"'How often conscience had to bite in times gone by! What good teeth it must have had! And to-day, what is amiss?'—A dentist's question." (Friedrich Nietzsche, Götzen-Dämmerung (Twilight of the Idols) ¶29)
The international system, built on the rubble of the destruction of half a century of warfare, and conceived to avoid that sort of chaotic blood sacrifice as the principal means through which political leadership cores satisfy their political lusts, is once again at a decisive point. It is not clear what will emerge after 2002; the only certainty is that it will emerge as something quite different than what might have been conceived by the victorious allied powers in 1945. One might consider the constitution of the current health of that system by reference to the discourse of the leading group of the UN system itself. To that end, the recent remarks delivered by UN Secretary General António Guterres on 23 February to the General Assembly (substantially the same remarks delivered to the Security Council), is worthy of consideration. These focus more precisely on remarks made earlier to the Munich Security Conference (18 February 2022; Remarks to the Munich Security Conference Opening Segment).
But any such assessment calls to mind another, perhaps more powerful and more powerfully tragic, speech, delivered in 1936 to a League of Nations that stood on perilously similar grounds to that occupied by the UN today. The issue then was the invasion of Ethiopia for the greater glory of the apparatus of the Italian dictatorship of the time and the furtherance of its imperial ambitions; not much appears to have changed at least with respect to fundamentals:
It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon small Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and immediate interest involved?
No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the League?
Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment. (Haile Selassie, Appeal to the League of Nations, June 1936)
Secretary General Guterres' remarks to the UNGA on Ukraine follows below, along with the Munich Security Conference remarks.
Götzen-Dämmerung.
Secretary-General's remarks to the General Assembly on Ukraine
[as delivered]
Mr. President,
Excellencies,
Ladies and gentlemen,
We meet in the face of the most serious global peace and security crisis
in recent years – and certainly in my time as Secretary-General.
Our world is facing a moment of peril. I truly hoped it would not come.
The latest developments regarding Ukraine are a cause of grave concern.
They include reports of increased ceasefire violations across the
contact line and the real risk of further escalation on the ground.
My thoughts are with all those who have already suffered so much death, destruction and displacement.
The history of this conflict is complex with at least two permanently opposing narratives.
I know that their authors will never agree on what happened in the past.
But in the present situation one thing is clear: the decision of the
Russian Federation to recognize the so-called “independence” of Donetsk
and Luhansk regions – and the follow-up – are violations of the
territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine and inconsistent with
the principlesof the Charter of the United Nations.
And here in this hallowed hall,
I must emphasize that this action is also inconsistent with a landmark
resolution adopted by the General Assembly more than half a century
ago.
I refer to the Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning
Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States in accordance with the
Charter of the United Nations.
This so-called "Friendly Relations Declaration" was adopted during the
General Assembly session marking the 25th Anniversary of the United
Nations.
The Friendly Relations Declaration – which has been cited repeatedly by
the International Court of Justice as representing international law –
sets out several vital principles that are highly relevant to today’s
session.
In particular, I would note the principle of sovereign equality of
States, and the affirmation that "the territorial integrity and
political independence of the State are inviolable".
Other resolutions of the General Assembly are also fully behind the
sovereignty, political independence and territorial integrity of
Ukraine, within its internationally recognized borders.
Mr. President,
The Minsk Agreements – approved by the Security Council and that I
strongly supported from the beginning -- were surviving in an intensive
care unit thanks to a number of life support devices.
But now those devices have been disconnected.
We must also be concerned about preserving the integrity of peacekeeping.
The United Nations has a long and recognized experience deploying
peacekeeping operations -- which only take place with the consent of the
host country.
Mr. President,
It is time for restraint, reason and de-escalation.
There is no place for actions and statements that would take this dangerous situation over the abyss.
It is time to establish a ceasefire and return to the path of dialogue
and negotiations to save the people in Ukraine and beyond from the
scourge of war.
I urge all parties to make full use of Article 33 of the Charter and its diverse instruments of pacific settlement of disputes.
Mr. President,
The United Nations system is continuing to support the people in Ukraine through our human rights and humanitarian work.
Our Human Rights Monitoring Mission has seven offices throughout the
country -- on both sides of the contact line -- documenting civilian
casualties, monitoring freedom of movement, and reporting on allegations
of human rights violations.
Our humanitarian operations are independent of whoever might control the territory where people are living.
Even before this latest escalation, two million people in Ukraine needed humanitarian assistance.
Since the start of 2022 alone, we and our partners have delivered 140 metric tons of life-saving aid across the contact line.
Here again, our actions are based entirely on humanitarian principles endorsed by the General Assembly.
United Nations humanitarian assistance is guided by four humanitarian
principles: humanity, neutrality, impartiality, and independence.
And these principles are central to establishing and maintaining access
to affected people, including those in the context of an armed
conflict.
The General Assembly has repeatedly underscored the importance
of promoting and respecting these principles within theframework of
humanitarian assistance.
Our humanitarian agencies are committing to staying and delivering to
support the people in Ukraine, and are ready to adjust and reprioritize
their operations as necessary.
As we sadly know all too well, in conflict, civilians, including women and children, always suffer first and suffer most.
If the conflict in Ukraine expands, the world could see a scale and severity of need unseen for many years.
I urge all sides to allow safe and unimpeded access by humanitarian
agencies, including in non-Government controlled areas of eastern
Ukraine.
All parties must uphold their obligations under international humanitarian law.
Mr. President,
I am fully committed to support all efforts to resolve this crisis without further bloodshed.
My good offices remain available.
We cannot and will not relent in the search for a peaceful solution.
Thank you.
__________
18 February 2022
Remarks to the Munich Security Conference Opening Segment
António Guterres
Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen,
It is a pleasure to be back in Munich for the first time in three years.
Unfortunately, the world has grown even more complex and dangerous during that time.
I see five major reasons.
First, geopolitical divides have continued to grow and deepen.
These divides often paralyse the Security Council and create an environment of impunity in which state and non-state actors believe they can do whatever they want.
I am often asked whether we are in a new Cold War. My answer is that the threat to global security now is more complex and probably higher than at that time.
During much of the Cold War, there were mechanisms that enabled the protagonists to calculate risks and use backchannels to prevent crises.
Today, many of those systems no longer exist and most of the people trained to use them are no longer here with us.
So miscommunication and miscalculation can make a minor incident between powers escalate out of control, causing incalculable harm.
With a concentration of Russian forces around Ukraine, I am deeply concerned about heightened tensions and increased speculation about a military conflict in Europe.
I still think it will not happen. But if it did, it would be catastrophic.
There is no alternative to diplomacy. All issues, including the most intractable, must be addressed through diplomatic frameworks.
And it is high time to seriously de-escalate.
The United Nations Charter, a fundamental pillar of international law, clearly says, and I quote:
“All Members shall settle their international disputes by peaceful means in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.”
“All Members shall refrain in their international relations from the threat or use of force against the territorial integrity or political independence of any state, or in any other manner inconsistent with the Purposes of the United Nations.”
The Charter is clear.
And I also urge all parties to be extremely careful with their rhetoric. Public statements should aim to reduce tensions, not to inflame them.
And the United Nations system remains fully operational in Ukraine, including our humanitarian work in the Donetsk and Luhansk regions, and I would like to express my gratitude for the cooperation we have with the Ukrainian Government in this regard.
Excellencies,
Geopolitical divides are rarely solved, but they can and must be managed.
The New Agenda for Peace, proposed in my recent Our Common Agenda report, should advance efforts towards more effective collective security responses.
Respect for international law, trust-building and dialogue are paramount.
Second, crises are proliferating.
Conflicts are increasingly internationalized, with the involvement of regional and global powers.
In Yemen and Libya, regional rivalries are firmly embedded in the civil wars.
At the same time, crises are more fragmented. Multiple actors operate in loose and rapidly shifting coalitions, with different agendas.
A widespread failure by States to deliver essential services and respond to the aspirations of their people is also giving rise to tensions and social unrest.
Coups used to happen once every couple of years. In 2022, it’s once every couple of weeks.
These developments are both a symptom and a cause of the increased unpredictability and fragility of the global landscape.
Third, the threat of global terror looms over the world.
In Syria, Da’esh is using children as human shields. Al-Qaida and its affiliates are regaining great power to cause harm.
The risks of terrorism spill over out of Afghanistan, as well as the alarming spread of terrorism in some African countries show how adept terrorists are at exploiting power vacuums and subverting fragile states.
In the African context, we need robust African peace enforcement and counter-terrorist operations, mandated by the UN Security Council under Chapter VII of the Charter, and with stable and predictable funding.
The present situation is unsustainable.
Extremism and terrorism flourish where there is poverty, hunger, inequality, and injustice. And the Sustainable Development Goals remain our greatest prevention tool.
Excellencies,
Fourth, these factors are exacerbated by non-traditional security threats, primarily increased inequality, the climate crisis and the COVID-19 pandemic.
Discrimination, exclusion and economic, social and cultural inequalities are exacting a devastating toll and creating an acute risk of violence and conflict.
The COVID-19 pandemic has highlighted the inadequacy and moral bankruptcy of our global financial system, which has increased the systemic inequality between north and south.
Many countries in the Global South have suffered devastating economic losses during the pandemic, and many of them still need vaccines.
Governments face debt default and financial ruin, while their people face poverty, unemployment, hunger and despair.
Meanwhile, the climate crisis is out of control, causing increased devastation that will lead to record levels of forced displacement. And this could further destabilize entire regions.
I urge all countries to step up support for global solutions to these non-traditional security threats, including the full implementation of the Paris Agreement on climate change to keep 1.5 degrees alive, and it risks to be dying very soon; the World Health Organization global vaccination strategy; and urgent reforms to the global financial system to enable developing countries to access the resources needed to support their people.
Excellencies,
Fifth and finally, digital technology is creating ever more dangerous ways for groups of people to harm each other, from cyberattacks to Artificial Intelligence-assisted weapons. Many wars are hybrid, fought both on the battlefield and online.
Digital communications enable propaganda and conspiracy theories to spread like wildfires. Hate speech and racism add fuel to the flames.
The proposed Global Digital Compact that I presented aims to find collective solutions that enable the safe development of digital technology and bring its benefits to all.
I have also called for a global code of conduct that promotes integrity in public information.
Large-scale disinformation that undermines scientifically established facts is a massive security risk.
We urgently need better global governance, and this is a key objective of the UN Summit of the Future next year.
Excellencies,
All these threats put human rights and democracy at serious risk.
We need a surge in diplomacy for peace, a surge in political will for peace, and a surge in investment for peace.
And I count on your leadership to make it happen.
Thank you.
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