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The issue of the education of youth, however--and especially in the context of its alignment with ongoing great national patriotic campaigns aligned with the naturalization of the premises that patriotism and the Four Cardinal Principles (四项基本原则--upholding the: (1) Socialist path; (2) peoples' democratic dictatorship; (3) leadership of the Communist Party of China; and (4) Marxism and Mao Zedong Thought) as developed through its contemporary expression as New Era Theory--is also of great significance throughout China (see my Essays on Contemporary China: Heartland, Periphery, and Silk Roads (2021). The theme of much of these efforts may revolve around the insight: Knowledge Must be Correctly Cultivated! Considering 《中小学生课外读物进校园管理办法》in the context of the ongoing great patriotic campaigns. Education, and the proper socialization of youth, is not merely a matter for educational institutions--it is also an inherently political task, the responsibility of which ought to fall on the Party's mass organizations established and operated to those ends. The Communist Youth League has always been at the forefront of those institutional collective efforts.
It is with this in mind that one can better appreciate the recent reporting of, and the direction to study and implement, Xi Jinping's speech at the celebration of the centenary of the founding of the Communist Youth League of China, Use the wisdom and the sweat of youth to work hard to create a better China (14 May 2022) [用青春的智慧和汗水打拼出一个更加美好的中国] published in the People's Daily by a PD commentator (for the official view for English language readers from the Hong Kong Press see here ("Chinese President Xi Jinping has told members of the Communist Youth League to dare to struggle and 'actively' unify around the Communist Party. '[You] must take the lead in daring to – and being good at – struggle, confront difficulties in the face and overcome hardships,' he said during an event in Beijing marking the youth league’s centenary on Tuesday. 'Members
of the league should treat political training seriously and actively
seek political progress and unify around the party,” he said. “[You]
must strive to be members of the Communist Party.'")). As usual, the summary presents a condensed version of the key principles that are to be advanced. One that was interesting was 自我革命 (self-revolution, self-criticism, or the mechanics of personal transformation in Chinese Leninism). It was a topic that has been recently emphasized again, for example by Xi Jinping at the Second Plenary Session of the Sixth Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China as reported by Zhang Shihai (张士海 Dean of the School of Marxism, Shandong University) in "Why self-revolution is the second answer to overcoming the historical cyclical pattern" [自我革命何以成为跳出历史周期率的第二个答案] for Communist Party News (21 Jan. 2022).
The courage to self-revolution is a distinctive mark of the proletarian party that distinguishes it from other parties, and it is also an inevitable requirement for the proletarian party to realize its historical mission. Marx and Engels pointed out that what distinguishes the proletarian revolution from any other revolution is that it "often criticizes itself". It is reflected in the proletarian party, manifested as self-purification, self-improvement, self-innovation, and self-improvement in the process of stirring up the turbulent and promoting the Qing Dynasty, reforming the old and making new ones, and then maintaining its vitality forever. [勇于自我革命是无产阶级政党区别于其他政党的鲜明标识，也是无产阶级政党实现其历史使命的必然要求。马克思恩格斯指出，无产阶级革命与其他任何革命不同的地方，就在于它“经常自己批判自己”。体现在无产阶级政党身上，表现为在激浊扬清、革故鼎新中自我净化、自我完善、自我革新、自我提高，进而永葆生机活力。] (Why self-revolution is the second answer to overcoming the historical cyclical pattern)
Of course, the concept is as old of institutionalized Leninism, and deeply embedded in the discourse, if not the practice of European state Leninism since the days of Stalin. It acquired something of a new dimension when given Chinese characteristics by Mao Zedong, and then later contemporary manifestations in various forms under the leadership of Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and now Xi Jinping. It has begun to take a form as much as discourse as praxis, and as much as patriotism as it once did as a mechanism for the disciplining of democratic centralism. That is what makes this form of socialist political-collective self actualization so interesting as it is repurposed for the New Era within the framework of Leninist verticalities.
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But Use the wisdom and the sweat of youth to work hard to create a better China suggests a more comprehensive framework of youth mass organizations as an education center that is essential to and detached from the formal educational structures. Political education is embedded in but also situated outside, the structures and institutions of formal education. It is an essentially social and political task for which educational institutions are not entirely capable of managing. But it also reaches back for the language and sensibilities of the Communist Party of China in its revolutionary period--except that the central contradiction has shifted from class struggle to more equitable distribution of socialist production and its expansion to social and cultural production.
That gaze back to the roots of revolutionary organization, by an institutionalized vanguard now well within its 3rd Era as a Governing rather than as a Revolutionary Party, brings one back to the late 1930s and the critical work of Mao Zedong. In this case one time travels back to Mao Zedong, The Orientation of the Youth Movement (speech was delivered by Comrade Mao Tse-tung at a mass meeting of youth in Yenan to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the May 4th Movement (4 May 1939) [青年运动的方向]. One noteworthy passage connects Mao in 1939, to Xi in 2022, connected by the notion of self.criticism as a revolutionary-educational tactic at the heart of the work of youth mass organizations:
How should we judge whether a youth is a revolutionary? How can we tell? There can only be one criterion, namely, whether or not he is willing to integrate himself with the broad masses of workers and peasants and does so in practice. If he is willing to do so and actually does so, he is a revolutionary; otherwise he is a non-revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. If today he integrates himself with the masses of workers and peasants, then today he is a revolutionary; if tomorrow he ceases to do so or turns round to oppress the common people, then he becomes a non-revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. Some young people talk glibly about their belief in the Three People's Principles or in Marxism, but this does not prove anything. . . . So when we assess a person and judge whether he is a true or false adherent of the Three People's Principles, whether he is a true or false Marxist, we need only find out how he stands in relation to the broad masses of workers and peasants, and then we shall know him for what he is. This is the only criterion, there is no other. (The Orientation of the Youth Movement )
Pix Credit South China Morning Post
For Mao, the critical orientation was unity with workers and peasants as a function of the central contradiction of the historical era in which he served the state and party. In the New Era that orientation shifts to align with the current central or principal contradiction and expressed in the great patriotic campaigns which are in turn built around principles of stability and prosperity. It has roots going back, in its current form, to the 爱国主义教育 (Patriotic Education Campaign) of the Era of Reform and Opening Up, and now re-instituted in line with the objectives of the New Era (eg here).
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| Pix Credit: Xi Encourages Youth to Forge Ahead in a New Journey Toward National Rejuvenaiton |
The People's Daily Reporting, "Use the wisdom and sweat of youth to work hard to create a better China ——On studying and implementing the important speech of General Secretary Xi Jinping at the celebration of the centenary of the founding of the Communist Youth League of China" (14 May 2022 [用青春的智慧和汗水打拼出一个更加美好的中国——论学习贯彻习近平总书记在庆祝中国共产主义青年团成立一百周年大会上重要讲话] follows below in the original Chinese and a crude English translation. Also included is the English language text of Mao Zedong, The Orientation of the Youth Movement (speech was delivered by Comrade Mao Tse-tung at a mass meeting of youth in Yenan to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the May 4th Movement (4 May 1939)).
用青春的智慧和汗水打拼出一个更加美好的中国
——论学习贯彻习近平总书记在庆祝中国共产主义青年团成立一百周年大会上重要讲话
本报评论员 《 人民日报 》（ 2022年05月14日 第 01 版）
在新的征程上，如何更好把青年团结起来、组织起来、动员起来，为实现第二个百年奋斗目标、实现中华民族伟大复兴的中国梦而奋斗，是新时代中国青年运动和青年工作必须回答的重大课题。
“坚持为党育人，始终成为引领中国青年思想进步的政治学校”“自觉担当尽责，始终成为组织中国青年永久奋斗的先锋力量”“心系广大青年，始终成为党联系青年最为牢固的桥梁纽带”“勇于自我革命，始终成为紧跟党走在时代前列的先进组织”。在庆祝中国共产主义青年团成立100周年大会上，习近平总书记从党和国家事业发展全局出发，给共青团明确提出了4点希望，强调：“共青团要增强引领力、组织力、服务力，团结带领广大团员青年成长为有理想、敢担当、能吃苦、肯奋斗的新时代好青年，用青春的能动力和创造力激荡起民族复兴的澎湃春潮，用青春的智慧和汗水打拼出一个更加美好的中国！”
在中国共产党坚强领导下，我们胜利实现了第一个百年奋斗目标，正在意气风发向着全面建成社会主义现代化强国的第二个百年奋斗目标迈进。共青团要牢牢扭住为中华民族伟大复兴而奋斗这一主题，团结起一切可以团结的青春力量，唱响壮丽的青春之歌。必须深刻认识到，只有坚持为党育人，始终成为引领中国青年思想进步的政治学校，才能帮助广大青年早立志、立大志，从内心深处厚植对党的信赖、对中国特色社会主义的信心、对马克思主义的信仰；只有自觉担当尽责，始终成为组织中国青年永久奋斗的先锋力量，才能让青春同党和人民事业高度契合，让一代又一代有志青年为党和人民事业拼搏奉献；只有心系广大青年，始终成为党联系青年最为牢固的桥梁纽带，才能履行好巩固和扩大党执政的青年群众基础这一政治责任；只有勇于自我革命，始终成为紧跟党走在时代前列的先进组织，才能跟上时代前进、青年发展、实践创新的步伐。习近平总书记提出的4点希望，饱含深情、催人奋进，为做好新时代共青团工作指明了努力方向、提供了重要遵循。
共青团素有“党有号召、团有行动”的光荣传统，党和国家中心工作是共青团发挥作用、体现价值的舞台。新征程上，共青团要立足党的事业后继有人这一根本大计，牢牢把握培养社会主义建设者和接班人这个根本任务，从政治上着眼、从思想上入手、从青年特点出发，引导广大青年在思想洗礼、在实践锻造中不断增强做中国人的志气、骨气、底气，让革命薪火代代相传。要团结带领广大团员青年勇做新时代的弄潮儿，自觉听从党和人民召唤，胸怀“国之大者”，担当使命任务，让青春在祖国和人民最需要的地方绽放绚丽之花。要紧扣服务青年的工作生命线，千方百计为青年办实事、解难事，主动想青年之所想、急青年之所急，让广大青年真切感受到党的关爱就在身边、关怀就在眼前。要把党的全面领导落实到工作的全过程各领域，推动共青团改革向纵深发展，探索团的基层组织建设新思路新模式，严于管团治团，在全方位、高标准锻造中焕发出共青团昂扬向上的时代风貌。
习近平总书记强调：“历史和现实都证明，中国共产党是始终保持青春特质的党，是永远值得青年人信赖和追随的党。”在实现中华民族伟大复兴的征程上，中国共产党是先锋队，共青团是突击队，少先队是预备队。入队、入团、入党，是青年追求政治进步的“人生三部曲”。中国共产党始终向青年敞开大门，热情欢迎青年源源不断成为党的新鲜血液。共青团要履行好全团带队政治责任，着力推动党、团、队育人链条相衔接、相贯通；各级党组织要高度重视培养和发展青年党员，确保红色江山永不变色。中国共产党立志于中华民族千秋伟业，必须始终代表广大青年、赢得广大青年、依靠广大青年，用极大力量做好青年工作，确保党的事业薪火相传，确保中华民族永续发展。各级党委（党组）要倾注极大热忱研究青年成长规律和时代特点，做青年朋友的知心人、青年工作的热心人、青年群众的引路人；各级党组织要落实党建带团建制度机制，支持共青团按照群团工作特点和规律创造性地开展工作。
建成社会主义现代化强国，实现中华民族伟大复兴，是一场接力跑。广大青年坚定不移听党话、跟党走，保持初生牛犊不怕虎、越是艰险越向前的刚健勇毅，到新时代新天地中去施展抱负、建功立业，在青春的赛道上奋力奔跑，争当伟大理想的追梦人，争做伟大事业的生力军，一定能跑出当代青年的最好成绩。让我们更加紧密地团结在以习近平同志为核心的党中央周围，坚持以习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想为指导，深刻领会“两个确立”的决定性意义，增强“四个意识”、坚定“四个自信”、做到“两个维护”，担当起党和人民赋予的历史重任，踔厉奋发、勇毅前进，用青春的能动力和创造力激荡起民族复兴的澎湃春潮，用青春的智慧和汗水打拼出一个更加美好的中国！
Use the wisdom and sweat of youth to work hard to create a better China
——On studying and implementing the important speech of General Secretary Xi Jinping at the celebration of the centenary of the founding of the Communist Youth League of China
Commentator of this newspaper "People's Daily" (Page 01, May 14, 2022)
On the new journey, the important question much be answered about how to better unite, organize and mobilize the youth to strive for the realization of the second centenary goal and the realization of the Chinese dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is a must for the Chinese youth movement and youth work in the new era.
"Insist on educating people for the party, and always become a political school that leads the ideological progress of Chinese youth" "Conscientiously take responsibility, and always become a vanguard force for organizing the permanent struggle of Chinese youth" "Take care of the majority of young people, and always become the strongest bridge link between the party and the youth. "Have the courage to self-revolution, and always become an advanced organization that closely follows the party and is at the forefront of the times." At the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Youth League of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping, starting from the overall development of the party and the country, clearly put forward four hopes for the Communist Youth League, emphasizing: "The Communist Youth League must strengthen its leadership, organization, service, and unity. Leading the youth of the League members to grow into good young people in the new era who have ideals, dare to take responsibility, can bear hardships and are willing to struggle, use the energy and creativity of youth to stir up the surging tide of national rejuvenation, and use the wisdom and sweat of youth to work hard to create a better future. Wonderful China!"
Under the strong leadership of the Communist Party of China, we have successfully achieved the first centenary goal and are striving towards the second centenary goal of building a modern socialist country in an all-round way. The Communist Youth League must firmly grasp the theme of striving for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, unite all youthful forces that can be united, and sing the magnificent song of youth. We must deeply realize that only by insisting on educating people for the party and always becoming a political school that leads the ideological progress of Chinese youth, can we help the young people to make up their minds early and set great aspirations, and to cultivate confidence and belief in Marxism, trust in the party and support for socialism with Chinese characteristics from the bottom of their hearts. Only by consciously taking on responsibilities and always being a vanguard in organizing the perpetual struggle of Chinese youth, can youth be highly aligned with the cause of the party and the people. Let generation after generation of aspiring young people work hard and contribute to the cause of the party and the people; only by caring about the vast number of young people and always being the strongest bridge between the party and the youth can we fulfill the political responsibility of consolidating and expanding the youth mass base of the party's governance. Only by being brave in self-revolution and always becoming an advanced organization that closely follows the party and walks in the forefront of the times In order to keep up with the pace of the times, youth development, and practical innovation. The 4-point hope put forward by General Secretary Xi Jinping is full of affection and inspiring, and it has pointed out the direction of efforts and provided important guidelines for the work of the Communist Youth League in the new era.
The Communist Youth League has a glorious tradition of "the party has a call, and the league has an action", and the central work of the party and the state is the stage for the Communist Youth League to play its role and reflect its value. On the new journey, the Communist Youth League must base itself on the fundamental plan of having successors in the party's cause, firmly grasp the fundamental task of cultivating socialist builders and successors, and guide young people from a political perspective, ideologically, and from the characteristics of youth. Through ideological baptism and practical forging, we have continuously strengthened our ambition, backbone, and confidence to be a Chinese, so that the fire of revolution can be passed on from generation to generation. It is necessary to unite and lead the youth of the League members to bravely become the trend-setters of the new era, consciously obey the call of the party and the people, bear in mind the "big man of the country", and undertake the mission and tasks, so that youth can bloom beautifully in the places where the motherland and the people need it most. It is necessary to closely adhere to the lifeline of serving the youth, do everything possible to do practical things and solve difficult problems for the youth, take the initiative to think about what the youth want and worry about the youth, so that the majority of young people can truly feel that the party's care is around and right in front of them. It is necessary to implement the party's overall leadership in all areas of the whole process of work, promote the further development of the reform of the Communist Youth League, explore new ideas and new models for the construction of grassroots organizations, be stricter than the management of the league, and shine in all-round and high-standard forging The era of the Communist Youth League is high-spirited.
General Secretary Xi Jinping emphasized: "History and reality have proved that the Communist Party of China is a party that has always maintained its youthful characteristics, and is a party that young people will always trust and follow." On the journey of realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation, the Communist Party of China is the vanguard. The Communist Youth League is a commando team, and the Young Pioneers are a reserve team. Joining the team, joining the league, and joining the party are the "trilogy of life" for young people to pursue political progress. The Communist Party of China has always opened its doors to young people, and warmly welcomes young people to continuously become the fresh blood of the party. The Communist Youth League must fulfill the political responsibility of leading the team, and strive to promote the connection and interconnection of the party, the league, and the team's education chain; party organizations at all levels must attach great importance to the training and development of young party members to ensure that the red country never changes color. The Communist Party of China aspires to the great cause of the Chinese nation in the long-term. It must always represent, win, and rely on the vast number of young people, and use its great strength to do a good job in youth work to ensure that the party's cause is passed on from generation to generation and the Chinese nation's sustainable development. Party committees (party groups) at all levels must devote great enthusiasm to studying the law of youth growth and the characteristics of the times, and be confidants of young friends, enthusiasts about youth work, and guides for young people; , to support the Communist Youth League in carrying out its work creatively in accordance with the characteristics and laws of group work.
It is a relay race to build a powerful modern socialist country and realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The majority of young people unswervingly listen to the party's words, follow the party's words, maintain the steadfastness and perseverance of new-born calves who are not afraid of tigers, and move forward with more difficulties and dangers, and go to the new era and new world to display their ambitions, make achievements, and run hard on the track of youth. Dream chasers with great ideals and fresh troops striving for great causes will surely be able to run out of the best achievements of contemporary youth. Let us unite more closely around the CPC Central Committee with Comrade Xi Jinping as the core, adhere to the guidance of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, deeply understand the decisive significance of the "two establishments", and strengthen the "four consciousnesses" and "firmness". "Four self-confidence", achieve "two maintenance", take on the historical responsibility entrusted by the party and the people, forge ahead with determination and courage, use the energy and creativity of youth to stir up the surging tide of national rejuvenation, and use the youthful energy and creativity. Wisdom and sweat make a better China!
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Selected Works of Mao Tse-tung
THE ORIENTATION OF THE YOUTH MOVEMENT
May 4, 1939
[This speech was delivered by Comrade Mao Tse-tung at a mass meeting of youth in Yenan to commemorate the twentieth anniversary of the May 4th Movement. It represented a development in his ideas on the question of the Chinese revolution.]
Today is the twentieth anniversary of the May 4th Movement, and the youth of Yenan are all gathered here for this commemoration meeting. I shall therefore take the occasion to speak on some questions concerning the orientation of the youth movement in China.
First, May 4 has now been designated as China's Youth Day, [1] and rightly so. Twenty years have elapsed since the May 4th Movement, yet it is only this year that the day has been designated as the national Youth Day, and this is a most significant fact. For it indicates that the Chinese people's democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism will soon reach a turning point. This revolution encountered repeated failures over several decades, but now there must be a change, a change towards victory and not another failure. The Chinese revolution is now going forward, forward to victory. The repeated failures of the past cannot and must not be allowed to recur, and they must be turned into victory. But has the change already taken place? No. It has not, nor have we yet won victory. But victory can be won. It is precisely in the present War of Resistance Against Japan that we are striving to reach the turning point from failure to victory. The May 4th Movement was directed against a government of national betrayal, a government which conspired with imperialism and sold out the interests of the nation, a government which oppressed the people. Was it not necessary to oppose such a government? If it was not, then the May 4th Movement was simply a mistake. It is obvious that such a government must be opposed, that a government of national betrayal must be overthrown. Just consider, long before the May 4th Movement Dr. Sun Yat-sen was already a rebel against the government of his day; he opposed and overthrew the Ching government. Was he right in doing so? In my opinion he was quite right. For the government he opposed did not resist imperialism but conspired with it, and was not a revolutionary government but one that suppressed the revolution. The May 4th Movement was a revolutionary movement precisely because it opposed a government of national betrayal. The youth of China should see the May 4th Movement in this light. Today, when the whole nation has militantly risen to resist Japan, we are determined to defeat Japanese imperialism, and we shall not tolerate any traitors or allow the revolution to fail again for we have taken warning from its failures in the past. With few exceptions, the whole youth of China is awakened and determined to win, and this is reflected in the designation of May 4th as Youth Day. We are advancing along the road to victory and, provided the whole people make a concerted effort, the Chinese revolution will definitely triumph through the War of Resistance.
Secondly, what is the Chinese revolution directed against? What are the targets of the revolution? As everybody knows, imperialism is one target and feudalism the other. What are the targets of the revolution at this moment? One is Japanese imperialism, and the other the Chinese collaborators. To make our revolution we must overthrow Japanese imperialism and the Chinese traitors. Who are the makers of the revolution? What is its main force? The common people of China. The motive forces of the revolution are the proletariat, the peasantry and all members of other classes who are willing to oppose imperialism and feudalism; these are the revolutionary forces opposing imperialism and feudalism. But who, among so many, are the basic force, the backbone of the revolution? The workers and the peasants, forming 90 per cent of the country's population. What is the nature of the Chinese revolution? What kind of revolution are we making today? Today we are making a bourgeois-democratic revolution, and nothing we do goes beyond its scope. By and large, we should not destroy the bourgeois system of private property for the present; what we want to destroy is imperialism and feudalism. This is what we mean by the bourgeois-democratic revolution. But its accomplishment is already beyond the capacity of the bourgeoisie and must depend on the efforts of the proletariat and the broad masses of the people. What is the goal of this revolution? To overthrow imperialism and feudalism and to establish a people's democratic republic. A people's democratic republic means a republic based on the revolutionary Three people's Principles. It will be different both from the semi-colonial and semi-feudal state of the present and from the socialist system of the future. Capitalists have no place in a socialist society, but they should still be allowed in a people's democracy. Will there always be a place for capitalists in China? No, definitely not in the future. This is true not only of China but of the whole world. In the future no country, whether it be Britain, the United States, France, Japan, Germany or Italy, will have any place for capitalists, and China will be no exception. The Soviet Union is a country which has already established socialism, and beyond all doubt the whole world will follow its example. China will certainly go over to socialism in the future; that is an irresistible law. But at the present stage our task is not to put socialism into practice, but to destroy imperialism and feudalism, change China's present semi-colonial and semi-feudal status, and establish people's democracy. This is what the youth of the whole country must strive for.
Thirdly, what are the lessons of the Chinese revolution? This question is also an important one for our youth to understand. Strictly speaking, China's bourgeois-democratic revolution against imperialism and feudalism was begun by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and has been going on for more than fifty years; as for foreign capitalist aggression against China, it has been going on for almost a hundred years. During that century, there was first the Opium War against British aggression, then came the War of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom, then the Sino-Japanese War of 1894, the Reform Movement of 1898, the Yi Ho Tuan Movement, the Revolution of 1911, the May 4th Movement, the Northern Expedition, and the war waged by the Red Army--although these struggles differed from each other, their common purpose was to repel foreign enemies or change existing conditions. However, it was only with Dr. Sun Yat-sen that a more or less clearly defined bourgeois-democratic revolution began. In the last fifty years the revolution started by Dr. Sun Yat-sen has had both its successes and its failures. Was not the Revolution of 1911 a success? Didn't it send the emperor packing? Yet it was a failure in the sense that while it sent the emperor packing, it left China under imperialist and feudal oppression, so that the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal revolutionary task remained unaccomplished. What was the aim of the May 4th Movement? Its aim likewise was to overthrow imperialism and feudalism, but it, too, failed, and China still remained under the rule of imperialism and feudalism. The same is true of the revolution known as the Northern Expedition; it scored successes, but it too failed. From the time the Kuomintang turned against the Communist Party,[2] China again fell under the domination of imperialism and feudalism. The inevitable result was the ten years' war waged by the Red Army. But these ten years of struggle fulfilled the revolutionary task only in parts of China and not in the country as a whole. If we are to sum up the revolution during the past decades we may say that it has won only temporary and partial victories and not permanent and nation-wide victory. As Dr. Sun Yat-sen said "The revolution is not yet completed, all my comrades must struggle on." The question now is: Why, after decades of struggle, has the Chinese revolution not yet attained its goal? What are the reasons? I think there are two: first, the enemy forces have been too strong; second, our own forces have been too weak. Because one side was strong and the other side weak, the revolution did not succeed. In saying that the enemy forces have been too strong, we mean that the forces of imperialism (the primary factor) and of feudalism have been too strong. In saying that our own forces have been too weak, we mean weak in the military, political, economic and cultural fields; but our weaknesses and our consequent failure to fulfil the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal task are chiefly due to the fact that the labouring people, the workers and peasants, constituting 90 per cent of the population, have not yet been mobilized. If we are to sum up the experience of the revolution of the past decades, we may say that the people throughout the country have not been fully mobilized and that the reactionaries have invariably opposed and sabotaged such mobilization. Only by mobilizing and organizing the workers and peasants, who comprise 90 per cent of the population, is it possible to overthrow imperialism and feudalism. Dr. Sun Yat-sen said in his Testament:
For forty years I have devoted myself to the cause of the national revolution with the aim of winning freedom and equality for China. My experiences during these forty years have firmly convinced me that to achieve this aim we must arouse the masses of the people and unite in a common struggle with those nations of the world which treat us as equals.
It is now more than ten years since Dr. Sun died, and if we add these on, the total is over fifty years. What is the lesson of the revolution during these years? Fundamentally, it is, "arouse the masses of the people". You should carefully study this lesson, and so should all China's youth. They must know that only by mobilizing the masses of workers and peasants, who form 90 per cent of the population, can we defeat imperialism and feudalism. Unless we mobilize the workers and peasants of the whole country, it will be impossible for us to defeat Japan and build a new China.
Fourthly, to return to the youth movement. On this very day twenty years ago there occurred in China the great historical event known as the May 4th Movement, in which the students participated; it was a movement of tremendous significance. What role have China's young people played since the May 4th Movement? In a way they have played a vanguard role--a fact recognized by everybody except the die-hards. What is a vanguard role? It means taking the lead and marching in the forefront of the revolutionary ranks. In the anti-imperialist and anti-feudal ranks of the Chinese people, there is a contingent composed of the country's young intellectuals and students. It is a contingent of considerable size and, even if the many who have given their lives are not included, it now numbers several million. It is an army on one of the fronts against imperialism and feudalism, and an important army too. But this army is not enough; we cannot defeat the enemy by relying on it alone, for when all is said and done it is not the main force. What then is the main force? The workers and peasants. Our young intellectuals and students must go among the workers and peasants, who make up 90 per cent of the population, and mobilize and organize them. Without this main force of workers and peasants, we cannot win the fight against imperialism and feudalism, we cannot win it by relying only on the contingent of young intellectuals and students. Therefore, the young intellectuals and students throughout the country must unite with the broad masses of workers and peasants and become one with them, and only then can a mighty force be created. A force of hundreds of millions of people! Only with this huge force can the enemy's strongholds be taken and his last fortresses smashed. In assessing the youth movement of the past from this viewpoint, we should call attention to a wrong tendency. In the youth movement of the last few decades, a section of the young people have been unwilling to unite with the workers and peasants and have opposed their movements; this is a counter-current in the youth movement. In fact, these people are not at all bright in their refusal to unite with the masses who make up 90 per cent of the population and in going so far as to oppose them outright. Is this a good tendency? I think not, because in opposing the workers and peasants they are in fact opposing the revolution; that is why we say it is a counter-current in the youth movement. A youth movement of that kind would come to no good. A few days ago I wrote a short article in which I noted:
In the final analysis, the dividing line between revolutionary intellectuals and non-revolutionary or counter-revolutionary intellectuals is whether or not they are willing to integrate themselves with the workers and peasants and actually do so.
Here I advanced a criterion which I regard as the only valid one. How should we judge whether a youth is a revolutionary? How can we tell? There can only be one criterion, namely, whether or not he is willing to integrate himself with the broad masses of workers and peasants and does so in practice. If he is willing to do so and actually does so, he is a revolutionary; otherwise he is a non-revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. If today he integrates himself with the masses of workers and peasants, then today he is a revolutionary; if tomorrow he ceases to do so or turns round to oppress the common people, then he becomes a non-revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. Some young people talk glibly about their belief in the Three People's Principles or in Marxism, but this does not prove anything. Doesn't Hitler profess belief in "socialism"? Twenty years ago even Mussolini was a "socialist"! And what does their "socialism" amount to? Fascism! Didn't Chen Tu-hsiu once "believe" in Marxism? What did he do later? He went over to the counter-revolution. Didn't Chang Kuo-tao "believe" in Marxism? Where is he now? He has run away and landed in the mire. Some people style themselves "followers of the Three People's Principles" or even old stalwarts of these Principles; but what have they done? It turns out that their Principle of Nationalism means conspiring with imperialism, that their Principle of Democracy means oppressing the common people, and that their Principle of People's Livelihood means sucking the people's blood. They affirm the Three People's Principles with their lips but deny them in their hearts. So when we assess a person and judge whether he is a true or false adherent of the Three People's Principles, whether he is a true or false Marxist, we need only find out how he stands in relation to the broad masses of workers and peasants, and then we shall know him for what he is. This is the only criterion, there is no other. I hope that the youth of our country will never allow themselves to be carried away by this sinister counter-current but will clearly recognize the workers and peasants as their friends and march forward to a bright future.
Fifthly, the present War of Resistance Against Japan marks a new stage--the greatest, most dynamic and most vigorous stage-- in the Chinese revolution. In this stage the youth shoulder tremendous responsibilities. Our revolutionary movement has gone through many stages of struggle in the last decades, but at no stage has it been so broad as in the present War of Resistance. When we maintain that the Chinese revolution now has features distinguishing it from the revolution in the past and that it will make the turn from failure to victory, we mean that the masses of the Chinese people have made progress, of which the progress of the youth is a clear proof. Hence the anti-Japanese war must and certainly will triumph. As everybody knows, the basic policy in this war is the Anti-Japanese National United Front, whose aim it is to overthrow Japanese imperialism and the Chinese collaborators, transform the old China into a new China, and liberate the whole nation from its semi-colonial and semi-feudal status. The present lack of unity in the Chinese youth movement is a serious weakness. You should continue to strive for unity, because unity is strength. You must help the youth of the whole country to understand the present situation, to achieve unity and to resist Japan to the end.
Sixthly and lastly, I want to speak about the youth movement in Yenan. It is the model for the youth movement throughout the country. The direction it is taking is in fact the orientation for the youth movement of the entire country. Why? Because it is the correct orientation. You see, in the matter of unity the youth of Yenan have acquitted themselves well, indeed very well. The youth of Yenan have achieved solidarity and unity. The young intellectuals and students, the young workers and peasants in Yenan are all united. Large numbers of revolutionary youth from all over the country, and even from Chinese communities abroad, have come to study in Yenan. Most of you attending this meeting today have come to Yenan from thousands of miles away; whether your surname is Chang or Li, whether you are a man or a woman, a worker or a peasant, you are all of one mind. Should this not be regarded as a model for the whole country? The youth in Yenan, besides being united among themselves, have integrated themselves with the masses of workers and peasants, and more than anything else this makes you a model for the whole country. What have you been doing? You have been learning the theory of revolution and studying the principles and methods for resisting Japan and saving the nation. You have been carrying out the campaign for production and have reclaimed thousands of mou of waste land. Confucius never reclaimed land or tilled the soil. When he ran his school, he had quite a number of students, "seventy worthies and three thousand disciples"--quite a flourishing school! But he had far fewer students than there are in Yenan, and what is more, they would have disliked production campaigns. When a student asked him how to plough the fields, Confucius answered, "I don't know, I am not as good at that as a farmer." Confucius was next asked how to grow vegetables, and he answered, "I don't know, I am not as good at that as a vegetable gardener." In ancient times the youth of China who studied under a sage neither learned revolutionary theory nor took part in labour. Today, there is little revolutionary theory taught and there are no such things as production movements in the schools over vast regions of our country. It is only here in Yenan and in the anti-Japanese base areas behind the enemy lines that the young people are fundamentally different; they are really the vanguard in resisting Japan and saving the nation because their political orientation and their methods of work are correct. That is why I say the youth movement in Yenan is the model for the youth movement throughout the country. Our meeting today is highly significant. I have said all I wanted. I hope you will all study the lessons of the Chinese revolution in the last fifty years, develop its good points and discard its mistakes, so that the youth will be at one with the people of the whole country and the revolution will make the turn from failure to victory. When the youth and the whole nation are mobilized, organized and united, Japanese imperialism will be overthrown. Each young person must shoulder his responsibility. You must each be different from before and resolve to unite the youth and organize the people of the whole country for the overthrow of Japanese imperialism and the transformation of the old China into a new China. This is what I expect of all of you.
NOTES
1. May 4 was first adopted as China's Youth Day by the youth organization of the Shensi-Kansu-Ningsia Border Region. Under the pressure of the patriotic upsurge of the broad masses of young people, the Kuomintang government expressed its agreement. But it subsequently proclaimed March 29 as its own Youth Day (in Commemoration of the revolutionary martyrs who died during an uprising at Canton in 1911) because, fearing that the youth would turn revolutionary, it regarded the decision to observe May 4 as dangerous. However, May 4 continued to be observed as Youth Day in the revolutionary base areas under the leadership of the Communist Party, and was officially proclaimed China's Youth Day by the Administrative Council of the Central People's Government in December 1949 after the founding of the People's Republic of China.
2. "The Kuomintang turned against the Communist Party" here refers to the counter-revolutionary coups staged in 1927 by Chiang Kai-shek in Shanghai and Nanking and by Wang Ching-wei in Wuhan.
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