(Pix © Larry Catá Backer 2019)
In this post and those that follow we will begin to flesh out what we see as the great challenges of democracy in illiberal states, and the methods undertaken by the Caribbean (Cuban) form of Marxism Leninism, to meet those challenges. We will asses the extent to which they might claim success, and more importantly the extent to which the gulf between theory and execution remains a problem. We hope you will join us on this journey and look forward to engagement and discussion over the month. develop an approach. This February series is wrapped around work that Flora Sapio, James Korman and I are undertaking on the Cuban process of constitutional reform.
For Cuba, of course, the development of a viable socialist democracy is essential if it is to survive the passing of its revolutionary generation. And for that reason alone, Cuba provides a quite compelling laboratory for next generation democratic theory built on non-Western liberal assumptions. For these reasons we have chosen this years theme: Caribbean Marxism's Socialist Democracy, Considering the Cuban Constitutional Project From Communist Party to Popular Plebiscite.
This Post includes Part I: Caribbean Socialist Democracy 1.0; the 1976 Constitution.
By 1975, a time when country was undergoing profound transformations, the constitution of 1940 was no longer applicable to that moment in history. A new Law of Laws was needed for this new stage of the revolution. A group of jurists, appointed by the political and mass movement organizations, produced a draft constitution. In every school, workplace, military unit, city block, farm and rural village people discussed the document and made corrections and additions. (Cuba’s Constitution of 1976: An Historic Setback / Dimas Castellano (Translating Cuba 11 April 2016)).
As we will develop over the course of the posting in this series, the Cuban experiment in constitutional reformation presents some unique elements. It may also point to the development of the collectivist premises on which the Cuban political order is might be used to structure democratic mechanisms that might have application in other in Party-State systems. The well orchestrated and multi-year process that led from the reform of the objectives of the Cuban Communist Party in 2011 (Lineamientos), to the development of the reconstituted PCC political and economic model in 2016, and finally to the reform of the state constitution to reflect this new model and the emerging historical stage of Cuban development in 2018-2019, represents an important sequencing of political development. It also represents an equally important development of mechanisms for popular consultation both in the context of the PCC's work, and in the work of developing and approving the state constitution.
But as Dimas Castellano points out in the text quoted above, this is not the first time that the Cuban Party-State has sought to invoke mechanisms of popular engagement in major formal and structural reform efforts. And, indeed, what may emerge with respect to the study of the 2011-2019 process that eventually produced the reform of the Cuban constitution, is that what appears most interesting about the current process of reform may represent more an evolutionary process from a socialist democracy 1.0 to its 2.0 version.
But as Dimas Castellano points out in the text quoted above, this is not the first time that the Cuban Party-State has sought to invoke mechanisms of popular engagement in major formal and structural reform efforts. And, indeed, what may emerge with respect to the study of the 2011-2019 process that eventually produced the reform of the Cuban constitution, is that what appears most interesting about the current process of reform may represent more an evolutionary process from a socialist democracy 1.0 to its 2.0 version.
To that end it might be useful to revisit the documents produced during the course of the first post revolutionary constitutional reform period that ended with the adoption of the 1976 constitution.Cuba was essentially without a formal constitution (though not without a form of basic law) from just after the establishment of the post-Batista government in 1959, its transformation into a Marxist Leninist form of government in the early 1960s, and its development during the first 15 years of its existence. The adoption of the first post revolutionary constitution marked the formal establishment of an autonomous (of sorts) PCC under the strong direction of its core--the PCC's First Secretary (Fidel Castro) and the PCC Central Committee--and the celebration of its first Congress .
That first PCC Congress adopted what in retrospect have remained the core organizing documents of the political and economic systems that remains the operational base of its society. These resolutions framing the core premises of the political and economic order were then to be transposed into a state constitution. That state constitution was then itself to be the object through which the masses would be informed of the political principles around which the state was organized, and also to provide the masses with an opportunity to engage with those principles.
El Primer Congreso del Partido Comunista de Cuba considera que el texto perfeccionado por la Comisión Preparatoria Central con los aportes de la discusión pública y popular del Anteproyecto de Constitución, fundamentado éste en los principios del marxismo-leninismo, sirve a la firme decisión de nuestro Partido y nuestro pueblo trabajador de dotar a nuestro país de una Constitución Socialista que, por corresponder a las realidades y necesidades de la construcción del socialismo, sea norma inviolable para la actuación de todos, tanto de los órganos del Estado, sus dirigentes, funcionarios y empleados, como de cada ciudadano en particular; sea fundamento seguro del ascenso y consolidación de la legalidad socialista. Considera, asimismo, que el Proyecto de Ley de Tránsito Constitucional contiene las disposiciones transitorias indispensables para regular la oportunidad y el orden en que deben entrar en vigor los diversos artículos de la Constitución y señalar las normas anteriores a su aprobación que conservan vigencia temporal. El Primer Congreso del Partido Comunista de Cuba, en consecuencia, da su aprobación al texto perfeccionado del Anteproyecto de Constitución y recomienda que sea publicado oficialmente como Proyecto de Constitución de la República y sometido mediante referendo al voto universal, libre y secreto de los ciudadanos, junto con el Proyecto de Ley de Tránsito Constitucional; que el referendo se organice de modo que todos los ciudadanos con derecho al sufragio tengan la oportunidad de votar en él, para lo cual deben establecerse colegios electorales no solo en razón del domicilio, sino también del lugar donde se encuentren los electores. . . , de modo que la Constitución pueda proclamarse solemnemente el 24 de febrero, ochenta y un aniversario del inicio de la guerra revolucionaria por la independencia nacional organizada por José Martí, cuyo anhelo de que la Ley Primera de la República sea el culto de los cubanos a la dignidad plena del hombre, preside nuestra Constitución, como norma de nuestra sociedad socialista y principio siempre presente en todo el desarrollo de nuestra Revolución. Fuente: Granma, 26 de diciembre de 1975, p. 3
[TRANS: "The First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba considers that the text perfected by the Central Preparatory Commission with the contributions of public and popular discussion of the Draft Constitution, based on the principles of Marxism-Leninism, serves the firm decision of our Party and our [proletariat] to endow our country with a Socialist Constitution that, because it corresponds to the realities and needs of the construction of socialism, is an inviolable norm for the actions of all, both the organs of the State, its leaders, officials and employees, as of each citizen in particular; be a sure foundation of the rise and consolidation of socialist legality. It also considers that the Constitutional Transition Law Project contains the necessary transitional provisions to regulate the timeliness and order around which the various articles of the Constitution should enter into force and to identify the previously adopted temporary rules that will remain in force. The First Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba, in consequence, gives its approval to the improved text of the Draft Constitution and recommends that it be officially published as the Constitution Project of the Republic and submitted by referendum to the universal, free and secret vote of citizens, together with the Constitutional Transit Bill; that the referendum be organized so that all citizens with the right to vote have the opportunity to vote in it, for which polling places must be established with reference not only to domicile, but also to where the voters are located . . . so that the Constitution can be proclaimed solemnly on February 24, the eighty-first anniversary of the start of the revolutionary war for national independence organized by José Martí, whose desire that the First Law of the Republic is the cult of Cubans to the full dignity of man, presides over our Constitution, as a norm of our socialist society and principle always present in the whole development of our Revolution."]
But this engagement was not to be undertaken without boundaries on discourse. Rather popular participation was meant to serve as a further means through which the vanguard revolutionary party could continue its project of socializing the masses to the revolutionary order. Fidel Castro made that quite clear in his address to the Congress:
Estamos seguros de que lo que falta para que el Congreso tenga la mayorcalidad, que el evento tenga la mayor significación, será cumplido. Por ser este precisamente el Primer Congreso, comprende un sinnúmero deasuntos del mayor interés. Y, en realidad, grandes e importantes decisiones,que influirán enormemente en la vida futura del país, se han de tomar en ese Congreso. Por lo pronto, ya estamos discutiendo con todo el pueblo la Constitución de laRepública. La Constitución de la República nos llevó casi 40 horas de análisis yde discusión en la Comisión Preparatoria. Ahora la está discutiendo todo elpueblo. Después tendremos de nuevo que analizarla, tomando en cuenta lasopiniones y los criterios que se han vertido. Y vemos con qué interés el puebloha tomado la discusión de la Constitución.
* * *
Cuando los procesos revolucionarios se institucionalizan y se consolidan através de instituciones realmente adecuadas —como ocurrió con la Revolución Bolchevique, que tiene ya más de 50 años, que avanza ininterrumpidamente, y sabemos que seguirá avanzando—, vemos qué gran estabilidad le da a esospueblos, qué gran estabilidad tienen esas naciones y esas colectividadeshumanas cuando se organizan bien, cuando se institucionalizan bien, cuandotienen los organismos adecuados para marchar adelante. (Discurso pronunciado por el Comandante en Jefe Fidel Castro Ruz,primer secretario del Comite Central del Partido Comunista de Cuba yprimer ministro del gobierno revolucionario, en el acto en que lefueran entregados los compromisos del pueblo en saludo al PrimerCongreso del Partido por parte de los dirigentes de las organizacionesde masas, en el Palacio de la Revolucion, el 29 de mayo de 1975, "AÑODEL PRIMER CONGRESO").
[TRANS: We are sure that whatever may be missing so that the Congress has the highest quality, so that the event has the greatest significance, will be carried out. Because this is precisely the First Congress, it is faced with countless issues of the greatest interest. And, in reality, great and important decisions, which will greatly influence the future life of the country, must be taken by that Congress. Currently, we are in the midst of discussing the Constitution of the Republic with all the people. The Constitution of the Republic took us almost 40 hours of analysis and discussion in the Preparatory Commission. Now all the people are discussing it. Then we will have to analyze it again, taking into account the opinions and the judgments that have been expressed. And we see with what interest the people have taken the discussion of the Constitution.
* * *
When the revolutionary processes are institutionalized and consolidated through truly adequate institutions - as was the case with the Bolshevik Revolution, which is now more than 50 years old, which is progressing uninterruptedly, and we know that it will continue to advance - we see what great stability it gives these people, What great stability do these nations and these human collectivities have when they organize themselves well, when they become well institutionalized, when they have the right organisms to move forward?]
And that that popular engagement was to be undertaken and narrowed through the lens of revolutionary representation. It was clear that the idea ideologically was that the masses would be represented best by those among them with the greatest credentials as PCC adherents and most attached to the PCC's line developed especially for the purpose of conceiving and articulating a constitution.
Nuestro pueblo sabe quiénes integran el Partido, sabe que esos militantesfueron seleccionados en los centros de trabajo con la activa participación de lasmasas; sabe que en el Partido militan los mejores obreros, sabe que en elPartido militan los mejores ciudadanos, y sabe que para el Congreso loscomunistas eligieron entre los mejores comunistas para trazar la línea delPartido (APLAUSOS). Y por eso, nuestro pueblo se siente representado en el Partido.
Pero además, las tesis más importantes fueron discutidas con todo el pueblo.El pueblo participó en la elaboración de esas tesis y en la elaboración de lapolítica de los años futuros. ¡Y por eso sabe que las tesis y los acuerdos del Congreso son sus tesis y son sus acuerdos! (APLAUSOS).
Si allí en el "Carlos Marx" se reunió el Congreso del Partido, aquí en la Plaza dela Revolución se reúne el Congreso del pueblo para expresar su apoyo a losacuerdos del Congreso (APLAUSOS). Pero si allí votamos, aquí debemos votartambién (APLAUSOS). Si allí discutimos y aprobamos todas las tesis, aquí, enrepresentación de todo el pueblo, debemos también votar, y preguntarle anuestro pueblo si apoya o no apoya los acuerdos del Congreso (APLAUSOS Y EXCLAMACIONES DE: "¡Sí!")(Discurso pronunciado por el Comandante en Jefe Fidel CastroRuz,primer secretario del Comite Central del Partido Comunista de Cuba yprimer ministro del gobierno revolucionario, en el Acto de masas conmotivo de la clausura del Primer Congreso del Partido Comunista deCuba. Plaza de la Revolucion, 22 de diciembre de 1975, "AÑO DELPRIMER CONGRESO").
[TRANS: Our people know who is part of the Party, know that these militantes [cadres] were selected in the work centers with the active participation of the masses; [our people] know that the best workers work in the Party, knows that the best citizens are in the Party, and knows that for the Congress the Communists chose among the best Communists to draw the line of the Party. (Applause) And that is why our people feel represented in the Party.
But also, the most important principles were discussed with all the people. The people participated in the elaboration of these principles and in the elaboration of the politics of the future years. And that is why our people know that the principles and agreements of the Congress are their principles and are their agreements! (APPLAUSE).
If there, in the "Karl Marx", the Congress of the Party meets, here in the Plaza of the Revolution the People's Congress meets to express its support for the agreements of the Congress (applause). But if we vote there, we must vote here too (applause). If there we discuss and approve all theses, here, in representation of all the people, we must also vote, and ask our people if they support or do not support the agreements of the Congress (applause and shouts of: "Yes!")
The conflations so densely intermeshed in the quoted language above becomes the operative model of popular participation, and also established a baseline that itself will prove a challenge to a Leninist organizational structure increasingly desiring to streamline its governance organs--including organs for popular affirmation. Yet the keys to overcoming that contradiction are already present here--the identity between the PCC and the leading forces of the nation, the identity between Party cadres and the most suitable representatives of the masses, the dual role of the PCC as both the vanguard party whose leadership is central to government and as the true representation (incarnation) of the people and the popular will essential for the legitimization of the actions undertaken by the vanguard, and the importance of popular consultation of the work product of the Party and its organs by the people whose interventions are then considered in finalizing actions by Party and State. But at the same time there is at least one last look back to earlier forms of mass expression--of the authority of gatherings of the masses at the instance of and under the guidance of the PCC, whose affirmation of their representatives action "performs" sovereign approval. These are the patterns that ought to be be keep in mind as we move from the development of these reflexes in the practice of Cuban Leninism, and the process through which, after 2011, the economic and political model of the state and party are reconceptualized, an economic plan for the nation is developed, a program of reform and opening up as the basic line of the PCC is developed, and the national constitution is reformed.
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