One of the great markers of the extraordinary development of Marxist-Leninist theory in China has been Xi Jinping's "New Era" campaign.Almost form the time of his rise to leadership within the core of the collective leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, there has been an increasingly pointed centering of the CCP's political work. And within that political work, the CCP leadership core has emphasized the need to develop the productive forces of Marxism Leninism first, within the Chinese context, and then to offer this transformed or evolving Marxism-Leninism (now aligned with the new global historical era) to the world in the form of the current Chinese global human rights and trade initiatives.
Since the 3rd Plenum, the CCP has appeared to accelerate its development of the productive forces of Marxism-Leninism in the service of its Basic Line, and of its engagement internally with the masses (through a yet to be fully developed renewal of the mass line) and externally through its Belt and Road Initiative and associated vision for a new global order. This is not just politics of the sort that has grown decadent in many parts of the world; rather, as I have pointed out elsewhere (here, here, and here) this is essentially a moral and normative project. At its core is the fundamental objective to change people and institutions to better point toward the ultimate obligation of the leading social forces (in the case of China its CCP) toward the establishment of a Communist Society (and again this is np surprise to those who read the CCP's own constitution).
Since the 3rd Plenum, the CCP has appeared to accelerate its development of the productive forces of Marxism-Leninism in the service of its Basic Line, and of its engagement internally with the masses (through a yet to be fully developed renewal of the mass line) and externally through its Belt and Road Initiative and associated vision for a new global order. This is not just politics of the sort that has grown decadent in many parts of the world; rather, as I have pointed out elsewhere (here, here, and here) this is essentially a moral and normative project. At its core is the fundamental objective to change people and institutions to better point toward the ultimate obligation of the leading social forces (in the case of China its CCP) toward the establishment of a Communist Society (and again this is np surprise to those who read the CCP's own constitution).
It ought to be of great interest, then, when the leadership core of the CCP itself lends its name to an effort to further advance the theory (and thereafter practice) of Marxism-Leninism (with or without Chinese characteristics). Recently such an effort to advance Marxist theory was published in the flagship vehicle for such efforts--《求是》Qiú shì ("Seeking Truth"), a bi-monthly political theory periodical published by the Central
Party School and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Such was the case recently with the publication of 学习马克思主义基本理论是共产党人的必修课 [Learning the basic theory of Marxism is a compulsory course for communists] under the authorship of Xi Jinping [习近平 ]. The original coverage of the speech can be found here. Elements of Western political actors were more critical. See HERE. As is customary for such efforts, the essay is a reduction/transcription of a speech of the author deemed important enough to merit further distribution. In this case it was derived from a speech given at the fifth collective study of the 19th Central Political Bureau on April 23, 2018. The resulting essay is worth reading, of course, for the usual reasons--it is authored by the leadership core of the CCP and thus will have authoritative effects beyond those of any thoughts of lower ranked theorists inside or outside the CCP (much less of any foreigner), it signals direction and may be used as an indicator of where the CCP may be heading as it makes it sway to the 20th CCP National Congress, and because the authorities deem it important. But it is also worth reading as theory. The revival of Marxism-Leninism, especially within official channels, has not been undertaken since the retrospectively unsuccessful efforts of middle Soviet period Stalinism. More importantly, the essay provides a view of emerging forms of Communist Internationalism that may be embedded in the great initiatives of China in seeking a larger role on the world stage--from the Belt and Road Initiative to Multilateral efforts to reshape international law.
This post includes the essay and its rough English translation along with some preliminary thoughts and engagement with the essay as theory within the context of China's Marxist Leninist New Era thought.
(Pix Credit here)
These comments to
Xi Jinping’s essay are made in the spirit of academic analysis. Since Mr. Xi was kind enough to drop into the
world of academic theory by authoring his essay, it is only respect for that
work that imposes on its readers the utmost duty to engage with it as it if
came from the pen of a highly gifted colleague. Respect, then, is manifested in
rigorous analysis, adhering strictly to the principles of that art.
The essay serves
as an elaboration of an address originally given to CCP cadres engaged in the
official study of Marxism during the 5th collective study session of
the 19th Central Politburo.
As Xi Jinping reminds his audience, these courses and study collectives
is now compulsory for CCP cadres. To
that extent, one would expect the essay to be written to further the aims of
that program—encouraging and weighted heavily toward an explanation of why it
is that its students should pay attention.
But beyond that, this essay appears to be meant to signal a larger
application of the directive to study Marxism, and to study Marxism in light of
the developments of Marxist-Leninism in the Chinese “New Era.” That the architect
of the fundamentals of the “New Era” thinking was giving the address adds
weight to what was thought important enough to publish in a general circulation
journal that occupies an important public signaling role for intellectuals in
China. That context provides reason enough for reading the essay
carefully. If more reason is needed it
is this: the contents of the essay will likely drive academic and political
approaches to the interpretation and application of “Marxism” within the Chinese
context for the near term. To understand this essay, then, is to begin to
understand the parameters within which Marxism will be defined and applied in China.
The Essay seeks to
make three major points.
The first is to
deeply understand the major theoretical contributions of the Communist
Manifesto. That in turn is divided into
a number of principal insights about the Communist Manifesto, at least as it
relates to the current stage of the development of Chinese Marxist theory: (1)
that it serves as the foundation for the
scientific worldview of Marxism; (2 that it serves as the foundation for the
unique character of Marxist political parties as leading societal elements; (3)
that it served to delineate the fundamental political position of Marxist parties;
(4) that at the same time the Manifesto served to delineate the fundamental
ideal and objective of a Marxist Party; (5) that it provided the blueprint of
the revolutionary program of Marxism; and (6) that the Manifesto fundamentally
situated Marxism and the program of the Marxist party within internationalism.
The second point
picks up from the last section of the first point. It’s object is to develop a profound
understanding of the impact of the Manifesto on world socialism.
The third point
explored in the essay is to urge its readers to adhere to the scientific
principles and scientific spirit of the Manifesto. This last point turns the
analysis of the Manifesto’s internal effects (point 1) and its effects in the
scientific validation of the necessity of a communist international (point 2)
into a national action plan for Communist Parties and their cadres, at least in
China.
Let us consider
each briefly in turn.
I. Deeply
understand the major theoretical contributions of the Communist Manifesto.
Xi Jinping divides
his thought on the major theoretical contributions of the Communist Manifesto
into six broad categories. Each is briefly considered in turn.
(1) The
Communist Manifesto serves as the foundation for the scientific worldview of
Marxism. The essay wastes no time in getting to its central theme—that the Communist
Manifesto is the foundational exposition of a worldview with an international as
well as national effect, all of which must be embedded in all governance orders
seeking to rationalize or make rational their governance and normative
systems (e.g., the “scientific” part
of the discussion). It is the rational approach to the study of human phenomena
and particularly potent as a means of rationalizing politics through economics.
In that respect, at least, the Manifesto “reveal[ed] the historical
inevitability of socialism instead of capitalism; exquisitely expounding the
nature, characteristics, basic program of Marxist political parties (Xi, Learning
the basic theory of Marxism, supra). Xi uses the Manifesto to draw a solid line
between (mostly Western) socialism and the scientific socialism that is
Marxism.
More interesting
is the use of the Communist Manifesto to underline two particular Marxist
principles that had undergone some development in China after 1949. The first is class struggle. It is true enough that class struggle remains
part of the CPC Line. But since reform
and opening up it has been de-centered first in favor of the development of
productive forces, and then by Xi Jinping himself in the course of the 19th
CCXP Congress report, which focused on the contradiction of the distribution of
wealth from production.
The second is the
view that divides the contemporary world into capitalist and communist camps,
and suggesting that Marxist scientism already points to the inevitable competition
between and victory of the Communists over capitalism. This is hardly new as Marxist theory. And indeed, it is the foundation in part of
classical communist internationalism that was officially buried over half a century
ago. But the intimation here is that
while it may no longer have an institutional structure, the ideal inherent in
the principle of communist internationalism cannot be avoided. Nor, it seems can a clash with capitalist
(read modern day free market) states in which the communists will emerge
victorious. The result might be then to
convert Marxist parties into the new international vanguard party within
international organizations. But at this
point that is not clear. Of course, the
resonance is particularly interesting in the context of the trade conflict between
the United States and China. Reading
this, it becomes plausible to understand that conflict nor merely as among two
partners seeking to live together, but as another stage in a struggle for
dominance in which one of the parties is doomed to extinction. That would be
unfortunate—at the same time it merely mirrors the thinking among elements in
the United States that have long viewed Marxism in the way that Marxists, including
President Xi, now appear to view free market western liberal democracies.
(2) The
Communist Manifesto serves as the foundation for the unique character of
Marxist political parties as leading societal elements. This point is both useful
and substantially under theorized within the development of advanced Communist
theorizing in China. That had, until
this point, been a pity and a substantial weakness in the ability of the CCP to
meet criticism from the West, and from Stalinist Communist parties, that there
was essentially nothing that really separated communist from other political parties
(other than the extent to which it retained state power for itself).
Xi correctly
traces the special status of the Communist party to the Manifesto. Yet here
again the language is unfortunate and tends to trip all over itself. The essence of a communist party has been
clear for over a century outside of China (except it seems to those who wield
it and discipline those who are able to think about it). One need only think of
the state of Marxist thinking outside of China from the time of Trotsky’s
spectacular failures in the Soviet Union after Lenin’s death to see the
trajectory. The CCP appeared clearer on this point, though mostly in
application rather than in concise theory. Yet the theory is simple enough:
liberal democratic political parties are factions seeking to band together to
appeal as a block to voters who are tasked with electing representatives to
those political institutions into which they have delegated substantially all
sovereign power (other than the residual which they retain). A Marxist party represents the leading forces
of society which is usually identified as an unconscious labor element (recall
the language in the first point about the scientific (rational) grounding of
Marxism),
A Marxist
revolutionary party seeks to gather together progressive social forces to
wrest control of the state form more backwards (again from the rationalism of
Marxist theory) social forces and the political factions around which they are
organized.
A Marxist party
in power (something Marx himself never theorized except in the most general
terms because no such creature existed before 1918 and even then there is a
dispute about the legitimacy of the Soviet version), on the other hand, is
itself the holder of the political power of the people, and thus stands as the recipient of delegated sovereign power in matters relating to the organization and operation
of the state (and its political economy of course). As such, a Marxist party in power is not a
political faction, but rather the holder (in trust) of all political
power. The language in the essay about
workers recalls Mao Zedong’s famous discussion (On
the People’s Democratic Dictatorship (1949)) of the constitution of the
people (dividing them along class struggle lines between workers-peasants etc.
and “reactionary and bourgeois-capitalist elements requiring re-socialization
in the form of a communist based de-Nazification project). But it is not all
that helpful in this context without the direct reference. Instead, it is
better to understand (as Xi Jinping does
in general in this essay) that this sum-of-all-political-power
must be exercised in accordance with the principles that legitimates this delegation
in both strict adherence to the ultimate objective of Marxism and its fundamental working style n(that
is the third and fourth subpoint of this first part of the essay).
(3) The Communist
Manifesto served to delineate the fundamental political position of Marxist parties.
Again, Xi Jinping starts with the class
struggle framing. One begins to wonder
more about the nature and meaning of the new fundamental contradiction he
announced in the 19th CCP Congress Report in that light (less Deng Xiaoping
and more Mao Zedong? Though it is too early to tell and there is not enough in
the essay to support any position). Again, it is hard to read this section
without thinking hard about the renewed value and re-interpretation for the New
Era of On
the People’s Democratic Dictatorship (1949). Perhaps that should be required reading as
well? In any case, Xi Jinping has another point to make here—one going to the
fundamental working style of the Marxist Party.
That fundamental working style is one that must center the advanced
social elements (workers, peasants, etc.) in the logic of its political and
administrative organization. That has
substantial implications for everything from the role of markets in political economy
to the culture of business leadership in a China now framed through the Reform
and opening Up approach to the development of productive forces. Here one feels the inward creep of the Twelve
Socialist Values as a means of framing working style as well as the last communique of the 4th Plenum about socialist culture.
(4) The
Communist Manifesto served to delineate the fundamental ideal and objective of
a Marxist Party. Still, the more profound point is the
sozialstaadt principles he embraces from a Marxist perspective. Even as the holder of all political authority
as the representative of the most advances social forces, the Marxist Party’s
legitimacy and right to that title is contingent on its strict adherence to the
fundamental principles of Marxism. More
specifically, it must adhere strictly to the core objective of Marxism—the establishment
of a communist society. Clearly this is
well reflected in the General Provisions of the CCP Constitution. Yet it does not appear overmuch in the
communications between the Party and the People. Here perhaps, President Xi is suggesting that
the Party practice what preaches more vigorously and more transparently; but
that is mere supposition.
(5) The Communist
Manifesto provided the blueprint of the revolutionary program of Marxism. Here President Xi places the Communist Manifesto
in time. He uses its historical approach
to evidence its value in framing the evolution of the political line of the Chinese Communist Party from the time is began its
transformation from Revolutionary Party to Party in Power. The discussion
suggests the change in the Party’s line from revolutionary victory, to united
front politics and mutual benefit, to the early experimentation of the early
years of the People’s Republic, through the Great Proletariat Cultural Revolution
and the end of the prior period with the success of the Reform and Opening Up
political line. But the essay also
suggests the historical end of those historical periods in the face of the New Era
announced in 2017. Still, the essential point—Marxist theory in action is
dynamic, is well utilized here.
(6) The Communist
Manifesto fundamentally situated Marxism and the program of the Marxist party
within internationalism. This sixth point
moves the essay from the internal ramifications of the theory and self-referencing
world view of Marxist theory already located in the Communist Manifesto (and of
use to the development of Chinese Marxism in the New Era), to a much much
broader application—here Mr. Xi turns to the Communist Manifesto’s projection
as Communist internationalism. Much more astutely, perhaps, and in ways that
will not be noticed by Westerners (usually so caught up in the logic of their
own self referencing world view as to be oblivious to competitor systems), the
essay then argues both the inevitability and form of the great battle between
capitalism and Marxism that is to be played out on the global trade stage. “The Communist Manifesto deeply analyzed
the capitalist production across national borders and continuously explored the
world market. It scientifically foresees the universal trend of material
production and spiritual culture production, and then pointed out that communism
is not a narrow regional movement, the proletariat.” (Xi, Learning the basic theory of
Marxism, supra). Here lone situates the Belt and Road Initiative in
opposition to and in contradistinction to both the America First Initiative (as
the current manifestation of the capitalist oppositional force) but also of the
post 1945 multilateral trading and cultural system (contemporary globalization)
as a system whose historical period of authority might have ended in 2016. “To
achieve complete liberation, it is necessary to liberate all mankind and call
on the proletarians of the world to unite. This provides a scientific and
theoretical basis for Marxist parties to embrace the world, benefit mankind,
and jointly create a better world.” (Xi,
Learning the basic theory of Marxism, supra).
2. Cultivating
a profound understanding of the far-reaching impact of the Communist Manifesto
on World Socialism.
Here Xi Jinping
begins to expand the notions of Communist internationalism that was already
expressed in the last point of the prior section. He starts with the insight that the Communist
Manifesto promoted the development of
world (not national) socialism in practice and in that changed the course of
history. Of course, the scientific rationalism
of Marxism suggests that that world changing effect was inevitable, but is path
was not exactly clear. That insight might be reserved for later development,
yet it is inherent in New Era thought as well as in the path toward the
establishment of a communist society already followed by the CCP for well over
a generation.
President Xi,
however, seeks to make another point related to the global effects of world
socialism. At its simplest the point is to connect the Communist Manifesto to
the long line of inter-related revolutionary movements from that of the
Bolsheviks in the Russian Empire to that of the CCP in China. From there, the point is to connect that first
generation of CCP cadres inspired by the Manifesto to the program of the maturing
CCP in the contemporary era.
But at a perhaps
more subtle level, the object is to return the global influence from the progression
of socialist revolutions to the capitalist and liberal democratic West. “Since
the international financial crisis in 2008, the world has once again raised the
"Marx fever", and research on the "Communist Manifesto" and
"Capital" has once again become popular. Facts have proved that the
power of truth in the Communist Manifesto is eternal and has and will continue
to profoundly influence the course of world history.” (Xi, Learning the
basic theory of Marxism, supra). What is left unstated is the role of Marxist
Parties in power in the further development and progression of world socialism
in those states in which it has not yet taken root, or remains only in a
revolutionary phase. Here one finds a
potential tension between the CCP’s strongly held views on non-interference
with the compelling rational inevitability of world socialism at the core of
the premises of the Communist Manifesto.
How that tension will be recognized and resolved remains to be seen.
3. Adhere to
the Scientific principles and scientific spirit of the Communist Manifesto.
Here the essay
moves from theory to action. That action
is directed mostly to the cadres of the CCP.
Yet it has overtones that spill over into China’s external political relations,
now more explicitly structured on the basis of the foundation of Marxism
expressed through a current understanding of the Manifesto. That is made clear
at the start of this section in which the currency of the Manifesto to CCP New
Era thinking is declared in no uncertain terms: “Although the Communist
Manifesto was born 170 years ago, the basic principles of its formulation are
not outdated and will not be outdated. I said, ‘If you feel that you are not
practical, go to delve into the classics.’” (Xi, Learning the basic theory
of Marxism, supra). Another six subpoints underscore and expand on this
principle insight.
(1) First, we
are determined to fight for the common ideal of communism and the common ideal
of socialism with Chinese characteristics. There are several points made here that are worth close consideration. The first returns us to the practical consequences
of the inevitability of the success of the Marxist international. Prescient Xi stresses that even momentary
defeats and setbacks (perhaps even counted in centuries) ought not to be
understood as inevitable failure but as necessary periods of reorganization for
future progress. He then suggests that
China’s Marxism with Chinese characteristics may represent the current manifestation
of global vanguard forces pushing the project of global Marxism forward. “Because
of the continuous success of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the
situation of world socialism after the end of the Cold War has been greatly
reversed, and the passive situation of socialism in the competition with
capitalism has been greatly reversed.” (Xi, Learning the basic theory of
Marxism, supra).
(2) Second,
loyalty to the people-centered development thinking. The essay here suggests a reading of the
Manifesto that might enhance and broaden the understanding and application of
the Chinese Mass Line Principle. It serves to remind the CCP of its principal people-centered
responsibility. Here one might suggest the opening of an opportunity for deeper
thinking of the Mass Line beyond its current constraints as an anti-corruption
and working style concept.
(3) Third, in
line with the general trend of world development, promote the building of a
community of human destiny.
Here the essay returns to the issue of internationalism. It notes global interdependence and then ties
it to its roots, as President Xi sees it, to the insights of the Manifesto. Here
the scientific insights of the Manifesto appears in two guises, the tensions in
which are neither noted nor resolved.
The first is an affirmation of the right of states to choose their own
course within broad principles of non-interference. In that respect unilateralism and protectionism
is rejected—though in this context it remains a pointed comment against the
United States and its trade regimes is unavoidable. And it might distract from
the larger theoretical point. The second point is that in that context of national
development China must push its Marxist development onward to serve its own
interests. And here is the unresolved tension: “We must unswervingly safeguard
and develop China's development interests. At the same time, we must
unswervingly expand opening up to the outside world, promote the international
community to share the responsibility of the times, cooperate to cope with the
challenges brought about by economic globalization, and promote economic
globalization toward more open and inclusive.” (Xi, Learning the basic
theory of Marxism, supra). Perhaps BRI provides the answer. It is too early to tell. We await the further development of BRI
theory in this context.
(4) Fourth,
strengthen party building in accordance with the new requirements of the new
era. Here Xi Jinping
connects the fundamental principles of the Manifesto to the dynamic evolution
of Leninism in China from the time of the 18th CCP Congress. Here again the dynamic element in the Manifesto
is both stressed and tied to contemporary New Era developments in China. The object in part is to strengthen the
legitimacy of current changes and to tie it back to core fundamental principle.
At the same time the Manifesto is meant to underline the core principle of the
Party in everything which is now the operating ideal Leninist practice of the
CCP. To that end, Xi Jinping stresses the need for intra-Party “self-revolution”
for the purpose of more resolutely and legitimately leading the people in what
is termed the “great social revolution” and the realization of the “great
rejuvenation of the nation.” The object is to better align the CCP with the
Manifesto’s notion of the ideal of a Marxist Party. To do that, however, will require a thorough
development of the Leninist elements of that Marxist ideal, a subject left for
another day.
(5) Fifth, we
will continue to open up a new realm of Marxism in China. Here both the dynamic elements of the
Manifesto and its amenability to contextualization within the peculiarities of
national movements is stressed. That is
meant to tie the Manifesto to the CCP’s line of evolving Marxism with Chinese
characteristics. Here the tie to the Reform and Opening Up initiative, and its
connection to the ultimate logic of the Manifesto is suggested. Those in turn
are meant to continue to advance the CCP’s position as the leading social force
among Marxist parties, and from that the leading social force in world
socialism. “We must understand the times and grasp the trend of the times,
stand at the forefront of human development, actively explore major issues
concerning the future and destiny of mankind, and contribute to China's wisdom
and China's programs in response to the global challenges facing the world
today and to solve common problems facing humanity.” (Xi, Learning the basic
theory of Marxism, supra).
(6) Sixth,
strengthen the study of Marxist classics. The essay closes with a reminder of the continued utility of
the Manifesto as a guide to the evolution of a Marxist Party to suit the times (current historical era) and the place (national
context).
__________
来源：《求是》2019/22 作者：习近平 2019-11-15 15:08:52
学习马克思主义基本理论是共产党人的必修课
习近平
今天，十九届中央政治局举行第五次集体学习，学习内容是《共产党宣言》及其时代意义。今年是马克思诞辰200周年，也是《共产党宣言》发表170周年。党中央对纪念马克思诞辰200周年活动作出了安排， 5月上旬将召开纪念大会。在这个时间节点上，中央政治局集体学习《共产党宣言》具有十分重要的意义。
学习马克思主义基本理论是共产党人的必修课。党的十八大以来，中央政治局集体学习多次以马克思主义理论为题，先后学习了历史唯物主义、辩证唯物主义、马克思主义政治经济学的基本原理和方法论。这次中央政治局集体学习《共产党宣言》，目的是通过重温经典，感悟马克思主义的真理力量，坚定马克思主义信仰，追溯马克思主义政党保持先进性和纯洁性的理论源头，提高全党运用马克思主义基本原理解决当代中国实际问题的能力和水平。
在座的同志都读过《共产党宣言》，今天我们重温这一经典，依然深受教育、深受启发。结合这次学习，我谈3点认识。
一、深刻认识《共产党宣言》的重大理论贡献
《共产党宣言》的问世是人类思想史上的一个伟大事件。《共产党宣言》是第一次全面阐述科学社会主义原理的伟大著作，“向全世界公开说明自己的观点、自己的目的、自己的意图”，矗立起一座马克思主义精神丰碑。《共产党宣言》的重大理论贡献主要有以下几个方面。
2018年5月2日，中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席习近平来到北京大学考察。这是习近平在北京大学马克思主义学院，与正在就“解读新时代”进行座谈交流的中外学生亲切交谈。 新华社记者 李涛/摄
第一，深刻阐述了马克思主义的科学世界观。《共产党宣言》以透彻而鲜明的语言描述了新的世界观，即唯物史观，为人们提供了认识自然、认识人类社会的科学思想武器。在人类思想史上，唯心主义用神、人性、观念等来解释一切的世界观，曾经长期统治着人们对社会现象的认识。在马克思主义诞生以前，空想社会主义对资本主义进行了猛烈抨击，对未来社会的图景进行了勾画，但无法找到实现其社会理想的正确道路和社会力量。在《共产党宣言》中，马克思、恩格斯科学阐明了资本主义的内在矛盾和无产阶级的历史使命，揭示了社会主义代替资本主义的历史必然性；精辟论述了马克思主义政党的性质、特点、基本纲领、策略原则，划清了科学社会主义和其他形形色色社会主义流派的界限。《共产党宣言》提出的一些重要思想，比如唯物史观、阶级斗争、无产阶级历史使命、共产主义新社会、人的全面发展、世界市场等，在人类思想史上具有革命性、开创性、突破性意义。《共产党宣言》深刻揭示了奴隶社会以来的历史都是阶级斗争的历史；揭示了生产力决定生产关系，经济基础决定上层建筑，生产力和生产关系、经济基础和上层建筑的矛盾运动推动社会形态依次更替的人类社会发展一般规律；揭示了资本主义生产社会化和生产资料私人占有之间的内在矛盾；揭示了资本主义必然灭亡和共产主义必然胜利的历史规律。正如恩格斯所说:“这个原理看来很简单，但是仔细考察一下也会立即发现，这个原理的最初结论就给一切唯心主义，甚至给最隐蔽的唯心主义当头一棒。”还说“这个事实不仅对于理论，而且对于实践都是最革命的结论”。《共产党宣言》发表后，马克思、恩格斯不断发展他们的思想，最终形成了系统完备的思想理论体系。《共产党宣言》是一部科学洞见人类社会发展规律的经典著作，是一部充满斗争精神、批判精神、革命精神的经典著作，是一部秉持人民立场、为人民大众谋利益、为全人类谋解放的经典著作。马克思主义理论的科学性和革命性源于辩证唯物主义和历史唯物主义的科学世界观和方法论，为我们认识世界、改造世界提供了强大思想武器，为世界社会主义指明了正确前进方向。
第二，深刻阐述了马克思主义政党的先进品格。《共产党宣言》对马克思主义政党的先进性作了深入阐述，指出共产党不是同其他工人政党相对立的特殊政党，他们没有任何同整个无产阶级的利益不同的利益。在实践方面，共产党是各国工人政党中最坚决的、始终起推动作用的部分；在理论方面，共产党胜过其余无产阶级群众的地方在于他们了解无产阶级运动的条件、进程和一般结果，在当前运动中同时代表运动的未来。马克思主义政党必须由最彻底最坚定的先进分子组成，共产党人应该是最不知疲倦、无所畏惧和可靠的先进战士。这些思想为马克思主义政党保持先进性和纯洁性提供了根本遵循。
第三，深刻阐述了马克思主义政党的政治立场。《共产党宣言》毫不掩饰马克思主义政党的阶级性，旗帜鲜明站在无产阶级和广大人民一边，热情讴歌人民群众在推动历史前进中的伟大作用，把无产阶级看作先进生产力的代表者、资本主义制度的掘墓人、新社会制度的创造者，强调过去的一切运动都是少数人的或者为少数人谋利益的运动，无产阶级的运动是绝大多数人的、为绝大多数人谋利益的独立的运动。这一鲜明的政治立场，充分肯定了人民的历史主体地位，充分体现了马克思主义政党的根本性质和宗旨。
第四，深刻阐述了马克思主义政党的崇高理想。《共产党宣言》确立了马克思主义政党的最高目标是实现共产主义，并把实现人的自由而全面的发展作为共产主义的本质特征。这一崇高理想站在了人类道义制高点，成为一代又一代共产党人忠贞不渝、坚强不屈的坚定信仰和不惧任何风险、战胜一切困难的精神支柱，成为马克思主义政党团结广大人民砸碎旧世界、创造新世界的精神旗帜。
第五，深刻阐述了马克思主义的革命纲领。《共产党宣言》指出，工人革命的第一步就是使无产阶级上升为统治阶级，争得民主，并利用自己的政治统治，尽可能快地增加生产力的总量。《共产党宣言》还就如何发展生产力提出了具体举措，尽管其中有些具体内容今天已经不适用了，但蕴含其中的精神仍然具有积极意义。这些思想对马克思主义政党领导人民进行革命斗争、武装夺取政权，对马克思主义政党夺取政权后加强政权建设特别是执政党建设，对发展社会主义民主、发展社会生产力、推动社会全面进步等都具有重大而深远的指导意义。
这是2018年2月7日在比利时首都布鲁塞尔市中心拍摄的白天鹅咖啡馆内景，当年马克思和恩格斯在这里撰写了《共产党宣言》。 新华社记者 叶平凡/摄
第六，深刻阐述了马克思主义政党的国际主义精神。《共产党宣言》对资本主义生产跨越国界、不断开拓世界市场进行了深刻分析，科学预见了物质生产和精神文化生产的世界普遍性趋势，进而指出共产主义不是一种狭隘的地域的运动，无产阶级要获得彻底解放必须解放全人类，号召全世界无产者联合起来。这为马克思主义政党胸怀全球、造福人类，共同创造美好世界提供了科学理论依据。
《共产党宣言》是一个内容丰富的理论宝库，作出的理论贡献是多方面的，值得我们反复学习、深入研究，不断从中汲取思想营养。
二、深刻认识《共产党宣言》对世界社会主义产生的深远影响
《共产党宣言》一经问世，就在实践上推动了世界社会主义发展，深刻改变了人类历史进程。恩格斯说，《共产党宣言》是“全部社会主义文献中传播最广和最具有国际性的著作，是从西伯利亚到加利福尼亚的千百万工人公认的共同纲领”。《共产党宣言》发表后不久，欧洲就爆发了声势浩大的革命运动。1864年，国际工人协会（史称“第一国际”）成立后，在马克思领导下支持各国工人阶级开展斗争，支持被压迫民族争取民族解放的斗争。1871年爆发的巴黎公社革命，是推翻资产阶级统治、建立由人民当家作主政权的第一次伟大尝试。各国工人阶级通过斗争，取得了政治选举权、八小时工作制、劳工立法等过去不可能取得的重大胜利。
1917年11月，列宁领导十月革命取得成功，在资本主义最薄弱的链条上打开了一个缺口，建立了世界上第一个社会主义国家，实现了社会主义从理论到实践的伟大飞跃。十月革命的成功证明了《共产党宣言》的真理性，让各国无产阶级革命和民族解放运动看到了希望。第二次世界大战结束后，一批国家先后走上社会主义道路，社会主义由一国发展到多国，世界社会主义力量大大增强。
我们党的老一辈革命家都是受《共产党宣言》的影响而走上革命道路的。我们党的第一部党纲就是按照《共产党宣言》精神制定的。我们党开辟的新民主主义革命道路、社会主义革命道路、社会主义建设道路、中国特色社会主义道路，都是把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合的伟大创造。中国共产党是《共产党宣言》精神的忠实传人。
《共产党宣言》是近代以来最具影响力的著作。170年来，《共产党宣言》被译成200多种文字，出版数千个版本，成为世界上发行量最大的书籍之一。近20年来，西方各种机构评选“千年思想家”、“最具影响力的学者”等，马克思都名列前茅甚至高居榜首。2008年国际金融危机发生以来，世界上再度兴起“马克思热”，对《共产党宣言》、《资本论》等的研究再度成为热门。事实证明，《共产党宣言》的真理力量是永恒的，已经并将继续深刻影响世界历史进程。
三、坚持《共产党宣言》的科学原理和科学精神
马克思、恩格斯在世时就说过，《共产党宣言》的某些地方“可以作一些修改”或者“有不同的写法”，但它“所阐述的一般原理整个说来直到现在还是完全正确的”。《共产党宣言》虽然诞生于170年前，但其阐述的基本原理没有过时，也不会过时。我说过，“如果心里觉得不踏实，就去钻研经典著作，《共产党宣言》多看几遍”，讲的就是温故知新的道理。今天，我们重温《共产党宣言》，就是要把《共产党宣言》蕴含的科学原理和科学精神运用到统揽伟大斗争、伟大工程、伟大事业、伟大梦想的实践中去，不断谱写新时代坚持和发展中国特色社会主义新篇章。
第一，矢志不渝为共产主义远大理想和中国特色社会主义共同理想而奋斗。《共产党宣言》揭示的人类社会最终走向共产主义的必然趋势，奠定了共产党人坚定理想信念、坚守精神家园的理论基础。理想信念的确立，是一种理性的选择，而不是一时的冲动，光有朴素的感情是远远不够的，还必须有深厚的理论信仰作支撑，否则一有风吹草动就会发生动摇。只要我们掌握了马克思主义基本原理，就能够深刻认识到实现共产主义是由一个一个阶段性目标逐步达成的漫长历史过程，需要若干代人接续奋斗、艰苦奋斗、不懈奋斗；就能够深刻认识到中国特色社会主义是实现中华民族伟大复兴的必由之路，也是中国共产党人带领人民追求崇高理想、开辟光明未来的成功道路。我今年年初在新进两委和省部级主要领导干部专题研讨班上讲过：“如果社会主义在中国没有取得今天的成功，如果中国共产党领导和我国社会主义制度也在苏联解体、苏共垮台、东欧剧变那场多米诺骨牌式的变化中倒塌了，或者因为其他原因失败了，那社会主义实践就可能又要长期在黑暗中徘徊了，又要像马克思所说的那样作为一个幽灵在世界上徘徊了。”由于中国特色社会主义不断成功，冷战结束后世界社会主义万马齐喑的局面得到很大程度的扭转，社会主义在同资本主义竞争中的被动局面得到很大程度的扭转，社会主义优越性得到很大程度的彰显。我们要把共产主义远大理想同中国特色社会主义共同理想统一起来、同我们正在做的事情统一起来，坚定道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信，不为任何风险所惧，不为任何干扰所惑，始终坚守共产党人的理想信念，不负共产党人的光荣称号。
第二，忠实践行以人民为中心的发展思想。学习运用《共产党宣言》，就要不忘初心、牢记使命，始终把人民放在心中最高位置，更好增进人民福祉，推动人的全面发展、社会全面进步。谋划发展，要着眼于满足人民日益增长的美好生活需要，贯彻新发展理念，着力解决发展不平衡不充分的问题，提高发展质量，不断提高人民生活品质、生活品位。深化改革，要站在人民立场上处理好涉及改革的重大问题，坚决破除一切阻碍生产力发展的体制机制障碍，坚决破除一切束缚社会文明进步的思想观念，给人民带来更多获得感、幸福感、安全感。保障和改善民生，要着眼于让发展成果更多更公平惠及全体人民，既尽力而为又量力而行，促进社会公平正义，在幼有所育、学有所教、劳有所得、病有所医、老有所养、住有所居、弱有所扶上不断取得新进展，不断朝着全体人民共同富裕迈进。
2018年5月9日，一位外国观众被北京“真理的力量——纪念马克思诞辰200周年主题展览”中一面展示不同国家出版的500多种《共产党宣言》的书墙所吸引。 中新社记者 贾天勇/摄
第三，顺应世界发展大势推动构建人类命运共同体。当前，世界多极化、经济全球化、社会信息化、文化多样化深入发展，各国相互关联、相互依存程度之深前所未有，充分印证了马克思、恩格斯在《共产党宣言》中所作的科学预见。每个国家都有发展权利，同时都应该在更加广阔的层面考虑自身利益，不能以损害其他国家利益为代价。实行单边主义、保护主义，不符合人类社会发展规律。我们要坚定不移维护和发展我国发展利益，同时要坚定不移扩大对外开放，推动国际社会共担时代责任，合作应对经济全球化带来的挑战，推动经济全球化朝着更加开放、包容、普惠、平衡、共赢的方向发展，让不同国家、不同阶层、不同人群共享经济全球化带来的机遇。
第四，按照新时代新要求加强党的建设。《共产党宣言》为马克思主义建党学说奠定了理论基础。党的十八大以来，我们对坚持党的领导不仅在理论上有了新认识，而且在实践中有了新探索，完善了党对一切工作领导的体制机制。我们要把坚持党的领导贯彻和体现到改革发展稳定、内政外交国防、治党治国治军各个领域各个方面，确保党始终总揽全局、协调各方。党要领导人民推进伟大社会革命、实现民族伟大复兴，就必须发扬自我革命精神，深入推进全面从严治党的决心不能动摇、要求不能降低、力度不能减弱。要认真贯彻落实党的十九大提出的新时代党的建设总要求和重大部署，在整体推进党的各项建设的同时，重点解决党内出现的新问题，着力解决好人民群众反映强烈的形式主义、官僚主义问题，一些干部不敢为、不愿为、不会为的问题，一些基层党的建设弱化、虚化、边缘化的问题，等等，确保我们党永葆马克思主义政党本色、永远走在时代前列、永远做中国人民和中华民族的主心骨。
第五，不断开辟马克思主义中国化新境界。与时代同步伐，与人民共命运，关注和回答时代和实践提出的重大课题，是马克思主义永葆生机活力的奥妙所在。《共产党宣言》所阐述的一般原理整个说来是正确的，但不能要求《共产党宣言》对170年后人类社会发展提出的所有具体问题都提供现成答案。我们要以科学的态度对待科学，以真理的精神追求真理，不断赋予马克思主义以新的时代内涵。我们要洞察时代风云，把握时代大势，站在人类发展前沿，积极探索关系人类前途命运的重大问题，为应对当今世界面临的全球性挑战、解决人类面临的共性问题贡献中国智慧、中国方案。要紧密联系亿万群众的创造性实践，尊重人民群众的主体地位和首创精神，作出新概括、获得新认识、形成新成果。要坚持问题导向，聚焦我国改革开放和社会主义现代化建设面临的重大现实问题、全局性战略问题、人民群众关心关注的热点难点问题，为解决问题提供新理念、新思路、新办法。要吸收人类创造的一切优秀文化成果，不断深化对共产党执政规律、社会主义建设规律、人类社会发展规律的认识，发展21世纪马克思主义、当代中国马克思主义，续写马克思主义中国化新篇章。
第六，加强对马克思主义经典著作的学习研究。广大党员、干部特别是高级干部要学好用好《共产党宣言》等马克思主义经典著作，坚持学以致用、用以促学，原原本本学，熟读精思、学深悟透，熟练掌握马克思主义立场、观点、方法，不断提高马克思主义理论素养。要加大经典著作编译力度，坚持既出成果又出人才，培养一支新时代马克思主义经典著作编译骨干队伍。要深化经典著作研究阐释，推进经典著作宣传普及，不断推出群众喜闻乐见、贴近大众生活的形式多样的理论宣传作品，让理论为亿万人民所了解所接受，画出最大的思想同心圆。
再过30年，也就是到2048年《共产党宣言》发表200周年之时，正是我们全面建成社会主义现代化强国、实现中华民族伟大复兴之际。届时，中国共产党人和中国人民将以自己的壮举进一步证明马克思主义的科学性、真理性、预见性，让我们以实际行动迎接这个伟大时刻的到来吧!
（这是习近平总书记2018年4月23日在十九届中央政治局第五次集体学习时的讲话。）
ENGLISH TRANSLATION:
Learning the basic theory of Marxism is a compulsory course for communists
Source: "Seeking Truth" 2019/22 Author: Xi Jinping 2019-11-15 15:08:52
Source: "Seeking Truth" 2019/22 Author: Xi Jinping 2019-11-15 15:08:52
Learning the basic theory of Marxism is a compulsory course for communists
Xi Jinping
Today, the 19th Central Political Bureau holds the fifth collective study. The content of the study is the Communist Manifesto and its significance. This year marks the 200th anniversary of the birth of Marx and the 170th anniversary of the Communist Manifesto. The Party Central Committee made arrangements for commemorating the 200th anniversary of the birth of Marx, and a commemorative meeting will be held in early May. At this time point, the Central Political Bureau’s collective study of the Communist Manifesto is of great significance.
Learning the basic theory of Marxism is a compulsory course for communists. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, the Central Political Bureau has collectively studied Marxist theory for many times and has studied the basic principles and methodology of historical materialism, dialectical materialism, and Marxist political economy. The Central Political Bureau collectively studied the "Communist Manifesto" in order to revisit the classics, to understand the truth power of Marxism, to strengthen the Marxist faith, to trace the theoretical source of the Marxist party's maintenance of its advanced nature and purity, and to improve the use of Marx by the whole party. The basic principles of the fundamentals of solving the practical problems of contemporary China.
The comrades present here have read the Communist Manifesto. Today we revisit this classic and are still deeply educated and inspired. In conjunction with this study, I will talk about 3 points.
I. Deeply understand the major theoretical contributions of the Communist Manifesto
The advent of the Communist Manifesto is a great event in the history of human thought. The "Communist Manifesto" is the first great work to comprehensively expound the principles of scientific socialism, "to publicly explain your views, your own purposes, and your own intentions to the world" and to establish a monumental spirit of Marxism. The major theoretical contributions of the Communist Manifesto have the following aspects.
On May 2, 2018, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, President of the State, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission Xi Jinping came to Peking University for an inspection. This is Xi Jinping's Marxist Academy at Peking University, and he has a cordial conversation with Chinese and foreign students who are discussing and interpreting the "interpretation of the new era." Xinhua News Agency reporter Li Tao / photo
First, it profoundly expounded the scientific worldview of Marxism. The Communist Manifesto describes a new worldview in a thorough and distinct language, that is, historical materialism, which provides people with scientific and ideological weapons that understand nature and understand human society. In the history of human thought, idealism uses God, humanity, and ideas to explain all world views. It has long dominated people's understanding of social phenomena. Before the birth of Marxism, utopian socialism slammed capitalism and outlined the picture of the future society, but could not find the correct path and social power to realize its social ideals. In the "Communist Manifesto", Marx and Engels science clarified the inherent contradiction of capitalism and the historical mission of the proletariat, revealing the historical inevitability of socialism instead of capitalism; exquisitely expounding the nature, characteristics, basic program of Marxist political parties, The principle of strategy has drawn a line between scientific socialism and other socialist schools of all kinds. Some important ideas put forward by the Communist Manifesto, such as historical materialism, class struggle, the historical mission of the proletariat, the new communist society, the all-round development of man, the world market, etc., are revolutionary, pioneering, and breakthrough in the history of human thought. significance. The Communist Manifesto profoundly reveals that the history since the slave society is the history of class struggle; it reveals that productivity determines the relationship of production, the economic foundation determines the superstructure, the contradictory movement of productivity and production relations, economic foundation and superstructure promotes the change of social form. The general law of human social development reveals the inherent contradiction between the socialization of capitalist production and the private possession of means of production; it reveals the historical law of the inevitable demise of capitalism and the inevitable victory of communism. As Engels said: "This principle seems very simple, but a closer look reveals that the initial conclusion of this principle gives all idealism and even the most hidden idealism a head." Also said "this fact is not only for Theory, and the most revolutionary conclusion for practice." After the publication of the Communist Manifesto, Marx and Engels continued to develop their ideas and eventually formed a systematic and complete system of ideological theory. The Communist Manifesto is a classic work that scientifically understands the laws governing the development of human society. It is a classic work full of the spirit of struggle, critical spirit, and revolutionary spirit. It is a work of upholding the people's position, seeking benefits for the people, and seeking for all mankind. A classic book of liberation. The scientific and revolutionary nature of Marxist theory stems from the scientific world outlook and methodology of dialectical materialism and historical materialism. It provides a powerful ideological weapon for us to understand the world and transform the world, and points out the correct direction for world socialism.
Second, it profoundly expounded the advanced character of Marxist political parties. The Communist Manifesto elaborated on the advanced nature of Marxist political parties and pointed out that the Communist Party is not a special political party opposed to other workers' political parties. They do not have any interests that are different from the interests of the entire proletariat. In practice, the Communist Party is the most determined and always promoting part of the workers’ political parties in various countries; in theory, the place where the Communist Party is better than the rest of the proletarian masses is that they understand the conditions, processes, and general results of the proletarian movement. The sport also represents the future of sports. Marxist parties must be composed of the most thorough and determined advanced elements. The Communists should be the most indefatigable, fearless and reliable advanced fighters. These ideas provide a fundamental basis for the Marxist party to maintain its advanced nature and purity.
Third, the Manifesto profoundly expounded the political position of Marxist political parties. The "Communist Manifesto" does not conceal the class nature of Marxist political parties. It stands on the side of the proletariat and the broad masses of people. It eulogizes the great role of the people in promoting history. The proletariat is regarded as the representative of advanced productive forces and the capitalist system. The digger and the creator of the new social system emphasize that all movements in the past are movements of minority or interests for the minority. The movement of the proletariat is the vast majority of people who seek benefits for the vast majority of people. Independent movement. This distinctive political position fully affirmed the people's historical subject status and fully embodied the fundamental nature and purpose of the Marxist party.
Fourth, it profoundly expounded the lofty ideals of Marxist parties. The Communist Manifesto established that the highest goal of a Marxist political party is to realize communism and to realize the free and comprehensive development of human beings as the essential feature of communism. This lofty ideal has stood at the commanding heights of human morality, and has become a steadfast belief in unyielding, unyielding and unyielding spirits of generations and generations of communists, and a spiritual pillar that does not fear any risks and overcome all difficulties. It has become a Marxist party united with the people and smashed the old world. And create the spiritual banner of the new world.
Fifth, it profoundly developed the revolutionary program of Marxism. The Communist Manifesto pointed out that the first step in the workers' revolution was to raise the proletariat into a ruling class, to win democracy, and to use its own political dominance to increase the total amount of productivity as quickly as possible. The Communist Manifesto also put forward specific measures on how to develop productivity. Although some of the specific contents are not applicable today, the spirit contained in it still has positive significance. These thoughts are of great significance to the revolutionary struggle of the Marxist political parties leading the people, the armed seizure of political power, the strengthening of political power construction after the seizure of political power by Marxist political parties, especially the construction of the ruling party, the development of socialist democracy, the development of social productive forces, and the promotion of overall social progress. And far-reaching guiding significance.
This is the interior of the White Swan Cafe, which was filmed in the heart of Brussels, Belgium on February 7, 2018, when Marx and Engels wrote the Communist Manifesto. Xinhua News Agency reporter Ye Pingfan / photo
Sixth, it profoundly expounded the internationalist spirit of Marxist political parties. The Communist Manifesto deeply analyzed the capitalist production across national borders and continuously explored the world market. It scientifically foresees the universal trend of material production and spiritual culture production, and then pointed out that communism is not a narrow regional movement, the proletariat. To achieve complete liberation, it is necessary to liberate all mankind and call on the proletarians of the world to unite. This provides a scientific and theoretical basis for Marxist parties to embrace the world, benefit mankind, and jointly create a better world.
The Communist Manifesto is a rich theoretical treasure house. The theoretical contributions made are multi-faceted. It is worthy of repeated study and in-depth study, and constantly draws on ideological nutrition.
2. Second, profound understanding of the far-reaching impact of the Communist Manifesto on world socialism
Once the "Communist Manifesto" was published, it promoted the development of world socialism in practice and profoundly changed the course of human history. Engels said that the Communist Manifesto is "the most widely spread and international work in the entire socialist literature, a common program recognized by millions of workers from Siberia to California." Shortly after the publication of the Communist Manifesto, a massive revolutionary movement broke out in Europe. In 1864, after the establishment of the International Workers' Association (known as "the First International"), under the leadership of Marx, it supported the working class of all countries in the struggle and supported the struggle of the oppressed nations for national liberation. The Paris Commune revolution that broke out in 1871 was the first great attempt to overthrow the bourgeois rule and establish the regime of the people to be the masters of the country. Through the struggle, the working classes of various countries have achieved major victories that were impossible in the past, such as political voting rights, eight-hour working system, and labor legislation.
In November 1917, Lenin led the success of the October Revolution, opened a gap in the weakest chain of capitalism, established the world's first socialist country, and achieved a great leap in socialism from theory to practice. The success of the October Revolution proved the truth of the Communist Manifesto, and hoped that the proletarian revolution and the national liberation movement of all countries saw hope. After the end of the Second World War, a group of countries successively embarked on the socialist road. From the development of one country to many countries, the world socialist forces were greatly enhanced.
The older generation of revolutionaries of our party were all on the path of revolution under the influence of the Communist Manifesto. The first party program of our party was formulated in accordance with the spirit of the Communist Manifesto. The new democratic revolutionary road, the socialist revolutionary road, the socialist construction road, and the socialist road with Chinese characteristics opened up by our party are all great creations that combine the basic principles of Marxism with China's concrete realities. The Communist Party of China is a faithful successor to the spirit of the Communist Manifesto.
The Communist Manifesto is the most influential book in modern times. For 170 years, the Communist Manifesto has been translated into more than 200 languages and published in thousands of editions, making it one of the largest circulation books in the world. In the past 20 years, various Western institutions have selected "millennial thinkers" and "most influential scholars", and Marx has been ranked first and even topped the list. Since the international financial crisis in 2008, the world has once again raised the "Marx fever", and research on the "Communist Manifesto" and "Capital" has once again become popular. Facts have proved that the power of truth in the Communist Manifesto is eternal and has and will continue to profoundly influence the course of world history.
3. Adhere to the scientific principles and scientific spirit of the Communist Manifesto
When Marx and Engels were alive, they said that some parts of the Communist Manifesto could "make some modifications" or "have different ways of writing", but it "the general principles explained are completely correct until now." Although the Communist Manifesto was born 170 years ago, the basic principles of its formulation are not outdated and will not be outdated. I said, "If you feel that you are not practical, go to delve into the classics. The Communist Manifesto is read several times." It is about the truth of the new knowledge. Today, we revisit the "Communist Manifesto", that is, to apply the scientific principles and scientific spirit contained in the "Communist Manifesto" to the practice of uniting great struggles, great works, great undertakings, and great dreams, and constantly compose a new era of persistence and Develop a new chapter in socialism with Chinese characteristics.
First, we are determined to fight for the common ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The inevitable trend of the human society finally leading to communism revealed in the Communist Manifesto laid the theoretical foundation for the Communists to strengthen their ideals and convictions and adhere to the spiritual homeland. The establishment of ideals and beliefs is a rational choice, not a temporary impulse. It is far from enough to have simple feelings. It must also be supported by profound theoretical beliefs. Otherwise, it will be shaken when there is a storm. As long as we master the basic principles of Marxism, we can profoundly realize that the realization of communism is a long historical process that is gradually achieved by a phased goal. It requires several generations to continue to struggle, struggle hard and struggle unswervingly; Characteristic socialism is the only way to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, and it is also the road to success for the Chinese Communists to lead the people in pursuing lofty ideals and opening up a bright future. At the beginning of this year, I said at the special seminars of the new leaders of the two ministries and provincial and ministerial level leaders: "If socialism does not achieve today's success in China, if the leadership of the Communist Party of China and the socialist system of our country are also disintegrated in the Soviet Union the Soviet Communist Party; when the domino-style changes in the ups and downs of Eastern Europe and Eastern Europe collapsed socialist practice or if it failed for other reasons, socialist practice may have to linger in the dark for a long time, and as a ghost in the world as Marx said." Because of the continuous success of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the situation of world socialism after the end of the Cold War has been greatly reversed, and the passive situation of socialism in the competition with capitalism has been greatly reversed. Success is greatly demonstrated. We must unite the great ideals of communism with the common ideals of socialism with Chinese characteristics, unite with what we are doing, and strengthen road self-confidence, theoretical self-confidence, institutional self-confidence, cultural self-confidence, fearlessness in the face of risks, and rejection of any interference. We must always adhere to the ideals and beliefs of the Communists, and live up to the glorious title of the Communists.
Second, loyalty to the people-centered development thinking. To learn to use the "Communist Manifesto", we must not forget the initial heart, keep in mind the mission, always put the people in the highest position in the heart, better enhance the people's well-being, and promote the all-round development of people and overall social progress. To plan and develop, we must focus on meeting the people's growing needs for a better life, implementing new development concepts, focusing on solving the problem of inadequate development imbalance, improving the quality of development, and constantly improving people's quality of life and quality of life. To deepen reform, we must take care of the major issues involving reform from the standpoint of the people, resolutely remove all institutional and institutional obstacles that hinder the development of productive forces, resolutely break all ideological concepts that constrain the progress of social civilization, and bring more sense of acquisition and happiness to the people. And a sense of security. To protect and improve people's livelihood, we must focus on making development results more fair and fair to the whole people. We will do our best and do our best to promote social fairness and justice, and have a young age, education, education, income, and illness. With the doctors, the old people, the living, the weak, and the support, they have made new progress and are constantly moving towards the common prosperity of all the people.
On May 9th, 2018, a foreign audience was attracted by the book wall of more than 500 "Communist Manifesto" published by different countries in Beijing's "The Power of Truth - The Theme Exhibition of Commemorating the 200th Anniversary of Marx's Birth". China News Agency reporter Jia Tianyong / photo
Third, in line with the general trend of world development, promote the building of a community of human destiny. At present, the world's multi-polarization, economic globalization, social information, and cultural diversity have developed in depth. The degree of interdependence and interdependence among countries has never been seen before, which fully confirms the scientific foresight made by Marx and Engels in the Communist Manifesto. Every country has the right to development, and at the same time should consider its own interests at a broader level, not at the expense of the interests of other countries. The implementation of unilateralism and protectionism is inconsistent with the laws governing the development of human society. We must unswervingly safeguard and develop China's development interests. At the same time, we must unswervingly expand opening up to the outside world, promote the international community to share the responsibility of the times, cooperate to cope with the challenges brought about by economic globalization, and promote economic globalization toward more open and inclusive. The development of inclusive, balanced and win-win direction allows different countries, different strata and different groups to share the opportunities brought about by economic globalization.
Fourth, strengthen party building in accordance with the new requirements of the new era. The Communist Manifesto laid a theoretical foundation for Marxist party building theory. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, we have not only had a new understanding of the party’s leadership but also a new exploration in practice, and improved the party’s institutional mechanism for all work leadership. We must implement and embody the party's leadership in all aspects of reform, development, stability, internal affairs, foreign affairs, national defense, and governance of the country and the country, and ensure that the party always takes the overall situation and coordinates all parties. If the party wants to lead the people in advancing the great social revolution and realizing the great rejuvenation of the nation, it must carry forward the spirit of self-revolution. The determination to thoroughly and comprehensively and strictly manage the party cannot be shaken, demands cannot be reduced, and strength cannot be weakened. We must conscientiously implement the general requirements and major arrangements for the party's construction in the new era put forward by the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, and at the same time promote the construction of the party as a whole, focus on solving new problems arising within the party, and focus on solving the strong reaction of the people. The problems of formalism and bureaucracy, the problems that some cadres are afraid to do, are unwilling to do, will not be, the problems of weakening, falsifying, and marginalizing the construction of some grassroots parties, etc., to ensure that our party will always be the true color of Marxist political parties. Always walk in the forefront of the times and always be the backbone of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation.
Fifth, we will continue to open up a new realm of Marxism in China. Synchronizing with the times, sharing the fate with the people, paying attention to and answering the major issues raised by the times and practices is the mystery of Marxism's vitality forever. The general principles elaborated in the Communist Manifesto are correct in the whole, but they cannot be used to provide the ready-made answer to all the specific questions raised by the Communist Manifesto for the development of human society 170 years later. We must treat science with a scientific attitude, pursue the truth with the spirit of truth, and constantly endow Marxism with a new era. We must understand the times and grasp the trend of the times, stand at the forefront of human development, actively explore major issues concerning the future and destiny of mankind, and contribute to China's wisdom and China's programs in response to the global challenges facing the world today and to solve common problems facing humanity. It is necessary to closely link the creative practices of hundreds of millions of people, respect the subjective status and pioneering spirit of the people, make new summaries, gain new understanding, and form new achievements. We must adhere to the issue orientation, focus on the major practical problems, overall strategic issues, and the hot and difficult issues that the people are concerned about in China's reform, opening up, and socialist modernization, and provide new ideas, new ideas, and new methods for solving problems. It is necessary to absorb all outstanding cultural achievements created by mankind, continuously deepen the understanding of the laws governing the Communist Party, the law of socialist construction, and the laws governing the development of human society, develop Marxism in the 21st century, and Marxism in contemporary China, and continue to write a new chapter in the sinicization of Marxism.
Sixth, strengthen the study of Marxist classics. The majority of party members, cadres, and especially senior cadres must learn to use the Marxist classics such as the Communist Manifesto, adhere to the principles of learning, use them to promote learning, original originals, familiarize themselves with the classics, learn deeply, and master Marxism. Standpoints, viewpoints, and methods to continuously improve the theoretical quality of Marxism. It is necessary to intensify the compilation of classic works, adhere to the achievements and talents, and cultivate a core team of Marxist classics in the new era. It is necessary to deepen the study and interpretation of classic works, promote the popularization of classic works, and constantly introduce various forms of theoretical propaganda works that the masses like to hear and enjoy, and close to the public life, so that the theory is accepted by hundreds of millions of people and draw the greatest ideological concentricity.
In another 30 years, that is, at the 200th anniversary of the publication of the Communist Manifesto in 2048, it is precisely when we comprehensively build a socialist modernization power and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. By then, the Chinese Communists and the Chinese people will further prove the scientific, truthful, and predictive nature of Marxism with their own feats, let us welcome this great moment with practical action!
(This is the speech of General Secretary Xi Jinping at the fifth collective study of the 19th Central Political Bureau on April 23, 2018.)
No comments:
Post a Comment