Sunday, August 23, 2026

以下为您提供符合中国大陆学术规范(华东/沪派学术风格,严谨、典雅且注重现象学与马列术语精准度)的中文学术翻译: 讨论稿新发布:“从群众中来,到群众中去”:矛盾、群众路线与民主集中制作为宪法性治理循环——人民民主专政作为其守门人:中国马克思列宁主义政治理论与其宪制试论

 

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ENGLISH VERSION HERE 

笔者近期致力于符号学、现象学、中国传统思想以及深化理解政治意识形态体系的形态、本质、运行机制及其“认知笼屉”(cognitive cages)的研究。参见,例如:(1)《现代化作为中国宪政的生活世界》;(2)《法权运动中:白轲(Larry Catá Backer)的“现代化与中国宪制的生活世界”——通过童之伟的法权主义加以阅读》;(3)《作为生产力与意识形态机制的教育:中国现代化驱动型知识体系的辩证分析》;以及(4)《对张冠梓〈从世界历史纵深把握中国式现代化的时代价值〉的思考——论列宁主义的马克思主义变奏与现代化的构成/实现》

这些研究促使笔者尝试从系统内部思考其运行机制,即将各个运行子系统视为重要的概念与操作预期集群,它们发展出自身的内部记号化过程(internal signification),并产生多层的辩证关系;系统借此获得或展现其“工作作风”,并巩固其核心驱动前提。为此,笔者重点关注群众路线、民主集中制、矛盾分析原则/学说,以及人民民主专政作为当代中国马克思列宁主义建构内部核心子系统的性质与相互关系——这一建构既在政治组织中显现,亦在其行政机制的宪制结构中得以表达。

中国的治理体系构建于一系列互锁的原则之上:矛盾论(诊断每个发展阶段的问题所在)、群众路线(从民众中收集信息与诉求)、民主集中制(将分散的输入集中为统一的政策),以及人民民主专政(确定谁属于有权参与的“人民”,谁不属于)。本文认为,这些要素并非孤立的行政工具,而是单一递归循环的组成部分——一个不断进行诊断、收集、集中、决策,进而返回检验其决策是否仍契合底层实际状况的系统。本文表明,唯有在中国共产党所界定的“现代化”框架内,这一循环才具有可理解性:现代化是一个历史性演进的项目,它设定了社会问题被识别以及政策回应被考量的方向、优先事项与衡量标准。

这一思考的成果即为此篇题为《“从群众中来,到群众中去”:矛盾、群众路线与民主集中制作为宪法性治理循环——人民民主专政作为其守门人:中国马克思列宁主义政治理论与其宪制试论》的讨论稿。摘要概括了本文的要旨:

摘要 本文引入李泽厚的“积淀”概念,阐明现代化范畴如何沿着社会主义道路获得深度、空间性与方向性运动;同时借用《鬼谷子》——特别是〈揣篇〉、〈抵巇〉、〈反應〉、〈养志〉与〈捭闔〉诸篇——作为前符号学的中国本土话语体系,用以表述马克思列宁主义循环所重新编码而非凭空发明的治理问题。本文的论证在进入规范性评价之前首先是重构性的:以系统自身的语汇对其进行精准识别,必须置于评估之前。本文最后指出,理论提供了让经验检验变得可理解的概念空间,而治理循环如同鬼谷子守门的圣人,正是为无边界的变易赋予方向的机制所在。

英文草稿附于下方,亦可在此下载。

 

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New Discusison Draft Posted: "从群众中来,到群众中去 [“From the Masses, to the Masses”]: Contradiction, Mass Line, and Democratic Centralism as a Constitutional Governing Loop — and People's Democratic Dictatorship as Its Gatekeeper An essay in Chinese Marxist-Leninist political theory and its constitutionalism" [从群众中来,到群众中去 矛盾、群众路线与民主集中制作为宪法性治理循环 ——人民民主专政作为其守门人 中国马克思列宁主义政治理论试论]

 

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中文版

I have been doing a bit of work on semiotics, phenomenology, Chinese classical thinking and the approaches to better understanding the form, nature, and workings, the cognitive cages, of political-ideological systems. See, e.g., (1) "Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism" [现代化作为中国宪政的生活世界 ]); (2) Faquan-in-Motion: Larry Catá Backer’s (白轲) Modernization and the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism Read Through Tong Zhiwei's Faquanism 法权运动中:(Larry Catá Backer中文名:白轲) 现代化与中国宪制的生活世界 ——通过童之伟的法权主义加以阅读; (3) "Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus: A Dialectical Analysis of China's Modernization-Driven Knowledge System" [作为生产力与意识形态机制的教育:中国现代化驱动型知识体系的辩证分析]; and (4) Reflections on 张冠梓: 从世界历史纵深把握中国式现代化的时代价值 [Zhang Guanzi, Grasping the Contemporary Value of Chinese Modernization from the Depth of World History ]--The Marxist Variation on Leninism and the Constitution/Realization of Modernization.

This work have led to me try to consider the operation if the system from the inside, that is to think about the operational subsystems, each as significant clusters of conceptional and operational expectations that develop their own internal signification and produce layered dialectics through which the system acquires or presents its "working style" and reinforces its core animating premises. To that end I focused on the nature and inter-relation among the mass line,  democratic centralism, the principle of doctrine of contradiction analysis, and people's democratic dictatorship as key subsystems within a contemporary Chinese Marxist Leninist construction that finds expression in both political organization and in the constitution of its administrative apparatus.   

 China’s governing system is built on a set of interlocking principles: contradiction theory (diagnosing what is wrong at each stage of development), the mass line (gathering information and grievances from the population), democratic centralism (concentrating scattered input into unified policy), and people’s democratic dictatorship (determining who counts as “the people” entitled to participate and who does not). This essay argues that these are not separate administrative tools but parts of a single recursive loop — a system that repeatedly diagnoses, gathers, concentrates, decides, and then returns to check whether its decisions still fit the conditions on the ground. The essay shows that this loop only makes sense within the framework of “modernization” as China’s Communist Party defines it: a historically evolving project that sets the direction, the priorities, and the criteria by which social problems are identified and policy responses are judged.

The product of this thinking is this discussion draft entitled:  从群众中来,到群众中去 [“From the Masses, to the Masses”]: Contradiction, Mass Line, and Democratic Centralism as a Constitutional Governing Loop — and People's Democratic Dictatorship as Its Gatekeeper: An essay in Chinese Marxist-Leninist political theory and its constitutionalism [从群众中来,到群众中去  矛盾、群众路线与民主集中制作为宪法性治理循环 ——人民民主专政作为其守门人 : 中国马克思列宁主义政治理论试论 . The abstract gives a sense of the essay:

This essay reconstructs the governing loop of Chinese Marxist-Leninist constitutionalism — contradiction theory, the mass line, and democratic centralism — not as discrete institutional tools but as a single recursive system whose intelligibility depends on the modernizing Lebenswelt within which it operates. Building on the author’s prior work theorizing modernization (现代化) as the metasignifier and historically sedimented horizon of Chinese constitutionalism, the essay traces each governing principle across four simultaneously operative strands: normative, state-constitutional, Party-line, and Party-internal-organizational. It extends the triad through the dual revolutions (self-revolution and social revolution) and identifies people’s democratic dictatorship (人民民主专政) as the meta-mechanism — a Peircean semiotic thirdness — that constitutes the categories of “the people” and “the enemy” before the loop can operate on either. The essay deploys Li Zehou’s concept of jidian (积淀, sedimentation) to show how modernizing categories acquire depth, spatiality, and directional motion along the Socialist Path, and draws on Guiguzi (鬼谷子) — particularly the chapters on probing (揣篇), exploiting fissures (抵巇), response and reflection (反應), cultivating aspirations (养志), and opening and closing (捭闔) — as a pre-semiotic Chinese vocabulary for the governance problems the Marxist-Leninist loop recodes rather than invents. The argument is reconstructive before it is normative: accurate identification of the system in its own vocabulary must precede evaluation. The essay closes by arguing that theory provides the conceptual space within which empirical testing becomes intelligible, and that the governing loop, like Guiguzi’s sage guarding the gates, is the mechanism by which change without limit is given direction.

[摘要本文将中国宪法主义的治理循环——矛盾论(矛盾论)、群众路线(群众路线)与民主集中制(民主集中制)——重构为一个单一的递归系统,其可理解性依赖于现代化(现代化)作为历史性积淀的生活世界(Lebenswelt)。矛盾论提供社会状况的本体论诊断;群众路线提供自下而上获取该诊断的认识论方法;民主集中制提供将这些输入集中为具有约束力的国家行动的组织机制。本文通过双重革命(自我革命/社会革命)延伸这一三元结构,并将人民民主专政(人民民主专政)识别为皮尔士符号学(Peircean semiotics)意义上的第三性(thirdness)——即确定整个治理循环运行域的元机制。本文运用李泽厚的“积淀”概念和《鬼谷子》作为前符号学框架,论证这一循环不是从外部施加的制度图式,而是被居住的——即被干部、上访者和规划者作为生活经验所内在化的递归系统。]



The draft ENGLISH follows below and may be downloaded HERE

 

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Saturday, August 22, 2026

Reflections on 薛澜 人工智能技术的社会应用——治理挑战 [Xue Lan, The Social Application of Artificial Intelligence: Governance Challenges]

 

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Everyone has something to say about AI and AI governance (see my eight lectures on commemorate comparative approaches to AI governance , June 2026). That, at least says something as bout the importance of the topic to those who are in a position to govern, and to manage the expectations and conceptual universe of the masses. But it says far less about the conceptual cages from out of which all of this "conversation" emerges, and which they reflect within the confines of the topic of AI governance. 

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This essay, Xue Lan's (薛澜) "Social Application of Artificial Intelligence" Read Within Its Own Cognitive Cage: A New Era Signification Matrix, a Two-Line Critique, and a Comparative-Regulatory Analysis, considers a July 2026 Tsinghua keynote by Xue Lan (薛澜) — chair of China's National Expert Committee on AI Governance — as a case study in how Chinese AI-governance discourse is produced, exported, and received. It builds a matrix linking Xue's key terms to specific New Era Marxist-Leninist doctrinal referents, then pursues two lines of critique: first, an assessment, grounded in a theory of modernization as the organizing horizon of Chinese constitutionalism (drawing on my essay,  "Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism" [现代化作为中国宪政的生活世界 ]) the fundamental political line of which Xue's speech is faithful, elaborates, or deploys (finding fidelity nearly everywhere); ; second, a semiotic reading, grounded in using a five-stage interpretive protocol drawn from the Gerasene demoniac narrative (Mark 5), that places Xue among a corpus of AI-governance "oracles" — Palantir, Anthropic, OpenAI, Aschenbrenner, DeepSeek, and Meta — and argues his position is structurally distinct: custodial rather than supplicatory, addressed to the international order rather than a domestic sovereign. A comparative-regulatory section sets the institutional apparatus Xue's speech legitimates against the EU AI Act and the fragmented U.S. landscape. A final section, prompted by Xue's real-world engagement with Senator Bernie Sanders, identifies a deeper structure common to every framework examined — Chinese, American, and European alike — distinguishing "Left" and "Right" variants of a Leninist impulse toward concentrated, expert- or vanguard-directed control of productive and cognitive life, and argues that Xue's framework functions as a bridge between them, which is what gives the Xue-Sanders convergence its logic. The essay concludes that no framework canvassed — Chinese or Western — contemplates AI's development without some apex authority to direct it; the only contested question is who occupies that position.

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The "Closing Synthesis" of the essay weaves the analytic strands into something that may approach coherence but not conclusion. Read together, the four parts of this analysis converge on a single finding, approached from four directions. The matrix shows that Xue's speech is deeply embedded in New Era doctrinal content beneath an STS-inflected surface vocabulary. The two-line critique shows, first, that the saturation is faithful almost to the point of orthodoxy, elaborated chiefly through a choice of borrowed vocabulary whose home discourse sits in mild tension with the recentered political project it has been recruited to serve; and second, that Xue's oracular position is structurally unlike every other voice in the comparative corpus, because he speaks from inside, rather than in supplication to, the sovereign authority the other oracles are all still negotiating with — his true request is addressed not downward to a domestic regulator but outward to the international order, for recognition as its rule-maker. The comparative-regulatory analysis shows that this same custodial, civilizational ambition is not confined to rhetoric: it is already instantiated in an operating apparatus whose closest functional analogue, the EU's AI Act, shares its structural comprehensiveness but not its legitimating grammar. And Part V shows that beneath even these three findings lies a still deeper structure common to every framework this analysis has examined — Chinese, American, and European alike — in which the only live question is who or what should occupy the apex position directing AI's development, never whether such a position should exist at all.

What remains most exposed, across all four readings, is the wager the speech stakes everything on: that AI's power is entirely a function of the adequacy of the body built to house it, and that the Party-state's capacity to build a more comprehensive body than any market-fragmented rival constitutes China's decisive advantage. It is a wager made with unusual theoretical sophistication, and one that finds unexpected company — in a Brussels regulator's risk-tiered technocracy, in a Left-Leninist senator's call for expert-negotiated redlines, in a market oracle's founder-controlled safety board — among interlocutors who share almost nothing else with Xue Lan except the conviction that some apex must hold the reins. It is also, on the terms of the corpus this analysis has now placed Xue within, the wager most vulnerable to the one question none of the seven oracles — Chinese, American, Left-Leninist, or Right-Leninist — has yet allowed itself to ask.
 

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The text of Xue Lan's remarks in Chinese and an English translation follows below along with the Introduction to my essay. The FULL TEXT of the essay, Xue Lan's (薛澜) "Social Application of Artificial Intelligence" Read Within Its Own Cognitive Cage: A New Era Signification Matrix, a Two-Line Critique, and a Comparative-Regulatory AnalysisMAY BE ACCESSED HERE  and on SSRN HERE.

 

 

 

 

Friday, August 21, 2026

Requiescat, dialectically: An Ironic Elegy on the Anniversary of a Death by Ice Axe: A Small Elegy for Lev Davidovich

 

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21 August

There is something almost too fitting in the instrument. Not a bullet, not a tribunal, not even the bureaucratic apparatus he himself had once helped assemble and then spent the remainder of his life theorizing against — but an ice axe, a mountaineer's tool, wielded in a study in Coyoacán by a man carrying an alias, an overcoat in August, and a magazine article he pretended to want edited. One does not require Freud to notice the allegory sitting patiently in the historical record: the revolution that could not climb down from the heights it had claimed to be scaling was, in the end, undone by a piece of equipment meant for the descent — a small, almost embarrassingly literal instance of the recursivity that structured the man's entire intellectual life, in which every attempt to ascend past a limit produced, sooner or later, the tool of one's own return to earth.

I write of this not as hagiography — Trotsky requires no more of that than he has already received from partisans on every continent who found in him a convenient vessel for their own unrealized purities — but as a case study, the kind that those of us who spend our careers cataloguing the migration of doctrine across legal and political systems learn to treasure. Trotsky is instructive precisely because he lost, and because the manner of his losing tells us more about the structure of Marxist-Leninist legality than his winning ever could have.

Consider: here was a man who helped construct the theoretical scaffolding of a state built on the proposition that law is superstructure, that legality is merely the codified interest of a ruling class, that the dictatorship of the proletariat need answer to no court but History itself. He built this scaffolding with evident sincerity and no small brilliance. And then he spent his exile — Alma-Ata, Prinkipo, Norway, Coyoacán — insisting, with equal sincerity, that the very apparatus he had helped theorize had betrayed its own logic, had ossified into a bureaucratic caste, had substituted the permanent revolution for the permanent committee — had, that is, arrested the recursive motion he believed was the very engine of history, freezing it into a single administrative present tense. It is one of the great ironies of twentieth-century political thought that the man most committed to keeping the revolution unfinished was murdered by the man most committed to declaring it, officially and eternally, complete. Stalinism did not merely defeat Trotskyism; it closed the file. That is what state legality does, in every system, communist or otherwise — it converts contested political claims into settled administrative fact, and it treats the losing claimant not as a rival but as a clerical error to be corrected.

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There is a lesson here that travels well beyond the Fourth International, and I confess it is the lesson that interests me more than the man. Every ideological state — whether organized around Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy, corporate social responsibility, or the sovereigntist nationalisms now again fashionable — eventually produces its own heretics from within its own premises, and eventually must decide what to do with them. Some are permitted to become institutions (chairs, journals, minor cults of personality, footnotes). Others are exiled. A very few are handed an ice axe across a desk. The variable is not the correctness of the heresy but its proximity to power at the moment the orthodoxy consolidates. Trotsky was not wrong about bureaucratic degeneration; he was merely early, and unarmed, and geographically reachable.

To return to that recursivity, then, and press it further: Trotsky was, in his own way, the phenomenological expression of the very motion he sought to overcome — trapped within another cognitive cage, one built from the strategic exploitation of outside irritants, pushing recursively forward toward a promised land whose essence eluded him as thoroughly as it eluded the almost accidentally successful vanguard that had simply found itself, for a moment, at the right place in Russia. And Stalin, in the end, saw to it that Trotsky became precisely that: the irritant. The very instrument he himself had once found so infinitely useful in the bodies of others, now turned on him — alive to death.

So: an elegy, ironic because the man believed in nothing so bourgeois as elegies, and because the tragedy is not that he died for his convictions but that his convictions and his killer's convictions shared a grandmother; scholarly, because the case remains one of the cleanest illustrations we have of how revolutionary legality disposes of its own dissidents once the revolution has a state to protect; and neutral, insofar as neutrality is possible when writing about a man who would have found neutrality itself an ideological position requiring unmasking — which, of course, it is.

Eighty-six years on, the ice axe is in a vault in Mexico City. The apparatus he criticized outlived him by half a century and collapsed anyway, for reasons that had rather little to do with him. The permanent revolution did not arrive. The bureaucracy, in one form or another, generally does.

Requiescat, dialectically.

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Save the Date: Compliance Net 2027 Conference and CfP

 

 


 This from our friends over at Compliance Net:

ComplianceNet 2027 will be hosted by Sant’Anna School of Advanced Studies in Pisa, Italy. The event will take place on June 14-16, 2027, and it coincides with the annual festival of Luminara of San Ranieri. The Conference will consider submissions on all topics related to compliance. We hope that this announcement allows you to start thinking about potential contributions!

A formal call for papers will be issued in late fall 2026. For individual papers, you will be asked to submit the paper title and abstract (up to about 200 words). For panels (3 papers minimum with a maximum of 5 per panel), you will be asked to submit an integrative statement explaining the panel (approximately 200 words), the titles of each paper and their authors, and an abstract for each paper (approximately 200 words). We also offer awards for the best papers from students, junior scholars, and senior scholars.

ComplianceNet seeks to bring together scholars from a range of different disciplines to study the interaction between rules (broadly defined) and individual, group, or organizational behavior. The first seven annual conferences have been highly successful, bringing together academics from business, criminology, economics, law, political science, psychology, public policy, public health, and sociology, among other fields. See the ComplianceNet website for more details about the organization’s structure and goals, as well as for an opportunity to join the mailing list if you desire to do so.

We look forward to seeing you at ComplianceNet 2027 in Pisa!

Sincerely,

Roberta De Paolis (Conference Organizer); Wim Huisman, Elysa Dishman, Phil Nichols, Eric Chaffee, Antara Haldar, Vera Cherepanova, and Barbara-Ann Boehler (ComplianceNet Steering Committee)

Thursday, August 20, 2026

Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC) IssuesChina Monitor #7 (20 August 2026)

 


 

 The Congressional-Executive Commission on China was created by the U.S. Congress in 2000 "with the legislative mandate to monitor human rights and the development of the rule of law in China, and to submit an annual report to the President and the Congress. The Commission consists of nine Senators, nine Members of the House of Representatives, and five senior Administration officials appointed by the President." (CECC About). The CECC FAQs provide useful information about the CECC. See CECC Frequently Asked Questions. They have developed positions on a number of issues.

CECC tends to serve as an excellent barometer of the thinking of political and academic elites in the United States about issues touching on China and the official American line developed in connection with those issues. As such it is an important source of information about the way official and academic sectors think about China. As one can imagine many of the positions of the CECC are critical of current Chinese policies and institutions (for some analysis see CECC).

CECC periodically publishes its China Monitor. CECC notes: "The Congressional-Executive Commission on China (CECC) is mandated to monitor human rights and the rule of law in China. This newsletter contains the views of professional Commission staff and does not necessarily imply endorsement by any individual CECC Commissioner, or any Commissioners’ professional staff."

The latest issue (No. 7, 20 August 2026) is now available. These suggest what appears to be foregrounded by Congressional leaders and will likely play a role in interactions between Congress and the State Depart, and ultimately between Secretary Rubio (a former co-chair of CECC), the President and other relevant Cabinet secretaries. The contents  include the following:

"The Wandering Marx: Vanguard Theory, the Denaturing of Marxism, and the Jewish Question in Chinese Socialist Internationalism," My Reflections on Felix Brender [王哲謙], "China after October 7: Selective Neutrality and the Politics of 'Principle'"

Pix credit here ("Scatter the Old World; Build the New," 1967)

A Red Guard at work, smashing books, religious sculptures and other items considered as the 'Four Olds' (四旧) [customs, cultures, habits, and ideas ].  


 Español中文版 

 Agitata da due venti,                    Agitated by two winds,
freme l'onda in mar turbato           the waves tremble in a turbulent sea,
e 'l nocchiero spaventato               and the frightened steersman
già s'aspetta a naufragar.            already expects to shipwreck.
Dal dovere da l'amore                 Torn by duty and by love,
combattuto questo core                   this heart cannot resist,
non resiste e par che ceda          and seems to yield,     
e incominci a desperar.                  and begins to despair.

Griselda RV 718 (libretto Apostolo Zeno/Carlo Goldoni; Music Antonio Vivaldi,  1735)

 This aria, perhaps better than anything else, nicely sets the tone for the discussion that follows, one which, like the opera from which it emerges, adopts a story from Boccaccio’s The Decameron (no. 10, 10th day) to follow King Gualtiero of Thessaly who, to appease his rebellious subjects angry that he married a low-born shepherdess, tests his wife's patience and loyalty by pretending to cast her out and marry another. That other is Costanza, was born, the king had to pretend to have her killed while secretly sending her to be brought up by Prince Corrado of Athens, who as these things go, is herself in love with another. Ultimately, the "new bride" is revealed to be their long-hidden daughter, proving Griselda’s unyielding virtue and restoring her royal place. In the end, all turns out well as everything is revealed. In the reality, the discussions of which follow, it is not as clear how things will turn out. 

Felix Brender [王哲謙], has published a quite interesting essay on Telos Insights for the Telos-Paul Piccone Institute. Entitled "China after October 7: Selective Neutrality and the Politics of 'Principle'," the essay examines the People’s Republic of China’s public posture toward the Israel-Hamas war since October 7, 2023, and argues that China’s self-presentation as a neutral, principled advocate of peace does not withstand scrutiny of the actual categories through which Beijing allocated “agency, victimhood, legitimacy, and responsibility.” The essay’s central claim is that China “preserved pragmatic relations with Israel” while consistently privileging pro-Palestinian framings in its diplomatic and legal interventions, and that this pattern reflects a long-standing investment in the Palestinian national cause and in China’s self-styled role as a leading voice of the Global South, rather than an improvised response to the war. 

Brender’s essay performs an indispensable service: it documents the what of Chinese conduct with exemplary empirical care and, in doing so, makes visible patterns that require theoretical explanation at a different level of analysis. The argument developed here does not displace Brender’s contribution but builds upon it, asking what theoretical architecture—what deep structure of the Chinese Marxist-Leninist political form—might explain the why that Brender’s careful documentation makes it possible to pose.

What follows is my reflections on those themes. It is entitled The Wandering Marx: Vanguard Theory, the Denaturing of Marxism, and the Jewish Question in Chinese Socialist Internationalism, and is written in the third person as a methodological performance of critical distantiation; I use the opportunity to examine my own prior work  as textual object through the lens of a reflection on Felix Brender's essay. I prepared an abstract that suggests the structures and approach of the essay:

Abstract: This essay engages Felix Brender’s “China after October 7: Selective Neutrality and the Politics of ‘Principle’” (Telos Insights, 2026), which documents China’s asymmetric diplomatic treatment of Israeli and Palestinian claims following the October 7, 2023 Hamas-led attack. The essay acknowledges Brender’s empirical contribution—particularly his semiotic analysis of the term 被扣押人员 [detained persons or hostages, prisoners or detainees, variability of the ambiguous concept  to keep someone in a place so that they cannot leave]—while arguing that his explanation, grounded in historical continuity and reputational cost-management, opens the door to a broader examination of the theoretical architecture that would explain why the asymmetry is structurally necessary rather than strategically contingent. The essay advances three interconnected arguments. First, that China’s posture is a structural requirement of the vanguard-coalition form derived from Mao Zedong’s “On Coalition Government” (1945), which requires both a coalition to be led and an externalized antagonist against which it is organized. Second, that the Sinicization of Marxism involves a “denaturing” of Marxism from its Jewish genealogical origins—a semiotic operation in which the “international Marx” (the diasporic Jewish theorist) must be superseded by the “Chinese Marx” (theory-come-home), rendering Jewish national self-determination structurally obstructive. Third, that Marx’s “On the Jewish Question” (1844), properly read as a critique of all religious recursion rather than a polemic against Jews, exposes the “clay feet” of Sinicization: the project substitutes Chinese civilizational particularity for the religious consciousness Marx argued must be transcended—and, in displacing Jewish particularism, allies itself with Islamic universalism, a rival lebenswelt whose eventual collision with Chinese-style modernization may produce a general contradiction the current theoretical architecture cannot resolve.

A longer version suggests the richness of the analysis that Brender invites: 

This essay develops a semiotic-phenomenological critique of Brender’s “China after October 7” (Telos Insights, 2026), accepting its empirical documentation of asymmetric Chinese diplomatic treatment of Israeli and Palestinian claims while reframing its explanatory architecture at three levels of increasing theoretical depth.

Level 1: Vanguard-coalition structure. Brender’s explanation (historical continuity, reputational management) is recast through the lens of Mao’s “On Coalition Government” (1945) as applied to the international plane. The three-step logic—constitution of coalition, constitution of antagonist, constitutive (not tactical) character of antagonist-selection—demonstrates that the asymmetry is a structural requirement of the vanguard-coalition form rather than an accumulated diplomatic habit. Israel is assigned the “foreign-fascist-feudal oppressor” position not through cost-benefit calculation but through the semiosis of naming (明名) that constitutes the coalition by constituting its outside.

Pix credit here (Writing "The arrival of the Revolution")
Level 2: Sinicization as supersessionism. The project of Sinicizing Marxism requires severing Marxism’s genealogical connection to Jewish diasporic intellectualism. Two converging tropes—the Jew as foreign-fascist-feudal oppressor and the Jew as compulsory wanderer (the “international Marx”)—produce a structurally supersessionist disposition toward Jewish nationhood that operates whether or not individual actors intend it.

Level 3: Marx’s “On the Jewish Question” and the clay feet of Sinicization. Marx’s essay, read as a critique of all religious recursion rather than a polemic against Jews, exposes Sinicization as performing the substitution (civilizational particularity claiming universality) that Marx identified as the obstacle to human emancipation. The displacement of Jewish particularism fills the vacated space with Islamic universalism—a rival lebenswelt whose collision with Chinese-style modernization constitutes a latent general contradiction. The essay’s two-track theorization (external coalition-building with Muslim-majority states; internal engagement with Islamic universalism through the Party’s governance of recognized ethnic and religious minorities) identifies a functional separation that cannot constitute a permanent theoretical resolution.

I wrote the essay in the third person as a methodological performance of critical distantiation; the author examining his own prior corpus as textual object.

Felix Brender [王哲謙], "China after October 7: Selective Neutrality and the Politics of 'Principle'" follows below and may be accessed where originally published HERE. My essay follows below and may be downloaded HERE; Español [El Marx errante: teoría de vanguardia, desnaturalización del marxismo y la cuestión judía en el internacionalismo socialista chino]; 中文版 [漫游的马克思:先锋理论、马克思主义的变性与中国社会主义国际主义中的犹太人问题].

Now Available : Telos 215 (Summer 2026): China and Sovereignty

 


 I am delighted to pass along the announcement of the availability of Telos 215 (Summer 2026): China and Sovereignty. Thj media release had this to say about its theme:

Telos 215 (Summer 2026): China and Sovereignty continues our series of issues on contemporary Chinese politics and thought. In this issue, we examine how Chinese engagement with Western thinkers such as Marx, Foucault, and Schmitt has shaped competing visions of sovereignty and world order. We also feature a special section on China and Taiwan, drawn from a recent symposium at the University of California, Irvine, on the nature of the Chinese government and the appropriate U.S. response to China’s rise.
Links to the contributions in the Issue, along with David Pan's Introduction, with a discussion of the contributions, also follow below and may also be accessed HERE. The essays are quite interesting in themselves and also for the broader issue of the way in which China encounters, digests, absorbs and naturalizes foreign thought. That fruitful and dialectical encounter with semiotic irritation provides a very useful glimpse at the way in cognitive systems are both open and closed and the way in which the protection of the solidarity of a cognitive system (especially in this case one that is manifested in and through the language of vanguardist politics) requires an openness to the environment in which it exists as a necessary element in enhancing its closure. 

 

 

Tuesday, August 18, 2026

A Self-Reflection on Pedagogy in an Era of Human-Machine System Interactions in the Classroom-- Test Driving the New Knowledge Transmission and Knowledge Production in Three of My Courses


Pix created with Grok


This self-reflection examines the pedagogical framework underlying three law and international affairs courses taught during AY 2026-2027: Corporations, Constitutional Law of Religion, and Actors, Institutions, and Legal Frameworks in International Affairs. Drawing on classical instructional design and the critical pedagogy of Paulo Freire, the author articulates a dual commitment: integrating students into existing field orthodoxies while cultivating their capacity for critique and transformation. The central operational principle is student ownership of materials, realized through problem-based learning, collaborative group work, peer teaching, and individually authored scholarship. In Corporations, a client-centered pedagogy emphasizes statutory construction, risk assessment, and the mediating role of law. In Constitutional Law of Religion, students engage with textual jurisprudence through litigation strategy and cascading precedent. The reflection develops an ethical pedagogy rooted in classical conceptions of ēthikos and moralis, connecting professional responsibility to collective meaning and global practice. The integration of artificial intelligence is grounded in a four-part research program on AI governance in legal education, yielding a policy template whose operative principle—"AI assists; you think, you analyze, you write, you take responsibility"—preserves student intellectual sovereignty through structured conditionality, deliberate interpretive ambiguity as pedagogy, and disclosure as professional habit formation. The author acknowledges the structural tension between collaborative pedagogy and institutional demands for individual assessment as irreducible but capable of being softened, and identifies group work mechanics as the first-order evaluative site for inclusive pedagogy. The reflection positions teaching as dynamic, iterative practice—its AI policy explicitly framed as a testable first iteration designed to generate data rather than claim finality.


* * *

For AY 2026-2027 I taught three courses: (1) Corporations (Law 3 Credits Fall 2026; Spr 2027); (2) Constitutional Law of Religion (Law 3 Credits Fall 2026); and (3) Actors, Institutions, and Legal Frameworks in International Affairs (SIA 3 Credits Spr 2025). Discussion follows in the style of a critical  “self-reflection.”

(1) Effective Design

(a) Foundational Principles. Instructional materials draw on both classical theories of instructional design and those of the school of Paulo Freire and critical pedagogy, shorn of its contextual ideological predilections that bind the  trans-temporal insights to a specific time, place and space. That is, instruction has as its twin goals first, to facilitate the integration of students into the logic of the present system and understand the essence of premises and principles that in the aggregate constitute the practices of conformity with its expectations, and second to understand the capacity of those principles and premises to serve as the means of transformation, both in its classical and critical forms, or to enhance the reform necessary to move it closer to its ideal state.

(b) Operationalization Principles. The core object of the courses, the fundamental operational principle that structures faculty-student interaction in knowledge production and transmission, is to focus on the creation of pathways for student ownership of the materials. That requires in the first instance an openness to the debates within the fields of knowledge that are the object of each course. It also requires developing the forms by which students can become active learners. Most important, perhaps, is that this sort of collaborative learning ought to have as its twin goals first, to facilitate the integration of students into the ruling ideologies of the field and understand the essence of premises and principles that in the aggregate constitute the practices and expectations of orthodoxy, and second to understand the capacity of those principles and premises to serve as the means of transformation, both in its classical and critical forms, or to enhance knowledge of the ways in which structural elements of the field can be understood in a dynamic sense. The choice is the students', in accordance with their own values, politics, and views. We start from the assumption that everything is new and then the student is guided critically through layers of knowledge, each building on what came before, to become able, at a rudimentary level, to perform as a young lawyer in the corporate field. Each syllabus includes both a detailed discussion of pedagogical approaches, goals and methods, and a careful description of normative goals. The learning trajectory of the materials is explained as well. Students are exposed to and encouraged to discuss both knowledge and the pedagogy of knowledge.

 

(2) Effective Instruction

Effective instruction is intimately contextually based. In Corporations, I continue to move away from Socratic instruction toward a problem based approach to the materials. I remain committed to a client centered approach and focused on the interaction between statute, common law gap filling, and judicial statutory construction. A client centered pedagogy was emphasized along with learning through problems approaches. The principal orientation of my pedagogy continues to move away from the introduction of abstract concepts to the development of a sense of the relationship between corporate law, the objectives of clients, risk and risk assessment elements on the application and development of law (including the new emphasis on ESG compliance and reporting requirements), and the mediating role of law in defining the space within which legal risk can be identified, prevented, or otherwise mitigated or remedied. In the Constitutional Law of Religion the focus was on the development of a sophisticated approach to textual jurisprudence intimately tied to historical context, social temporal trajectories, and the craft of lawyering. The object was to place the students in the midst of the litigation and in the client engagements in which both litigation strategy and the underlying "great principles" in the field meet, engage, and contribute to strategies for court and norms for society. In "Actors, Institutions, and Legal Framework, students approach the materials from the perspective of the roles they will undertake in public and private institutions. The framework is built around ideological analysis requiring the student to become familiar not just with liberal democratic but also post-colonial and Marxist-Leninist frameworks as they engage with the structures, institutions and policy at the international level.

 

(3) Inclusive and Ethical Pedagogy

(a) Conceptual baselines. I continue to develop a more rigorous focus on issues of ethics and inclusion. I mean ethics in its older sensesēthikos "ethical, pertaining to character," from ēthos "moral character." By moral I stress the marvelous and self reflexive understanding at the foundations of the socio-culture of the Republic at its origins: "from Latin moralis 'proper behavior of a person in society,' literally 'pertaining to manners,' coined by Cicero (De Fato, II.i) to translate Greek ethikos from Latin mos (genitive moris) 'one's disposition,' in plural, 'mores, customs, manners, morals,' a word of uncertain origin." And from that back to a more generative sense of justice tied to law, and thus the education of lawyers—as "the set and constant purpose which gives to every man his due. Jurisprudence is the knowledge of things divine and human, the science of the just and the unjust." (Justinian, Institutes, Bk 1, tit. 1.1 (J.B. Moyle (trans, 1913); in the original: IMPERATORIS IVSTINIANI INSTITVTIONVM LIBER PRIMVS: Iustitia est constans et perpetua voluntas ius suum cuique tribuens. Iurisprudentia est divinarum atque humanarum rerum notitia, iusti atque iniusti scientia.) Moral character deeply bound up in mores, customs and manners of collectives and sub-collectives from which justice can be developed as a collective concept that can then be studied in its manifestation in the law systems with the state at its hub.

(b) From concept to action, the phenomenology of the moral-ethical expressed in action by design. Here one must turn to the action of instruction, to transmission (from the perspective of the instructor) and owning, acquiring, making something one's own (from the perspective of the student). The two must align for instruction to be effective and not merely the performance of roles empty of any connection with effect other than with the performance itself (sitting in the class, performing the exam, giving lectures, etc.). Instruction, then, is crafted on several levels. The first is on ethics (lawyer ethics both as counsel to an enterprise and as a member of the bar in the law classes; the ethics of institutional actors understood and transmitted in the sense developed above). The second touches on the ethics of decision making and counseling within an ecology of market norms and social expectations. The third is within the ecologies of national law and international norms. I continue to develop an ethical and inclusive pedagogy on the basis of the goal that within that multi-layered behavior expectation universe, students are taught to recognize issues of ethics as a function of ideals, and ideals as a function of their grounding ideologies. At the same time students understand the sociology, and semiotics of ethics as communal expressions of "right", its contestations, and its dialectics—a moving target that is both individually embedded and an expression of collective meaning and solidarity (even within its most profoundly disruptive dialectics). They are exposed not just to the plausible range of interpreting the governing ideology of this nation, but also the sometimes quite distinct governing ideologies of other places and peoples. The context is global corporate activity, with an emphasis on mediating ethical decision making between Global North and South. But more than that, ethics and inclusion is performed. And in each of the courses, student performativity—in group work, presentations, and engagement becomes an integral part of the learning universe.

(c) Evaluation of inclusive and ethical pedagogy. The primary site where inclusive and ethical pedagogy is practiced and can be evaluated is group work. Both law courses require collaborative production of reports, PowerPoints, and oral presentations across multiple iterations over the semester (six group presentation cycles in Corporations; at least six in Constitutional Law of Religion), creating observable dynamics: internal deliberation, equitable distribution of intellectual labor, negotiation across difference, and collective accountability. These group mechanics constitute the first-order evaluative terrain for assessing whether inclusive pedagogy is realized in practice rather than merely theorized in aspiration. In this first iteration, evaluation is qualitative: How do groups function internally? Do patterns of dominance or marginalization emerge along lines of identity, language proficiency, or prior experience? Does the oral presentation reflect genuine collective production or the work of one or two members with others performing scripted roles? Does group performance improve across the semester's multiple presentation assignments? From this foundation—group work mechanics as first-order data—further measures (peer evaluations, structured self-reflection on collaboration, quantitative participation metrics) may be developed in subsequent iterations as the data from this approach matures.

 

(4) Reflective and Evolving Practice

Nothing stands still; not even elements of effective teaching. As has been my practice since I started teaching, I test course materials, and the effectiveness of its conveyance to students on an annual basis. It follows that the specifics of course materials and delivery changes from year to year. Each year every class is new, sometimes in larger respect than in other years. For example the Actors, Institutions, and Legal Frameworks was reworked in real time to reflect the sometimes substantial changes that have been occurring since January 2025. The Constitutional Law of Religion was reworked to recognize the effects and challenges to the significant turn in jurisprudence since 2022 in both the U.S. and beyond its cultural-jurisprudential limits. The point is to be nimble, and prepared to change materials, approaches, emphasis to suit time, space, and place. I continue to refine my practices in light of the changing nature, capacities, socio-cultural baselines of students and will continue to emphasize respect both for one's own cultural imperatives and those of others. Active learning will continue to be emphasized and the cultivation by students of their own ethical and values based relationship to the materials presented will be encouraged.

Image generated with ChatGPT

  

(5) The Challenge of Technology

All of this is now mediated through, and perhaps increasingly as, technology and technologically enhanced (or substituted) expression. And yet the production and dissemination of knowledge must persist among humans. A new semiotics of the human-machine system interaction is now required (my preliminary effort here; On the Nature of Human-Machine System Interaction: A Conversation with Claude, Harvey AI, Gemini, ChatGPT and Grok) as a basis for exercising autonomy (on the human side, one can hardly speak for or to machine systems, which are both opaque and indifferent to the human condition as such). As I gear up for teaching the basic course in corporations this coming term, I have been reviewing and modifying both pedagogy and substance. This year will introduce a number of changes, starting with a pedagogy that creates strong incentives for the use of AI and machine systems in approaching learning and in learning how to learn while using technology to enhance output and test knowledge. I have already introduced my Instructor's Model AI Policy Template (see here, English and links to versión en Español).

 

The AI Policy Template is not merely a compliance instrument; it is the operational expression of the broader commitment to student autonomy within the emerging techno-legal order. It emerged from a four-part research program on AI governance in legal education: first, a consolidated analysis of how U.S. law schools have approached generative AI in coursework and exam policies, identifying structural variation and opacity across institutions (Structure, Opacity, and Convergence, SSRN July 2026); second, a consultation with five machine systems themselves on what law schools should do, yielding five distinct archetypes of response (Five Machines, One Question, No Consensus, SSRN July 2026); third, an attempt to construct machine-centric governance frameworks unconstrained by the requirement to remain human-centric; and fourth, the drafting of the template itself as what I have called "a first step toward its own phenomenology"—designed to be tested in an actual course setting and refined based on what that experience reveals, rather than adopted as a final, fully closed rule.

The policy's governing principle is captured in a slogan suggested by one of the machine systems consulted: "AI assists. You think. You analyze. You write. You take responsibility." This formulation establishes a hierarchy: technology as instrumental means, human judgment as sovereign, accountability as the binding principle. The policy's architecture enacts this hierarchy through specific mechanisms. A default of independent work (Section 1), with AI use permitted only under conditions that preserve student intellectual sovereignty: substantive legal analysis, arguments, and conclusions must originate with the student. The boundary between permitted and prohibited uses is deliberately framed as illustrative rather than bright-line—a design choice whose justification is itself pedagogical. A precise mechanical line would produce either false confidence (anything not listed as prohibited is safe) or a chilling effect on legitimate uses near an artificial boundary. The deliberate ambiguity creates an occasion for direct interaction between instructor and student before the fact, in which the instructor can both assess a proposed use and steer the student toward a better one—a teaching moment in its own right, and one worth the friction that ambiguity introduces.

 

Disclosure and certification serve not merely as enforcement but as normalization of professional habit—consistent with the emerging expectation that attorneys disclose AI use to clients, courts, and regulators. The appendix-and-certification regime creates a contemporaneous record, shifts the practical burden toward compliance, and converts disclosure obligations into an affirmative representation whose falsification is itself a separate violation. Numerical limits on incorporated AI content (100 words per quotation; 10% per tool; 30% aggregate across all tools) are acknowledged as necessarily arbitrary but chosen because a fixed number is easier for a student to self-apply before submission and easier for an instructor to verify after.

 

The policy is explicitly framed as a testable first iteration—a companion piece to the broader scholarship, designed to generate data from its first deployment with students. The equity differential in AI fluency among students is acknowledged as both a problem to be managed and a potential teaching opportunity: made transparent through mandatory disclosure, it suggests a pathway toward using those differences as a subject of classroom discussion about competent and equitable use, rather than only as a risk to be suppressed. Whether the working hypothesis holds—that the disclosure-and-certification regime raises the cost of evasion enough, at the margin, to shift the balance of compliance meaningfully in the right direction—is a question for the data, not for the drafting table.

But new technology also appears to make inevitable the need to revise pedagogy (the mechanics of the transmission of knowledge) and using that to reconsider the way we approach the production and application of knowledge in the substantive field of U.S. law courses, and especially those which—one that in parts will include a strong comparative element.

 

So, the cascade effect of change has produced a new basis for the project of justice encased in the science of jurisprudence and tasked with its own production and dissemination of knowledge to the community of believers and to those who must be taught, those who must teach, and those who must internalize both in their societal roles and within structures of social solidarity in political communities.

 

(6) The Structural Tension in Assessment

Lofty language, indeed, as the basis for introducing my own modest contribution in the form of my course syllabus for two quite different courses: an advanced introductory course to the law and jurisprudence of the corporation, and an advanced course in the constitutional law of religion (mostly US but with a substantial peek at the goings on elsewhere and beyond the state).

 

A word on assessment is warranted, because the assessment structures of the courses embody a tension that is structural rather than inadvertent. In Corporations, the course grade is based on Group Presentations (15%), submission of assigned problems (15%), and an in-class final examination (70%). In Constitutional Law of Religion, the grade is based on Group Presentations (25%) and a final paper (75%). In both cases, the collaborative components constitute the minority of the grade, and the individual assessment dominates. This reflects a tension between two competing institutional logics that I cannot overcome, though I can soften it. On one side: the collaborative work models the professional reality in which lawyers work in teams, produce jointly, negotiate collective outputs, and learn through the give and take of practice—the core of future professional life. On the other: institutional custom, tradition, and expectation—reinforced by bar examiners, accreditors, and grading norms—demand that students demonstrate individual competence through individual assessment. The two are not reconcilable at the course level; they coexist as expressions of competing demands on legal education.

The softening occurs in two ways. First, by ensuring that the collaborative components carry sufficient weight to be taken seriously as integral elements of the course rather than ornamental additions. Second, and more important, by designing the individual assessments to draw upon and reward the habits developed through collaborative work: the Corporations final exam is patterned on the problems discussed collaboratively in class throughout the semester—practice with those problems aids immeasurably in preparation for the exam; the Constitutional Law of Religion final paper explicitly invites students to weave together relevant themes raised in each of the presentations and reports produced by the groups during the course of the semester. Individual assessment thus becomes, in part, the site where the student demonstrates capacity to marshal what was produced collectively into individually voiced analysis. The assessment structure mediates between collaborative pedagogy and institutional grammar, and the mediation is deliberate.

 

(7) The Courses in Practice

 

The corporate law students will be engaged in working through increasingly more sophisticated problems, analyzing statutes and cases in the context of human "puzzles." Their technology focus will be on the production of group reports and the presentation of approaches to counseling clients related to the "problem" they bring to the lawyer. The constitutional law students will wrestle with the semiotics of a jurisprudence that is deeply interlinked with some of the most interesting political, social, moral, and collective debates that have generated tremendous interest and action in the Republic, in present form, from the 1940s. The narratives of cases, their "flow"—sequential, sometimes multi-tracked, dialectic, and inherently a textualization of the structures and framework of the Republic as a cascading phenomenology—is realized through group wrestling with issues, cases and flows, as students teach themselves, teach each other in groups to arrive at a joint position, and then engage in the dissemination of the knowledge they have produced in their exposition of the product of their work to the class. The performance—group presentations—can aim to something more than its sometimes justified caricature. And then all of this leads to the production of a paper that represents the essence of the knowledge the student has acquired in class and its dissemination to the group.

 

Or, as I put it to my students:

Those of you who have looked at the syllabus know that we will be experimenting this year by permitting (I don't want either to encourage or discourage) the use of AI for the production of "course related output" (I believe that is the current administrator-speak). There is a pedagogy here—you will be increasingly expected to have a facility with output production that involves, to some degree or other, use of AI and machine system tools and capabilities. We will chat about the mountain of helpful materials that Penn State has produced for your use. But also, to those ends I have been trying to develop some materials (apologies they are fairly abstract but necessarily so to prove my point) to give students a better sense of what they are dealing with with AI, even those who now feel themselves competent and adept in the "AI arts"). The best teacher, though, is experience, and experimentation. And we will be doing both this semester in pursuit of knowledge using contemporary tools in a contemporary environment in which the hope is that you become more autonomous actors in the emerging techno-legal order.

The Syllabus for both courses have been posted for those interested (they may be found HERE); along with an Executive Summary for the General Reader and Policymaker and a Note on Student Group Assignments, Teaching Notes, and Infographics. The relevant language relating to AI Instruction and grading may be found below. Further engagement with hopes of refinement is always welcome off line!