(Pix © Larry Catá Backer 2018; Musée Ariana, porcelain figures Meissen 1725-1730 )
Flora Sapio (Comments on the "Zero-Draft"), and I (Making Sausages?: Preliminary Thoughts on the "Zero-Draft")
have been considering the challenges posed by the Zero Draft. But we
wanted to dig deeper. To that end we wanted to avoid the altogether too
easy exercise of textual exegesis to suggest the challenges that this
draft might construct for itself.
Rather than consider text, or text in light of the various mandates and principles purportedly manifested in the language used to build the Zero Draft, we thought it might be useful to consider text within the context of the initial commentary it might generate among Zero Draft stakeholders motivated enough to make them. These, then, might usefully inform the reading of text, and sharpen analysis of its structure and consequences.
Rather than consider text, or text in light of the various mandates and principles purportedly manifested in the language used to build the Zero Draft, we thought it might be useful to consider text within the context of the initial commentary it might generate among Zero Draft stakeholders motivated enough to make them. These, then, might usefully inform the reading of text, and sharpen analysis of its structure and consequences.
To that end, and in this and subsequent posts, Flora Sapio presents
summaries of discussions on each article
of the Zero Draft, based on the written submissions available on the
website of
the OEIGWG. These, then, will be woven together first to develop both a
critique of the Zero Draft, and thereafter to suggest the value of an
alternative, framework, model for such a project.
This Part 4 focuses on Article 13 of the Zero Draft (Consistency with International Law).
These Commentaries form part of a larger Coalition for Peace and Ethics Project on the Effort to Elaborate an International Instrument on Business and Human Rights. Go to CPE Treaty Project Page: HERE.
This Part 4 focuses on Article 13 of the Zero Draft (Consistency with International Law).
Summaries of discussions on each article of the Zero Draft, based on the written submissions available on the website of the OEIGWG
Flora Sapio
On 14 July 2014, the Human
Rights Council created an Open-Ended Intergovernmental Working Group (OEIGWG)
on Transnational Corporations and Other Business Enterprises with respect to human rights (OEIGWG).
According to Resolution 26/9, the Working
Group has the mandate to:
“elaborate an
international legally binding instrument to regulate, in international human
rights law, the activities of transnational corporations and other business
enterprises”
By “Other business
enterprises” the Human Rights Council referred to all business enterprises
having a transnational character in their operational activities. This
designation does not apply to local businesses.
In establishing the OEIGWG, the Human Rights Council also decided that the first two sessions of the OEIGWG would be dedicated to conducting constructive deliberations on the content, scope, nature, and form of the future Treaty. Following deliberations, the Chairperson would prepare elements for the draft Treaty. Substantive negotiations on the Treaty would be held during the third session of the Working Group, based on the discussions held during the first two sessions.
The OEIGWG held its first session from 6 to 10 July 2015. A second session took place from 24 to 28 October 2016. Based on discussions held during the first two sessions, a third session was convened from 23 to 27 October 2017. During this session, the elements for the draft Treaty were discussed. Also, the OEIGWG requested the Chair-Rapporteur to complement the ongoing bilateral consultations with states and non-state stakeholders with informal consultations.
Following the third session, a Zero Draft of a Legally Binding Instrument (LBI) on Transnational Corporations (TNCs) and Other Business Enterprises (OBEs) was prepared by Ecuador. In July 2018 the Ministry of Corporate Affairs of India released the draft for public comments.
The
Zero Draft of
the Legally Binding Instrument (and a zero draft of an optional protocol
to the
binding instrument) formed the basis for a first round of substantive
negotiations, held in Geneva from 15 to 19 October 2018. According to
the program of work adopted by the
OEIGWG, substantive negotiations saw experts, representatives of national
states, transnational organizations, and NGOs comment on the Zero Draft.
In this and in following posts, I will be presenting summaries of discussions on each article of the Zero Draft, based on the written submissions available on the website of the OEIGWG.
Article 1 – summary of discussions - Thursday 18 October 2018
Article 2 –
summary of discussions - Monday 15
October 2018
Article 3 –
summary of discussions - Wednesday 17 October 2018
Article 4 –
summary of discussions - Wednesday 17 October 2018
Article 5 –
summary of discussions - Thursday 18
October 2018
Article 6 –
summary of discussions - Tuesday 16 October 2018
Article 7 –
summary of discussions - Tuesday 16 October 2018
Article 8 –
summary of discussions - Monday 15 October 2018
Article 9 – summary of discussions - Tuesday 16 October
2018
Article 10 – summary of discussions - Wednesday 17 October 2018
Article 11 – summary of discussions - Wednesday 17
October 2018
Article 12 – summary of discussions - Wednesday 17 October 2018
Article 13 – summary of discussions - Tuesday 16 October 2018
Article 14 – summary of discussions - Thursday 18
October 2018
Article 15 – summary of discussions - Thursday 18 October 2018
Article
13. Consistency with International Law
1. States Parties shall carry out their obligations under this
Convention in a manner consistent with the principles of sovereign equality and
territorial integrity of States and that of non-intervention in the domestic
affairs of other States.
2. Nothing in this Convention entitles a State Party to undertake in
the territory of another State the exercise of jurisdiction and performance of
functions that are reserved exclusively for the authorities of that other State
by its domestic law.
3. Nothing in these articles shall be construed as restricting or
derogating from any rights or obligations arising under domestic and
international law. The present articles are without prejudice to any obligation
incurred by States under relevant treaties or rules of customary international
law, including the obligations under any other treaty that governs or will
govern, in whole or in part, mutual legal assistance.
4. The provisions of this Convention shall be applied in conformity
with agreements or arrangements on the mutual recognition and enforcement of
judgements in force between Parties.
5. This Convention shall not affect the rights and obligations of the
Parties under the rules of general international law with respect to the
international responsibility of States.
6. States Parties agree that any future trade and investment agreements
they negotiate, whether amongst themselves or with third parties, shall not
contain any provisions that conflict with the implementation of this Convention
and shall ensure upholding human rights in the context of business activities
by parties benefiting from such agreements.
7. States Parties agree that all existing and future trade and
investment agreements shall be interpreted in a way that is least restrictive
on their ability to respect and ensure their obligations under this Convention,
notwithstanding other conflicting rules of conflict resolution arising from
customary international law or from existing trade and investment agreements.
Article 13 of the Legally Binding Instrument on Transnational
Corporations and Other Business Enterprises was scheduled for discussion on
Tuesday October 2018, from 10 AM to 13
PM, together with articles 6 (Statute of Limitations) and 7 (Applicable Law).
After an introduction by the Chair, Luis Gallego Chiriboga, permanent
representative of Ecuador at the UN in Geneva, comments on Article 13 were
submitted by 4 experts. Written comments specific to Article 13 were submitted
by:
• 10 states (Argentina, Chile, China, Egypt,
India, Mexico, Namibia, Peru, the Russian Federation, South Africa)
• 6 NGOs.
Comments by Experts
Lilián Galán, Member of the Parliament of
Uruguay: Article 13 is problematic in two respects:
- the linking of the domestic law of each country with international human rights law. Article 13.1 refers the principles of sovereign equality and territorial integrity. Only states can interpret what conforms to the Treaty and what does not. Article 13.3 refers to international law, and Treaties are to be interpreted in good faith, without enacting domestic legislation with the goal not to comply with Treaty obligations. This is an eclectiv position, and emphasizing the position of Article 13.1 or Article 13.3 is a political option.
- the linking of this Treaty, a human rights treaties, with trade and investment treaties. The Treaty does not establish the prevalence of human rights over trade and investment agreements. Article 13.7 allows States to interpret trade and investment agreements in a way “least restrictive” of their ability to respect the Treaty. This is an implicit reference to the fact that trade and investment agreements may impact over the human rights enshrined in the Treaty.
The relation between the Treaty and trade and investment agreements has
caused enourmous political reticence. Ecuador and its allies have kept the
inflexible position to introduce an express mention of the primacy of human
rights over trade and investment agreements.
Written comments by Nicolas Guerrero,
Senior Legal Officer, WHO FCTC Secretariat are not available on the OHCHR
website.
Written comments by Sam
Zia-Zarifi, Secretary General, International Commission of Jurists are not available on the OHCHR website.
Makbule Sahan, International Trade Union Confederation: the formulation of Article 13.7 is far too narrow in order to
explicitly recognize the primacy of human rights obligations over trade and
investment agreements. What we are looking for in the binding treaty is
realignment of disproportionate protection afforded to companies through
legally enforceable rules and the soft law approaches when it to business and
human rights.
Article 13.6 indicates that trade and investment agreements should not
contain any provisions that conflict with the implementation of the binding
treaty. This provision is too broad in order to be meaningful.
We propose to introduce a new sub-article in order to introduce the
obligation to integrate a human rights clause in existing and future trade and
investment agreements. This should include an obligation to renegotiate
agreements, which are in contradiction with the treaty. This proposal is based
on General Comment No.24 of the Committee on Social, Economic
and Cultural Rights.
Article 13.1 and 13.2 could undermine the Treaty. The provisions
relating national sovereignty and territorial integrity should not be used as
an excuse to decline jurisdiction on the ground of forum non-conveniens, which
we have on and again highlighted as a serious barrier to access to justice. If
this Article is interpreted broadly, then the measures under Article 9 will be
hindered.
Comments by States
Written comments on Article 13
were submitted by 10 states:
Argentina, Chile, China, Egypt, India, Mexico, Namibia, Peru, the Russian
Federation, South Africa
Argentina: Article
13.6 and 13.7 can restrict a state’s decision of trade policy, if such decision
is to undergo a test of compatibility with the provisions of the Treaty.
China: as a general rule, the Treaty is
neither higher than nor it affects other applicable rules of international law,
including mutual legal assistance.
Paragraphs 6 and 7 of Article 13 should be carefully reviewed in
accordance with the principle of equal emphasis on human rights and
development.
Chile: we believe that Article 13 should only
refer to Article 31.3.c of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties.
Egypt: sub paras 6 and 7 from article 13 deals
with a vital issue which is the relation between the legally binding instrument
and the future trade and investment agreements, both articles need elaboration
and to be drafted in a way that takes into consideration various interests and
concerns, taking into consideration going efforts to revise trade and
investment agreements by many countries including my country Egypt.
India: On Article 13, we once again believe
that this article requires significant revision. Clarity is required on the term
‘rights and obligations’, as whose rights and obligations are being referred to
in point 3 of the article. It may be noted this article has the potential to
conflict with the trade and investment obligations of states as it is
infeasible to re-negotiate existing bilateral investment agreements. Once
again, we believe the text should bring in balance rather than conflict with
the domestic laws.
Mexico: in international law no hierarchy
exists among different norms, except for norms of jus cogens, which admit
of no derogation. It cannot be assumed that the Treaty prevails over other
norms of international law, except for the cases when the criteria of special
law or later law so permit.
The last part of Article 13.7 “notwithstanding other conflicting rules
of conflict resolution arising from customary international law or from
existing trade and investment agreements.” should be eliminated. The reference
to customary international law is particularly problematic, because an
obligation deriving from a bilateral or multilateral treaty cannot derogate
from general norms. This provision may have the effect to violate existing
customary international standards.
The delegation of Mexico asked the following question to the Chair:
“Would it be preferable to emphasize that the obligation to respect human
rights still exists during the negotiation and conclusion of trade or
investment treaties, as a way to avoid conflicts of norms between the different
types of treaties?”
Namibia: we
have to pay extra attention to the provisions of an international instrument
before we become a State party thereto. We welcome the way in which Article 13
is crafted, although it can be streamlined to draw a clearer connection with
Trade and Investment Treaties with the aim to highlight the primacy of human
rights obligations, as indicated by some of the panellists. Sovereignty is a
principle, which cannot be compromised, but which should also not be used a
veil to refuse cooperation.
Peru: this article should be carefully
revised, to ensure an equilibrium between state obligations related to trade
and investment, and human rights.
We echo the comments of Mexico and other countries: there exist no
hierarchy of norms in international law, except for norms of jus cogens,
which admit of no derogation.
Russian Federation: Article 13.1 does not list all principles of international law, as
the principle of peaceful settlement of international disputes, equal rights,
and the self-determination of people. It is necessary to list all principles
defined in the Declaration
on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and
Cooperation among States, or avoid privileging
some principles over others.
Yesterday, many speakers noted that the task of the Convention was to
consolidate the extraterritorial nature of jurisdiction over human rights
violations. If so, then this approach does not fit in with the principles of
sovereign equality and non-interference in internal affairs, which are
confirmed in paragraphs 1 and 2 of Article 13.
Paragraph 3 of article 13 is not very compatible with paragraph 7 of
the same article. In the first case, the obligations of states under existing
international treaties are confirmed, and paragraph 7, on the contrary, states
that such existing trade and investment agreements should be implemented with
an eye to the Convention.
Paragraph 6 of Article 13 provides that all future agreements in the
field of trade and investment should include human rights provisions. Given the
ambiguous formulation of the Draft Treaty, any future such agreement can, if
desired, be deemed to conflict with the Draft Treaty. This provision sets the
priority of one branch of international law over another. I wonder what the
legal rationale is. This approach is based on the authors of the project. This
paragraph does not at all take into account the nature of the content of trade
and investment agreements, as well as the mechanisms for resolving disputes
over them. The inclusion of human rights clauses in trade and investment
treaties would mean that the competence of arbitral tribunals should extend
over human rights. This is not the task of professionals in investment
affairs.
The entire system of WTO agreements falls under the trade agreements
referred to in paragraph 7 of Article 13. Itwould be useful to get an
assessment of the implications of the Draft Trety for WTO law.
The Draft Treaty is based on good intentions
and a good theoretical knowledge of human rights, but it is still divorced from
the reality and context in which these obligations are to be fulfilled.
South Africa: While respecting the principles
of sovereign equality and territorial integrity, the duty to cooperate as a
fundamental tenet of international law must apply and must be incorporated in
the text.
In Article 13, 7, clear language underpinning investment agreements
which calls for equitable relations and respect for human rights should be
emphasized. This article must not preclude any measure to address
disadvantageous and constraining bilateral trade investments. It is important
for Agenda 2030.
Comments by NGOs
FIAN International: we have major concerns how
the Zero Draft deals with trade and investment agreements.The discrepancy
between the binding agreements and effective arbitration mechanisms in the area
of trade and investment on one side and human rights law in the area of
business and human rights on the other side is well known. This leads to
situations where trade law trumps over human rights law when there exist
contradictions.
The draft at least recognizes this potential conflict. The formulation
of article 13 attempts to build a bridge between those defending existing trade
and investment agreements and those calling for the primacy of human rights.
What we perceive as a compromise text results in fact in a weak protection of
human rights and does not really contribute to overcoming the problem. We
consider that the existing reference to international treaties in art. 13.3
should be eliminated and that the primacy of human rights should be affirmed,
based on articles 103, 1 and 55 of the UN
Charter.
Although article 13.6 aims at preventing the negative effect of
arbitration mechanisms, the compromise text used is too ambiguous in order to
be effective. We therefore propose to add the following text:
“When the use of arbitration mechanisms has the potential to impair or nullify
States’ capacity to meet their human rights obligations derived from
international human rights law, the use of such mechanisms shall be excluded
and the case shall be addressed to the formal justice systems of the involved
States, following the rules of international law.”
Article 13.6 as it stands will only have a real effect only on future
trade and investment agreements. Therefore, we consider a para. should be added
stating that, within a given period, existing trade and investment agreements shall
be examined by means of Human Rights Impact Assessments whether they contradict
the Convention, and if so, shall be adapted so as to comply with the
Convention.
FIDH: the zero draft should be amended in
order to contain a specific article regarding State parties obligations when
negotiating and implementing trade and investment agreements. Such provision
should:
- to conduct independent human rights impact assessments and consult potentially affected peoples and human rights treaty bodies when negotiating trade and investment agreements
- Provide for an independent complaint mechanism with the competence to rule on any negative impact trade and investment may have on human rights, including when these impacts result from their dispute settlement mechanisms
- Require the Parties to ensure that trade and investment agreements oblige States, companies and investors to respect international human rights obligations and not only domestic laws
- Oblige the parties to ensure trade and investment agreements allow them to maintain adequate policy space to meet their human rights obligations
- Oblige the Parties to develop clean hands provision requesting investors to respect international human rights standards during all the duration of their investment and obliging them to remedy any negative impact, before to have access to any form of investor-State-Dispute-Settlement
- Oblige the Parties to protect and provide financial support to CSOs seeking to address the negative impacts trade and investment agreements may have on human rights, including from any SLAPP actions;
Friends of the Earth International: Articles
13.6 and 13.7 should be replaced by a state obligation to conduct an impact
assessment of human rights prior to concluding any trade or investment
agreement involving an enterprise of another state party. An obligation should
be included to review existing trade and investment treaties, and renegotiate
them or unilaterally denounce them in case of potential or actual
inconsistencies.
The first sentence of Article 13.3 should be deleted, because it
implies that state parties may ignore any obligation created by this Treaty, if
it is believed such obligation conflicts with national law. This article should
also include an obligation for TNCs and other business enterprises to respect
judicial decisions and domestic legislation, and request from suing another
state party before international arbitral tribunals for any decision based on
public interest, that affects the human rights of citizens, or the State’s
ability to comply with its human rights obligations.
Article 7 should be better articulated with Article 5, and include a
clause making explicit that in case of disputes that may affect human rights,
the applicable law must in the first place be the international law of human
rights.
We agree that prevention of human rights abuses should be the heart of
the treaty. However, none of the rights elaborated in the UN Declaration on the
Rights of Indigenous Peoples are mentioned in the zero draft. Since the first
session of the UN Forum on Business and Human Rights, there has been consensus
that Indigenous peoples worldwide suffer the greatest human rights abuses by
transnational corporations and business enterprises. We recommend that this
Declaration be added to the List of Documents consulted for the preparation of
this treaty.
International Indian Treaty Council: in Article 13.1 there is little recognition
of Indigenous peoples whose territories have been divided by arbitrary state
colonial borders. Article 36 of the UNDRIP addresses rights of
Indigenous peoples separated by borders.
International Organization of Employers: presented the following comments:
• Some provisions under this Article – that
correctly assert the sovereignty and territorial integrity State Parties – are
incoherent with other provisions in the draft Treaty concerning
extraterritorial jurisdiction.
• The provisions on trade and investment raise
problems about the potential for a hierarchy of international law (beyond jus
cogens). For the record, the UNGPs do not assert the primacy of
international human rights law.
MISEREOR, Asia Pacific Forum on Women, Law
and Development, BUND, CCFD, CIDSE, CIEL, FIAN International and SOMO:
- Article 13.6 declares that future trade agreement “shall not contain provisions that conflict with the implementation of the convention and shall ensure upholding human rights in the context of the activities by parties benefiting from such agreements”. However, for greater legal clarity, the vague term of “upholding” should be replaced with “respect, protect and fulfill” and concrete measures such as human rights impact assessments should be added.
- According to Article 13.7, States shall interpret trade and investment agreements “in a way least restrictive on their ability to respect and ensure their obligations under the Convention”. This is certainly well intended. De facto however, the wording would legitimize derogations from human rights obligations and leave it to ill-prepared arbitrators of investment tribunals to interpret which restrictions are acceptable and which are not.
- Article 13.3 is highly problematic as it says that the Convention cannot restrict other domestic and international obligations. The unintended result would be that trade and investment agreements could restrict human rights while the human rights could not restrict trade and investment agreements. This would contradict General Comment N° 24 of the UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, Principle 9 of the UNGP and the EU Lisbon Treaty that obliges to respect and promote human rights in its trade and investment policy within and outside the EU.
We would like to recommend the following
modifications in the next Draft:
·
delete Article 13.3 in order not
to neutralize the impact of the Treaty on other areas of international and
domestic law;
·
to re-insert the principle of the
primacy of human rights over trade and investment agreements in articles 2 and
13, to add a specific supremacy clause and to specify that this primacy must be
secured in rulings of any international dispute settlement mechanism;
·
modify Article 13.7 in the sense
that “existing and future trade and investment agreements shall be reviewed,
interpreted and implemented in a way that they do not restrict the ability of
States to respect and implement their obligations under this Convention and other
applicable human rights treaties.
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