“对于整个反动阶级的专政，必须依靠群众，依靠党。对于反动阶级实行专政，这并不是说把一切反动阶级分子统统消灭掉，而是要改造他们，用适当的方法改造他们，使他们成为新人。” ["To exercise dictatorship over the entire reactionary class, we must rely on the masses and the Party. To exercise dictatorship over the reactionary class does not mean to eliminate all reactionary class elements. Instead of getting rid of them, we must transform them, use appropriate methods to transform them, and make them new people.”] (Mao Zedong, 中共中央关于依靠群众力量，加强人民民主专政，把绝大多数四类分子改造成新人的指示 (14 January 1964 [Instructions of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on relying on the power of the masses, strengthening the people's democratic dictatorship, and transforming the vast majority of the four types of elements into new people]
A germinal moment, at least within the discursive imaginaries of Chinese Marxist-Leninism took place in the early 1960s after an initial period of both assigning people to an elements listing them as enemies of the people and targets of the revolution (列为革命的敌人和打击对象), and then of dealing with them punitively in localized ways. "虽然中央决定了“一个不杀，大部不捉”的方针，但许多地方在具体推行过程中，依然是定指标、“关一批”、“判一批”、“杀一批”的做法。" [Although the central government has decided on the policy of "no one will be killed and most will not be arrested", many places still set targets, "lock up a group", "judge a group" and "kill a group" during the specific implementation process.] (here (1963)).
The “枫桥经验” (Fēngqiáo Experience) sought to capture a policy that at once operationalized the notion of democratic dictatorship (e.g., democracy for patriots; dictatorship for enemy class elements) and at the same time advanced the leadership responsibilities of the Communist vanguard in its role of educating all of the people in the befits of patriotism--as that concept was being developed with Chinese socialist characteristics. It got its name from the place where it was centered--Fengqiao District, Zhuji County, Ningbo Prefecture, Zhejiang Province (currently Fengqiao Town, Zhuji City, Shaoxing, Zhejiang Province). There local authorities sought to blend the education campaigns with policy toward listed class enemies by organizing a pilot socialist education campaign in seven communes in Fengqiao District. The initial success of the project was substantial enough to eventually get the notice of the central authorities.The idea was appealing at least conceptually--create a system in which the masses educate themselves by educating (in a rehabilitative kind of way) class enemies in the listed categories. It also solved an administrative problem--implementing the Socialist Education Movement by mobilizing the masses (here (1963).
The “枫桥经验” (Fēngqiáo Experience) did not disappear entirely with the Gang of Four or the end of the period of class struggle and the start of the new era of Reform and Opening Up. It did, however, change focus. While the patriotic front and its campaigns, including education campaigns remained, the objects of national enemies changed. This was especially the case, in some ways, with the development of 三个代表 [sange daibiao] (the three representations) that opened a space within the patriotic front for business elements (see eg here); though its success remained controversial and the interesting essay of Cai Xia [蔡霞] after she left China sheds some light (here English; Chinese)) and its focus appeared to turn more toward security in the 1980s and 1990s.
Nonetheless, the evolution of Chinese Marxist-Leninism into its present New Era now appears to open the door once again to a focus on “枫桥经验” (Fēngqiáo Experience) now re-imagined for a New Era expression of patriotism and a New Era understanding of (if only informally) who may fall within within a new conception of “四类分子” grounded in anti-patriotic activities regardless of class status. Formal interest in the Fēngqiáo Experience might have appeared in earnest on the commemoration of its 50th anniversary in Hangzhou. The event was noted by Xi Jinping who suggested that its insights might well be utilized modified to suit the times and historical conditions .
习近平指出，50年前，浙江枫桥干部群众创造了“依靠群众就地化解矛盾”的“枫桥经验”，并根据形势变化不断赋予其新的内涵，成为全国政法综治战线的一面旗帜。浙江省各级党委和政府高度重视学习推广“枫桥经验”，紧紧扭住做好群众工作这条主线，为经济社会发展提供了重要保障。[Xi Jinping pointed out that 50 years ago, the cadres and masses of Zhejiang Fengqiao created the "Fengqiao Experience" of "relying on the masses to resolve conflicts on the spot" and continuously gave it new connotations according to changes in the situation, becoming a banner for the national comprehensive political and legal administration front. Party committees and governments at all levels in Zhejiang Province attach great importance to learning and promoting the "Fēngqiáo Experience" and closely focus on the main line of doing mass work, providing an important guarantee for economic and social development.](习近平指示强调：把“枫桥经验”坚持好、发展好 [Xi Jinping’s instructions emphasized: adhere to and develop the “Fēngqiáo Experience” well] (11 November 2013)).
The focus appeared to shift from Socialist mass education to social governance by 2020, now aligned with the great rejuvenation and patriotic campaigns. In this sense, “枫桥经验” (Fēngqiáo Experience) could be turned into an instrument for meeting the challenges of the New Era principal contradiction (unequal distribution and poverty alleviation. "“要做好高校毕业生、农民工、退役军人等重点群体就业工作，多渠道促进就业创业。要加强和创新社会治理，坚持和完善新时代‘枫桥经验’，深化扫黑除恶专项斗争。” ["It is necessary to do a good job in employment of key groups such as college graduates, migrant workers, and veterans, and promote employment and entrepreneurship through multiple channels. It is necessary to strengthen and innovate social governance, adhere to and improve the 'Fēngqiáo Experience' in the new era, and deepen the crackdown on organized crime. Special fight against evil.”] (習近平：做強做實做優製造業 [Xi Jinping: Make the manufacturing industry stronger, more practical and better]). And indeed, the trend toward some sort of re-imagining of the Fēngqiáo Experience, now tied to other campaigns meant to meet the policy-political challenges of the New Era have been noted by reporting outside of China (eg here).
It is in this context, where old approaches are repurposed for the current era, that one might usefully consider a recent essay by 作者 [Liu Yuanjian] 发展新时代“枫桥经验” Developing the “Fēngqiáo Experience” in the new era], disturbed by 中国社会科学网-中国社会科学报 [China Social Sciences Network-China Social Sciences Journal]. The essay follows below in the original Chinese and in a crude English translation.
Some very brief thoughts:
1. The focus of “枫桥经验” (Fēngqiáo Experience) appears to have migrated, along with the focus of policy in the new era to social risk governance or management (社会风险治理) . That aligns with a number of different thrusts of policy--from the management of risk in the operations of large State Owned Enterprises (SOEs) abroad (discussed here); to the locally based systems for emergency management.
2. That migration is part of a more comprehensive plan to modernize the national regulatory system. What that means, in operation, remains to be seen, but its many experiments and initiatives can be studied, but it is likely to draw on a modernized re-focus on security; in the 1960s it was against class enemies, in the new era is is tied to the security of socialist modernization. But the modalities are localization and a measure of local autonomy. That may be the critical turn. But what does not change is the localization of efforts to manage risk and turn one+s enemies--and if they cannot be successfully turns, to control them--one way or another.
3. Grassroots governance, though, even enveloped within the broader concepts of social risk, acquires a digital dimension in the new era that cannot be overlooked. This includes digital empowerment measures, but also systems of digitally based supervision. In a national environment in which class struggle is no longer the central concern, the sort of grassroots governance built around the concept of social risk management, powered by digital measures, and empowering local authorities to solve local issues, the relevance of automated systems of detection, modeling, assessment, and nudging cannot be far removed from the discussion.
4. What appears, though, as a fundamental element, is that the “枫桥经验” (Fēngqiáo Experience) has become a fairly porous vessel within which its historical elements can be distilled and placed on a shelf (for later use), while serving contemporary objectives. What has not changed, however, is the core of the "experience"--the connection to democratic dictatorship (not mentioned in events focused on application, which is a pity), and democratic dictatorship has always focused on risk--the risk that national enemies (as the constitution of their elements) will undo the work of the vanguard. With that as a base, the rest inevitably follows even as its application changes from era to era. The connection between security and risk, however, remains a constant, and the core assumption of democratic dictatorship under conditions of a socialist path toward a communist objective. That remains a constant even as the nature of security and risk changes; nonetheless, for a Leninist system (and perhaps in different ways others) inattention to security and risks can prove fatal to a political system when the connection between both and grassroots elements, and when the connection between the local and the central authorities becomes incoherent, or is neglected.
作者：刘远舰
来源：中国社会科学网-中国社会科学报
1月27日，“新时代‘枫桥经验’与社会风险治理”学术研讨会在北京举行。与会专家学者紧紧围绕新时代“枫桥经验”的核心要义，从社会风险产生的内在逻辑到基层社会治理的时空背景转换，从新时代“枫桥经验”的内涵阐释到数字赋能基层治理现代化发展，对坚持和发展新时代“枫桥经验”、防范化解社会风险进行了学理阐释，探讨了实践路径。
新时代“枫桥经验”
重要价值
浙江省新时代枫桥经验研究院院长金伯中介绍了新时代“枫桥经验”作为一个整体性概念的缘起及内涵，阐述了它成为推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化、服务和保障中国式现代化的发展历程。金伯中认为，新时代“枫桥经验”是在继承和发扬“枫桥经验”的基础上，对新时代基层社会治理实践的经验总结，其根本方法是坚持党的领导，依靠群众力量解决人民内部矛盾问题。
中国职业安全健康协会基层安全应急管理专业委员会主任委员、中国矿业大学（北京）原副校长范中启表示，要进一步提升对新时代“枫桥经验”重要价值的认识，发掘新时代“枫桥经验”的核心内涵，探索新时代“枫桥经验”在社会风险治理中的实践路径。
北京航空航天大学公共管理学院教授胡象明认为，群众自主解决自己遇到的问题，是基层社会自治的主要特征。“枫桥经验”提倡“小事不出村，大事不出镇，矛盾不上交，就地化解”，这是社会风险治理基层行动逻辑的典型表现，体现了问题导向与群众主动性的统一。坚持和发展新时代“枫桥经验”，就是要推动实现基层社会自治，激发基层社会风险治理的主动性和创造性，营造平安和谐的社会氛围。
新时代“枫桥经验”实践路径
基于新时代“枫桥经验”的启示，中共中央党校（国家行政学院）“一带一路”风险治理首席专家李雪峰提出了“三式五化”的公共安全治理模式。“三式”分别是“解题式”的价值实现方式、“引领式”的领导作用方式、“服务式”的治理实施方式，它们构成了社会治理的基本方式；“五化”分别是属地化政治、群众化自治、乡土化德智、规范化法治、智慧化智治，它们构成了社会治理的综合手段。中央财经大学政府管理学院副院长李宇环认为，基层矛盾纠纷情境有四种类型，分别是利益引致型风险、观念引致型风险、权力引致型风险、文化引致型风险。依据不同情境，应该选择与之相适应的治理工具化解不同类型的风险。
生态环境部环境与经济政策研究中心社会部主任郭红燕探讨了新时代“枫桥经验”在环境社会风险治理工作中的灵活运用问题。她认为，在加强党对基层治理全面领导的前提下，建立一系列制度，保障人民群众的知情权、监督权和参与权，实现各相关主体和人民群众的全过程社会参与；构建利益共享机制，让人民群众在风险共担之后真正实现利益共享。
数字化发展的全面推进给基层社会治理带来了新挑战与新机遇。北京航空航天大学公共管理学院院长蔡劲松认为，随着数字时代的飞速发展，新技术嵌入社会生活的程度越来越深，基层社会风险治理面对的场域发生了新变化。但是，文化始终是社会发展的根脉，我们应从中华优秀传统文化中汲取滋养，以文化人，进而实现对数字化时代基层社会风险治理场域变化的有效应对。中央财经大学政府管理学院院长姜玲以辽宁“阳光三务”系统平台建设为例，介绍了数字赋能基层治理的生动实践，认为以信息化助力社会治理体系升级，是提升基层社会治理效能的重要路径之一。
加强应急体系建设是提高公共安全治理水平的重要方面。中国矿业大学公共管理学院（应急管理学院）院长王义保认为，应该在“大安全”应急框架下考虑社会公共安全风险体系建设问题，以总体国家安全观为指引，完善高效权威的国家安全领导体制，构建全域联动、立体高效的治理体系。清华大学应急管理研究基地副主任吕孝礼认为，在“大应急”体系建设视域下，应进一步加强应急管理专业人才的培养，提升各工种的专业化程度，做好事前预防、事中应对。
新时代“枫桥经验”研究
“枫桥经验”的形成和发展有其特定的历史时空背景。中国人民大学公共管理学院党委书记孙柏瑛表示，在新的历史条件下，探索适合中国城市基层治理现代化发展的路径，已经成为基层社会治理的重要课题。新时代“枫桥经验”的提出恰逢其时，为当代城市基层治理现代化发展指明了方向，其核心要义始终是党的群众路线。同时，应注意到不同地区的差异性，在城市基层治理中要因地制宜、合情合理地运用新时代“枫桥经验”，实现自治德治法治的有机统一。
南京大学政府管理学院兼职教授孔祥涛表示，社会风险治理是推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的重要方面，以新时代“枫桥经验”引领社会风险治理，彰显“中国经验”，蓄发“中国之治”新优势，对于以中国式现代化全面推进强国建设、民族复兴伟业具有重要意义。北京大学政府管理学院长聘教授杨立华认为，在新时代“枫桥经验”的相关研究与实践中，应坚持和发展马克思主义的矛盾观，将人民群众始终作为社会历史实践的主体，探索建立一种有效化解基层人民内部矛盾的方法论，从深层次提升基层社会自治的活力与创造性。
中国矿业大学（北京）文法学院院长刘金程表示，新时代“枫桥经验”是从党的群众路线以及基层治理经验总结升华出的中国智慧和中国方案。研讨会对新时代“枫桥经验”和社会风险治理相关议题的探讨，有助于学界深化对新时代“枫桥经验”的学理阐释，推动其更好指导基层社会治理实践。
研讨会由中国职业安全健康协会基层安全应急管理专业委员会主办，中国矿业大学（北京）文法学院承办。
转载请注明来源：中国社会科学网【编辑：刘颢婧（报纸） 张赛（网络）】
Developing “Fēngqiáo Experience” in the new era
2024-02-07
Author: Liu Yuanjian
Source: China Social Sciences Network-Chinese Social Sciences Journal
On January 27, the academic seminar on "The Experience and Social Risk Governance in the New Era" was held in Beijing. Experts and scholars attending the meeting closely focused on the core essence of the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era, from the internal logic of social risks to the transformation of time and space background of grassroots social governance, from the connotation interpretation of the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era to digital empowerment of grassroots governance modernization Development, it provides a theoretical explanation on adhering to and developing the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era, preventing and resolving social risks, and explores practical paths.
"Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era
An important value
Jin Bozhong, Director of the Zhejiang New Era Experience Research Institute, introduced the origin and connotation of the "Fēngqiáo Experience" as a holistic concept in the new era, and elaborated on its role in promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capabilities, serving and guaranteeing Chinese-style modernization. development process. Jin Bozhong believes that the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era is a summary of the rsoution of conflicting issues experience of grassroots social governance practices in the new era on the basis of inheriting and carrying forward the "Fēngqiáo Experience."
Fan Zhongqi, chairman of the Grassroots Safety Emergency Management Professional Committee of the China Occupational Safety and Health Association and former vice president of China University of Mining and Technology (Beijing), said that it is necessary to further enhance the understanding of the important value of the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era and explore the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era. core connotation, and explore the practical path of “Fēngqiáo Experience” in social risk governance in the new era.
Hu Xiangming, a professor at the School of Public Administration at Beihang University, believes that the main feature of grassroots social autonomy is that the masses independently solve the problems they encounter. The "Fengqiao Experience" advocates that "small matters should not leave the village, major matters should not leave the town, and conflicts should be resolved on the spot without handing them over." This is a typical manifestation of the logic of grassroots action in social risk management and reflects the unity of problem orientation and mass initiative. Upholding and developing the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era is to promote the realization of grassroots social autonomy, stimulate the initiative and creativity of grassroots social risk management, and create a safe and harmonious social atmosphere.
"Fēngqiáo Experience" practice path in the new era
Based on the inspiration of the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era, Li Xuefeng, chief expert on "One Belt, One Road" risk management at the Party School of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (National School of Administration), proposed a "three forms and five modernizations" public security governance model. The "three styles" are the "problem-solving" value realization method, the "leading" leadership role method, and the "service-type" governance implementation method. They constitute the basic method of social governance; the "five modernizations" are territorial Political politics, mass autonomy, local morality and wisdom, standardized rule of law, and smart governance constitute a comprehensive means of social governance. Li Yuhuan, deputy dean of the School of Government at the Central University of Finance and Economics, believes that there are four types of grassroots conflict and dispute situations, namely interest-induced risks, concept-induced risks, power-induced risks, and culture-induced risks. Depending on the situation, appropriate governance tools should be selected to resolve different types of risks.
Guo Hongyan, director of the Social Department of the Environmental and Economic Policy Research Center of the Ministry of Ecology and Environment, discussed the flexible application of the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in environmental and social risk management in the new era. She believes that on the premise of strengthening the party's overall leadership of grassroots governance, a series of systems should be established to protect the people's right to know, supervise and participate, and realize the full-process social participation of all relevant subjects and the people; build a benefit-sharing mechanism , allowing the people to truly realize benefit sharing after sharing risks.
The comprehensive advancement of digital development has brought new challenges and new opportunities to grassroots social governance. Cai Jinsong, dean of the School of Public Administration at Beihang University, believes that with the rapid development of the digital age, new technologies are increasingly embedded in social life, and the field faced by grassroots social risk management has undergone new changes. However, culture has always been the root of social development. We should draw nourishment from China’s excellent traditional culture and educate people to effectively respond to changes in the field of grassroots social risk management in the digital era. Jiang Ling, dean of the School of Government at the Central University of Finance and Economics, took the construction of the "Sunshine Three Affairs" system platform in Liaoning as an example and introduced the vivid practice of digital empowerment of grassroots governance. She believed that using informatization to help upgrade the social governance system is an important step in improving the efficiency of grassroots social governance. one of the important paths.
Strengthening the construction of the emergency response system is an important aspect of improving the level of public security governance. Wang Yibao, Dean of the School of Public Administration (School of Emergency Management) at China University of Mining and Technology, believes that the construction of social public security risk systems should be considered under the "big security" emergency framework, and an efficient and authoritative national security leadership system should be improved with the overall national security concept as a guide. , to build a globally linked, three-dimensional and efficient governance system. Lu Xiaoli, deputy director of the Tsinghua University Emergency Management Research Base, believes that under the perspective of building a "major emergency" system, the training of emergency management professionals should be further strengthened, the professionalism of various types of work should be improved, and prevention beforehand and response during the incident should be carried out.
Research on “Fēngqiáo Experience” in the New Era
The formation and development of “Fēngqiáo Experience” has its specific historical time and space background. Sun Baiying, Secretary of the Party Committee of the School of Public Administration of Renmin University of China, said that under new historical conditions, exploring a path suitable for the modern development of grassroots governance in Chinese cities has become an important issue in grassroots social governance. The "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era was put forward at the right time, pointing out the direction for the modernization and development of contemporary urban grassroots governance. Its core essence has always been the party's mass line. At the same time, we should pay attention to the differences in different regions, and use the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era in accordance with local conditions and rationally in urban grassroots governance to achieve the organic unity of autonomy, morality, and the rule of law.
Kong Xiangtao, an adjunct professor at the School of Government of Nanjing University, said that social risk governance is an important aspect in promoting the modernization of the national governance system and governance capabilities. The "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era will lead social risk governance, highlight the "Chinese experience", and cultivate the "China's The new advantages of "governance" are of great significance for comprehensively promoting the construction of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation with Chinese-style modernization. Yang Lihua, a tenured professor at the School of Government of Peking University, believes that in the research and practice related to the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era, the Marxist view of contradictions should be adhered to and developed, and the people should always be the subject of social and historical practice, and explore the establishment of a system of contradictions. A methodology that effectively resolves internal conflicts among grassroots people and enhances the vitality and creativity of grassroots social autonomy from a deep level.
Liu Jincheng, dean of the School of Liberal Arts of China University of Mining and Technology (Beijing), said that the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era is Chinese wisdom and Chinese solutions that are sublimated from the party's mass line and grassroots governance experience. The seminar's discussion of issues related to the "Fēngqiáo Experience" and social risk governance in the new era will help the academic community deepen the theoretical interpretation of the "Fēngqiáo Experience" in the new era and promote it to better guide the practice of grassroots social governance.
The seminar was hosted by the Grassroots Safety Emergency Management Professional Committee of the China Occupational Safety and Health Association and hosted by the School of Liberal Arts of China University of Mining and Technology (Beijing).
Please indicate the source for reprinting: China Social Science Network [Editor: Liu Haojing (newspaper) Zhang Sai (Internet)]
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