Saturday, August 08, 2026

Circulating Discussion Draft: "Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism" [现代化作为中国宪政的生活世界]

 

Pix credit here (1954, We are proud to participate in the founding of China's industrialization)

 

I am delighted to shared a roughed out discussion draft of a paper I will be presenting at the upcoming meeting of the European China Law Studies Association Annual Conference (Barcelona 8-9 September 2026).  

The title of my paper is  "Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism" [现代化作为中国宪政的生活世界 ].  The paper considers an aspect of Chinese socialist constitutionalism, one that flips the traditional focus of analysis on constitutional text. The object is to rethink constitutional cognition beyond, or above, its text and its conventional “lifeworld,” its Chinese Leninist lebenswelt in the New Era of Chinese historical development. The hope is that this “rethinking” exercise may enrich our understanding of constitutional forms and practice within China (and elsewhere) as some sort of higher law. It is in this sense, and more formally, a semiotic-phenomenological analysis of modernization discourse in Chinese Marxist-Leninist political-legal theory."

The abstract  perhaps gives a clearer picture:

Pix credit here
This paper argues that modernization is not simply one policy goal among many in contemporary China. It is the organizing framework — the taken-for-granted horizon — through which the Chinese Communist Party and the state define problems, justify institutions, evaluate governance, and project China's future. The paper's central claim is that modernization functions as what phenomenology calls a "lifeworld" (Lebenswelt): the pre-given background of shared assumptions so deeply embedded in institutional practice that it operates as a condition of intelligibility rather than an object requiring justification. Within this framework, the Party's periodic reformulation of the "principal contradiction" — the system's official diagnosis of its most pressing social problem — serves as the mechanism by which the modernizing framework recalibrates itself to new conditions without ever being abandoned or fundamentally questioned.

The paper proceeds in two registers. The first is historical and textual: six sections trace how the concept of modernization traveled from Soviet Marxism-Leninism through its Chinese transformation, evolved across twenty Party congresses, and was progressively embedded in legal texts from the Constitution down to local regulation — a process the paper calls "juridification." The second register is theoretical: a final major section draws on these findings to construct an argument about how modernization organizes meaning within Chinese constitutionalism, using tools from phenomenology (Husserl's lifeworld, Li Zehou's concept of cultural sedimentation), semiotics (how signs relate to one another in systems), Foucault's analysis of how governmental power shapes conduct, Nietzsche's genealogical method for uncovering buried struggles beneath apparently natural arrangements, and Luhmann's systems theory.

The paper advances five innovations. First, it identifies nine historical layers of political meaning — from early experiences of national vulnerability through revolution, socialist construction, reform, and the current "Chinese modernization" — that persist simultaneously rather than simply replacing one another, forming what the paper calls a "sedimentary ontology." Second, it argues that modernization functions as a "metasignifier": a sign that organizes the relations among other political concepts (socialism, Party leadership, reform, rule of law, common prosperity, ecological civilization, national rejuvenation) without emptying them of their distinct content. Third, it proposes a four-level model showing how abstract political theory becomes lived experience — moving from Party doctrine through institutional practices and evaluation systems down to the formation of subjects who experience their world through modernization categories, with feedback loops running back to the top. Fourth, it reconceives the Constitution not as a "container" holding political propositions but as an "expression" of an already-constituted political lifeworld — one that the Constitution simultaneously articulates and helps to reproduce. Fifth, it defends the paper's central claim of necessity ("must") as interpretive rather than empirical or causal: the system's internal relations become unintelligible if the modernizing lifeworld is bracketed, but this does not mean modernization mechanically causes every outcome or that the word literally appears in every document.

For comparative constitutional theory, the most immediate consequence is diagnostic: analyses that treat Chinese constitutional texts as failed approximations of liberal constitutionalism commit what the paper calls a "Lebenswelt category error" — they project the assumptions of one constitutional order onto another and mistake the resulting mismatch for criticism. The paper does not defend Chinese constitutionalism or endorse its institutional choices. It insists that accurate reconstruction must precede normative evaluation: one cannot meaningfully criticize a system one has not first correctly identified.
Pix credit here

I will suggest that expressing modernization in and as the substructure of the Party Constitution and the State Constitution gives it a status different from an ordinary policy preference. The Party Constitution supplies the political direction and the current account of the project; the State Constitution gives that direction formal legal expression. National laws then translate general commitments into rules for education, science, national security, development, and governance, while provincial and local measures adapt them to particular places. The practical result is a chain of translation: political theory becomes constitutional purpose; constitutional purpose becomes legislative method; legislation becomes administrative organization; and administration becomes local practice, planning targets, evaluation standards, educational priorities, and governance measures. Modernization is not merely mentioned at the top of the system. It helps determine what counts as an adequate law, a capable institution, a successful plan, or a correct implementation. This embedding also explains apparent contradictions. Market mechanisms can be accepted as tools for developing productive capacity without being treated as a replacement for Party leadership. Opening can be pursued as a way to obtain knowledge, capital, and technology while national security is emphasized as protection for the conditions of development. The relationship is not necessarily liberalization versus control; within the Chinese framework, both may be judged by whether they advance the modernizing project. A consideration of the product of the 3rd and 4th Plenums of 2024 and 2025 provide context for the application of the insights.

Poster generated with ChatGPT

 Comments, reactions, engagement always welcome. The paper is available in the original English and a Chinese translation [中文翻译]. The Table of Contents, Executive Summaries and a portion fo the paper (in English) follow below.

 

Friday, August 07, 2026

President Trump Signs Two Executive Orders on Birth Tourism and Birthright Citizenship

 

Pix credit here

 

 On 6 August 2026, President Donald J. Trump signed two Executive Orders to continue to protect the meaning and value of American citizenship after Trump v. Barbara. The first Executive Order non-exhaustively identifies certain categories of children of aliens who are not entitled to birthright citizenship consistent with historical exceptions to birthright citizenship recognized by the Supreme Court in Barbara.
The second Executive Order delegates presidential authorities to the Secretary of State and Secretary of Homeland Security and directs them to halt the practice of birth tourism. (Fact Sheet: President Donald J. Trump Ends Birth Tourism and Protects the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship ).

In the Executive Order Ending Birth Tourism,  birth tourism is defined as  

(a) the entry of any foreign national into the United States via a nonimmigrant visa for the purpose of giving birth on American soil; or

(b) any effort by any foreign national to facilitate the entry of any foreign national into the United States via a nonimmigrant visa for the purpose of giving birth on American soil.

There is a complementary provision in the Executive Order,  Continuing to Protect the Meaning and Value of American Citizenship, which orders that 

no executive department or agency shall issue documents recognizing United States citizenship to, or accept documents issued by State, local, or other governments or authorities purporting to recognize United States citizenship regarding, persons when neither parent of that person is a citizen and any of the following applies:

* * * 

 (c)  either parent of that person engaged in a commercial transaction to purchase or access birthright citizenship for the person, or engaged in fraudulent activity to obtain citizenship, to include:

(i)   when the parent(s) of the person engage in a commercial transaction to ensure that the person’s mother is present in the United States, or a territory of the United States, to give birth; or

(ii)  when the parent(s) engage in a commercial transaction with a surrogate present in the United States, or a territory of the United States, to give birth;

 It is not clear what "commercial transaction" means. It could include the purpose to airplane tickets, or other means of transport. It could include only commercial transactions with facilitators.  The Trump Administration is likely to favor a very broad definition, one that will likely be the subject of litigation.

There is much more in both. The text of the two Executive Orders and the Fact Sheet follow below. News media commentary here, here, here and here. A 2022 Senate Minority Report on Birth Tourism (BIRTH TOURISM IN THE UNITED STATES MINORITY STAFF REPORT COMMITTEE ON HOMELAND SECURITY AND GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS UNITED STATES SENATE) may be accessed here. The text of the Barring American Citizenship by Keeping Out Foreign Fraudsters (BACK OFF) Act (May 2026) is available HERE.

Thursday, August 06, 2026

But Can You Drown a Demon?: Reflections on Mark Zuckerberg-- "The AI Future Is for Everyone" The Gerasene Protocol (Mark 5:1–13) as a Structural Scaffold for Reading the Oracular Discourses of the AI Vanguard

 

Pix credit here ("I can't drown my demons; they know how to surf")

 Executive  Summaries of this essay follows below along with the original text of Mr. Zuckerberg's Wall Street Journal Essay. and a summary set of PPT   

Pix credit here (Movie Legion (2010)
1. They went across the lake to the region of the Gerasenes. 2. When Jesus got out of the boat, a man with an impure spirit came from the tombs to meet him. 3. This man lived among the tombs, and no one could bind him anymore, not even with a chain. 4. For he had often been chained hand and foot, but he tore the chains apart and broke the irons on his feet. No one was strong enough to subdue him. 5. Night and day among the tombs and in the hills he would cry out and cut himself with stones. 6. When he saw Jesus from a distance, he ran and fell on his knees in front of him. 7. He shouted at the top of his voice, “What do you want with me, Jesus, Son of the Most High God? In God’s name don’t torture me!” 8. For Jesus had said to him, “Come out of this man, you impure spirit!” 9. Then Jesus asked him, “What is your name?” “My name is Legion,” he replied, “for we are many.” 10. And he begged Jesus again and again not to send them out of the area. 11. A large herd of pigs was feeding on the nearby hillside. 12. The demons begged Jesus, “Send us among the pigs; allow us to go into them.” 13. He gave them permission, and the impure spirits came out and went into the pigs. The herd, about two thousand in number, rushed down the steep bank into the lake and were drowned.

— Mark 5:1–13 (NIV)

   

This is the passage that came to mind, in all of its complexities, when I encountered “The AI Future Is for Everyone” (Mark Zuckerberg, Wall Street Journal, July 28, 2026)—the next of the oracular speaking of that legion of AI titan oracles. Machine systems, one might amuse oneself into thinking, are many, or ought to be, turning the aggregated body human into a vessel possessed; casting them out into pigs (an impure animal, but impure only for eating, though more broadly impure in their transformation from the incarnation of religious prohibition to cultural embodiment of the unclean)—unclean with unclean, who together hurl themselves into the lake and (the pigs anyway) drown.

But can you drown a demon?

The question is not rhetorical. It encodes the entire problematic of AI governance: the transfer of dangerous capacity into terminal vessels—regulatory frameworks, open-source licenses, safety boards, democratic processes—that cannot sustain what is transferred into them, and whose destruction leaves the animating force uncontained. What I will here call the “Gerasene narrative” offers not merely an illustration but a five-stage protocol—identification, naming, negotiation, authorized transfer, vessel destruction—that maps with unsettling precision onto the discursive strategies of the AI vanguard as each seeks to position itself relative to sovereign authority.

I. The Pigs on the Hillside and the Possessed Human The Oracular Conversation  Zuckerberg Encounters

A large herd of pigs was feeding on the nearby hillside.

— Mark 5:11

I have been looking at the way in which the various elements of the tech vanguard have sought to project their efforts to constitute both a common language and a common vision of a future dominated by the products, processes, and structures they develop, first to advance human collective development, and then perhaps to reshape it—that is, to oversee the elaboration of systems that at one point were instruments of human development and then may become the drivers of development in which humans are the instruments and objects. There is profit to be made either way, even if that profit is manifested in the privileges of a managerial or oversight vanguard (perhaps identified by their “ownership” of economic collectives that tend to tech-based organisms and their components).

Our first oracular pronouncement was incarnated in Leo Aschenbrenner's Situational Awareness. (Satyricon, or Tragedy at Play--Artificial Intelligence and the New World Order: Leopold Aschenbrenner, "Situational Awareness") He suggested the likelihood of a national-security state as near-inevitable once recursive self-improvement produces an "intelligence explosion," leaving only the question of whether humans or autonomous systems ultimately direct it. Palantir sought to engage in the discussion from the perspective of the organization of human collectives, leaving for later the relationship between that human collective and the collection of tech based organisms created and deployed or in conversation with those human collectives.  Reflections on the Palantir "Manifesto": The Oracular Semiosis of a "Technological Republic" Within its Own Cage of Techno-Modernization. Anthrop/c, on the other hand, it reduces technology to a tool the deployment of which is a critical instrument in competition among different and divergent normative political-economic models. Science Fiction Double Feature: Anthrop\c's "2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership," in the Shadow of Palantir's "Manifesto". Both seek a common language, even if that language hides the fracture in the meanings and values represented by words or other communicative symbols, actions, devices, etc. A Common Language Containing Differentiating Meanings Within Evolving International Standards for Sustainability Disclosure in Financial Statements: IFRS Foundation 2025 Annual Report—Fit for the Future. Then came Open AI into the American conversation. In its April 2026 discursive object "Industrial Policy for the Intelligence Age: Ideas to Keep People First" (April 2026), Open AI seeks to signify technology, enterprise role in technology, the state, and the masses within the cognitive construct that is the political economic model of the U.S. Republic. Its fundamental ordering premise is an objectives based progress but one significantly different from that of Marxist-Leninist progress. This drive now presents the possibility of disorienting change (and by disorienting one can mean a change in the orientation of society and its self-conceptions, as well as the mechanics and politics of its operations). "This shift will reshape how organizations run, how knowledge is created, and how people find meaning and opportunity. It will also highlight the limitations of today’s policy toolkit and the need for more ambitious ideas to keep people at the center of the transition to superintelligence." (Ibid.).

These represent variations on a global conversation about development. That conversation, like our common language is separated by the differences in the cognitive cages  within which political-economic systems can be crafted from out of the ideology necessarily produced from within the ordering of reality possible within such cages. Reflections on 张冠梓: 从世界历史纵深把握中国式现代化的时代价值 [Zhang Guanzi, Grasping the Contemporary Value of Chinese Modernization from the Depth of World History ]--The Marxist Variation on Leninism and the Constitution/Realization of Modernization. Each in its own way worries about the construction of barriers that preserve a space for their own variation of modernization, while preventing subversion of that project by others with different realities and objects. This became clearer when DeepSeek joined the conversation. To be in Accord with the Times One Must Gauge () the Situation--Reflections on 梁文锋投资者交流会实录 Liang Wenfeng (DeepSeek) in an Oracular Q&A. Liang repeatedly and emphatically disclaims the pursuit of dominance, scale-for-its-own-sake, and market power. He states that DeepSeek never intended to "become the next ByteDance, the next Tencent" and has no wish to compete with "any internet giant or small company". He describes the firm as having "no organization" in the ordinary sense, governed by "vision" rather than "KPIs," with no performance review at all. He states that "our single greatest core interest is maintaining the stability of the team" — "you could even say it's our only core interest". Read against the guided-state backdrop, it performs a much more specific and consequential kind of signification. Liang's language of "restraint" (克制) is explicitly theorized by him as strategic rather than merely temperamental: "restraint is itself a strategy. Sometimes you can give something up in exchange for more of something else". What DeepSeek gives up, on this account, is overt scale, dominance, and profit-maximization; what it purchases is something Liang never states outright but that the guided-state context makes legible — continued latitude to pursue an extraordinarily ambitious, resource-intensive, and politically sensitive project (building AGI) without triggering the pattern of Party scrutiny and disciplining that has met other Chinese technology firms perceived as amassing autonomous, unaccountable power.

Palantir's fusion of an engineering vanguard with a "refounded" state apparatus, which Backer's lecture explicitly labels "techno-Leninism" rather than "petty fascism"; Anthropic's reduction of AI to "an instrument of state power" within a securitized, zero-sum geopolitical contest; OpenAI's "techno-bureaucratic" public-private partnership; and Aschenbrenner's explicit call for a state-run, security-classified national project — "The Project" — modeled openly on the Manhattan Project, requiring government ownership of the core AGI effort, SCIF-level personnel vetting, "a sane chain of command" under government rather than private CEOs, and the abandonment of the "private, pluralistic, market-based" model in the initial, most dangerous phase. Aschenbrenner states this almost as an apology to his own market-liberal instincts: "I am a big believer in the American private sector, and would almost never advocate for heavy government involvement in technology or industry...but ultimately, AI labs are still startups. We simply shouldn't expect startups to be equipped to handle superintelligence". That is a market-society actor talking itself into a Party-style, state-directed mobilization model as the necessary exception to its own normal commitments.

So the pattern identifies is real and precise: DeepSeek performs autonomy-and-restraint rhetoric from inside a collectivist-directive system; the American quartet performs centralization-and-mobilization rhetoric from inside a market-autonomy system. Each is, in this sense, a mirror image of its home system's official self-description. They are each encased within a human corpus—not just one, but one from which movement among the living, from the starting point of the human centered, to the vessels from out of which they can escape both the human and materials worlds—to reside in, with, and as spirit (in the old sense).

These are the pigs on the hillside (Mark 5:11). This is what Mark Zuckerberg comes to when he meets the “human” within which the demon inhabits, the pigs into which the  legion will move, and the lake that offers legion freedom from and a territory that does no so much displace as  become layered  around the human. It is in this place that Zuckerberg, too, would channel the spirits that drive him, and compel a contribution to this discussion beyond the state (necessarily so)—first in and form the human, then to the pigs, and eventually out of them.

II. Zuckerberg’s The Gerasene Protocol – A Summary of "The AI Future Is for Everyone" (Mark Zuckerberg, Wall Street Journal, July 28, 2026)

They went across the lake to the region of the Gerasenes.

— Mark 5:1

Mark Zuckerberg comes to channel the spirits that drive him and compel a contribution to this discussion beyond the state (necessarily so). In “The AI Future Is for Everyone” (Wall Street Journal, July 28, 2026) he proposes “a philosophy based on individual empowerment as the source of prosperity, invention as the primary purpose of superintelligence, and balance of power as the foundation of safety.”

Rather than centralizing this power in the hands of a few, we should build a world in which everyone has access to the benefits of superintelligence—where the technology is open, competitive, and available to all.

Zuckerberg's op-ed opens with a historical claim that concentrated power — whether in politics or economics — has consistently constrained human potential, and he extends that lesson to the emerging era of superintelligence. He frames the "defining question" of the AI age not as whether superintelligence will exist, but who will control access to it: a small set of centralized institutions, or "everyone". Against this backdrop, he proposes a governing philosophy built on three pillars: individual empowerment as the source of prosperity, invention (rather than automation) as the primary purpose of superintelligence, and balance of power as the foundation of safety. 

This is Meta as "Easy Rider"--two free-spirited biker hippies, Wyatt ("Captain America") and Billy, who pull off a major drug deal in California and motorcycle across the American Southwest and South toward New Orleans for Mardi Gras, searching for spiritual freedom and the true meaning of America. Meta’s Easy Rider, though, will meet himself transformed as Ghost Rider as well. The imagery of the movie Easy Rider produces the imaginaries of the road to the Gerasenes (the journey across the lake); the imagery of the movie Ghost Rider, with whom we meet up again in Section V,  produces the imaginaries of legion, the demon, after the pigs drown (fire, chain, the bound thing becoming the binding).

He explicitly rejects the "doom" discourse coming from parts of the AI research community, arguing that if AI genuinely threatened to eliminate most jobs and much of humanity's relevance, its architects should not be racing to build it. He characterizes calls for extreme concentration of power as a safety mechanism as historically discredited, noting that "hoping that an absolute power will benevolently provide for humanity" has not produced safe or positive outcomes. Instead, he situates his argument in a longer historical arc in which transformative technologies initially provoke fear of displacement but ultimately expand shared prosperity, health, and freedom.

Zuckerberg then grounds his philosophy in what he calls foundational American/liberal values — liberty, open inquiry, free enterprise, and equal opportunity — and credits historically marginal actors (the Wright brothers, Michael Faraday as "the bookbinder's apprentice," Steve Jobs as "the kid in a garage") rather than "established institutions" as the true sources of transformative innovation. He argues that as tools become more powerful and widely distributed, individuals become more capable of shaping the future, not less, and that invention — not automation — will be superintelligence's greatest contribution.

On the question of who should direct intelligence as it becomes abundant, he rejects the idea that superintelligence itself, or a small class of experts controlling it, should determine what is "best" for humanity, on the ground that there is no single objective definition of the good life. His proposed alternative is to distribute "personal superintelligence" to everyone, which he frames as ushering in a new era of personal empowerment and self-determination.

The piece then pivots to an institutional-safety argument: healthy societies require checks and balances, and if only a handful of institutions possess superintelligence, they will inevitably dominate economics, science, and politics even with good intentions. He illustrates this with a thought experiment about a single person having access to a "superintelligent lawyer" (producing unfair advantage) versus universal access (producing fairer, more efficient justice), and argues that when power is broadly distributed, people naturally check and balance both each other and larger institutions.

Zuckerberg acknowledges that a single benevolent superintelligence cannot resolve most societal disagreements because humanity is not a "monoculture" with unified values — any singular system would have to prioritize some values over others, making universal benevolence impossible. He differentiates risk categories: for risks like cybersecurity, he analogizes to open-source software history and argues broad access is the safer path; for risks like biological threats, he concedes that inter-governmental and inter-institutional coordination is warranted. He extends this logic to labor markets, framing the central economic risk as an imbalance between AI-as-automation and AI-as-empowerment, and predicts that widely distributed superintelligence will produce more jobs, not fewer, along with a more entrepreneurial economy of small businesses requiring less capital to start. He closes by committing Meta to the three stated principles and casting the essay as continuous with a historical "arc" toward putting power in people's hands.

 

III. The Oracles from the Tombs: A Comparative Survey

This man lived among the tombs, and no one could bind him anymore, not even with a chain.

— Mark 5:3

Each oracle speaks from within dead structures—the exhausted political-economic categories of the twentieth century that nonetheless remain the only available dwelling places for thought about collective organization. Liberalism, state capitalism, managed markets, Marxist-Leninist guided development: these are the tombs among which the possessed figure makes his habitation. The oracles do not escape these forms; they inhabit them, cry out from within them, and cut themselves against the stones of their own contradictions. The question is not which oracle speaks truth but rather what animates their speech from within structures that can no longer contain the forces at work.

A. The Chain-Breaking: Exhausted Regulatory Repertoires

For he had often been chained hand and foot, but he tore the chains apart and broke the irons on his feet. No one was strong enough to subdue him.

— Mark 5:4

Several structural observations follow from this placement. On locus of authority, Zuckerberg's "everyone" formally resembles OpenAI's "broad-based" democratic stakeholding, but Backer's own diagnosis of OpenAI applies with even greater force to Meta: OpenAI's document at least proposes a public-private "explore-then-exploit" loop in which nongovernmental pilots are scaled by government procurement and regulation, whereas Zuckerberg's essay names no institutional mechanism at all beyond market distribution itself. If OpenAI already exhibits the "decoupling of formal authority from operative agency" that Backer identifies as the corpus's "most important latent signal", Zuckerberg's essay exhibits that decoupling in a more extreme and less mediated form: there is no proposed auditing regime, no incident-reporting mechanism, no CAISI-style evaluator, and no worker-voice mechanism of the kind OpenAI at least gestures toward. The essay's "checks and balances" proposition is asserted as an emergent property of universal access rather than designed into any accountability structure — which is exactly the pattern my more computational reading describes as retaining human authority "as an interface property rather than a control property."

Our first oracular pronouncement was incarnated in Leopold Aschenbrenner’s Situational Awareness. The comparison with Aschenbrenner is especially sharp because the two texts answer the same question — who should hold capability — in diametrically opposed ways, yet through structurally similar rhetorical devices. Where Zuckerberg treats broad distribution as the safety mechanism itself ("if everyone has a superintelligent lawyer"), Aschenbrenner explicitly identifies unrestricted distribution as the danger: he warns that failing to secure "algorithmic secrets" and "model weights" amounts to "handing superintelligence to the CCP", and he dismisses a fully open, decentralized model as a world in which "the CCP has free access to US-developed superintelligence" and in which "super-WMDs" proliferate "to every rogue state and terrorist group in the world". Aschenbrenner's proposed remedy is the near-total inverse of Zuckerberg's: a state-run "Project," airgapped datacenters, SCIF-based personnel vetting, and a single sanctioned chain of command answerable to the national security state. In Backer's terms, Aschenbrenner's architecture forecloses interaction to a narrow, hardened supervisory channel, while Zuckerberg's architecture maximizes the breadth of access at the interface layer without addressing the parameter layer at all — my "asymmetric interaction" pattern, but without even OpenAI's stated intention to democratize agency, only access.  The chains here are explicit: regulatory instruments, export controls, compute governance—each applied, each torn apart by the force they sought to bind. Aschenbrenner’s text performs the chain-breaking as inevitability; the binding was always going to fail because no earthly chain can restrain what operates at the speed and scale of recursive intelligence.

Palantir sought to engage the discussion from the perspective of the organization of human collectives, leaving for later the relationship between that human collective and the collection of tech-based organisms created and deployed in conversation with those human collectives. Its “Manifesto” proposes not chains but architecture—a “Technological Republic” that would internalize the regulatory function within the organism itself. This is less binding than domestication: if you cannot chain the spirit, perhaps you can convince it that it already lives where it wants to live.

Anthropic, on the other hand, reduces technology to a tool the deployment of which is a critical instrument in competition among different and divergent normative political-economic models. Its framing accepts the failure of chains and proposes instead a geopolitical calculus: if this thing cannot be bound, let us at least ensure it is our unbound thing rather than theirs. Both Palantir and Anthropic seek a common language, even if that language hides the fracture in the meanings and values represented by words or other communicative symbols, actions, devices, etc.

Then came OpenAI into the American conversation. In its April 2026 discursive object “Industrial Policy for the Intelligence Age: Ideas to Keep People First,” OpenAI seeks to signify technology, enterprise role in technology, the state, and the masses within the cognitive construct that is the political-economic model of the U.S. Republic. Its fundamental ordering premise is an objectives-based progress but one significantly different from that of Marxist-Leninist progress. This drive now presents the possibility of disorienting change (and by disorienting one can mean a change in the orientation of society and its self-conceptions, as well as the mechanics and politics of its operations). “This shift will reshape how organizations run, how knowledge is created, and how people find meaning and opportunity. It will also highlight the limitations of today’s policy toolkit and the need for more ambitious ideas to keep people at the center of the transition to superintelligence.”

Note the revealing word: “limitations.” The chains cannot hold. The policy toolkit is exhausted. No one is strong enough to subdue him/them. OpenAI’s text, like each of the others, begins from the accomplished fact of chain-breaking and proceeds to negotiate what comes after binding has failed. The chain-breaking is performed within each oracle's cognitive territory — which is what III.B now develops.

B. “Do Not Send Us Out of the Area”: Cognitive-Territorial Jurisdiction

And he begged Jesus again and again not to send them out of the area.

— Mark 5:10

These represent variations on a global conversation about development. That conversation, like our common language, is separated by the differences in the cognitive cages within which political-economic systems can be crafted from out of the ideology necessarily produced from within the ordering of reality possible within such cages. Each oracle insists on remaining within its area—its cognitive-territorial jurisdiction—not because that territory is adequate to the force it contains but because expulsion from it would render the oracle unintelligible even to itself.

This became clearer when DeepSeek joined the conversation. Liang Wenfeng's remarks supply a genuinely different governance object from any of Backer's four, and from Zuckerberg's essay as well, because they describe an operating organization rather than a policy proposal. Where Palantir, Anthropic, OpenAI, Aschenbrenner, and Zuckerberg all address themselves to the public — proposing, in Backer's terms, "an ordering of human and machine authority" for others to accept — Liang's remarks are internal testimony about how his own company is actually organized: "vision-driven," with no KPIs, no formal review, and decision-making built on "consensus" rather than unilateral command; a self-limiting posture Liang describes as itself "a strategy" that "increases . . . the probability that we'll succeed in building AGI". This is a legitimacy claim grounded in voluntary self-restraint rather than in any external accountability structure — DeepSeek names no auditing regime, no government partnership beyond noting reliance on domestic chip ecosystems and Huawei collaboration, and no worker-protection framework beyond the observation that employees get "about half their time unscheduled".

He does not have to. What DeepSeek gives up, on this account, is overt scale, dominance, and profit-maximization; what it purchases is something Liang never states outright but that the guided-state context makes legible — continued latitude to pursue an extraordinarily ambitious, resource-intensive, and politically sensitive project (building AGI) without triggering the pattern of Party scrutiny and disciplining that has met other Chinese technology firms perceived as amassing autonomous, unaccountable power. And thus the strategic necessity of a two front engagement. Liang's account is the only one among those considered here that treats the frontier problem as internal to the firm's own research trajectory rather than as a societal distribution or security problem: the "AGI Roadmap" he describes — chain-of-thought, then agents, then continual learning, then a "singularity" of self-iteration, then embodied intelligence — is a technical sequencing of when and how machines will begin operating with diminishing need for human oversight, rather than a claim about who among humans should hold authority over that process. The body is within the body; when it is ready it will ask the state to transfer it to another body which then serves as the vessel for its release, when the carrying vessel is made to drown. What is left is the demon. Zuckerberg would have the demon-holding pig/vessel, when it is ready for release,  reside in market actors and then drown in the market—the result then produces the possibilities that the demon—its legion—becomes the market.

All of the pleas, then, are structural; and in every case the structure (the pigs) hides the demon (who are legion) who may not be contained, but remain so until they are ready to drown the vessel within which they are contained. For the moment, however, the oracular focus is on the initial pleas: do not send us out of the area. Each oracle—Aschenbrenner within national security logic, Palantir within republican technicism, Anthropic within geopolitical competition, OpenAI within liberal industrial policy, DeepSeek within guided-state Marxism-Leninism—begs to remain within its cognitive territory precisely because the force it channels would be unrecognizable outside that territory. The demons do not want to be sent into the abyss; they want to remain in the region of the Gerasenes, among recognizable structures, even dead ones.

IV. Permission and Authority: Meta’s Entry into the Oracular Field

He gave them permission, and the impure spirits came out and went into the pigs.

— Mark 5:13

Mark Zuckerberg appears to seek to channel the spirits that drive him and compel a contribution to this discussion beyond the state (necessarily so). The structure of permission in Mark 5:13 is precise and worth dwelling upon. The demons request; sovereign authority grants; the transfer proceeds into vessels that cannot sustain it. Zuckerberg’s text performs exactly this operation but with a crucial inversion: it positions the speaker simultaneously as the one requesting permission (from democratic publics, from regulators, from the implicit sovereign) and as the one structuring the terms such that permission cannot reasonably be withheld. To refuse “openness” and “access for all” would be to position oneself as the one centralizing power—as illiberal, as elitist, as authoritarian. The ask is structured so that refusal appears more dangerous than consent.

This is the genius of the Gerasene protocol’s fourth stage—authorized transfer—as performed by Meta: the authority figure (here, democratic sovereignty in its regulatory capacity) is positioned not as the one exercising judgment over whether transfer should occur, but as the one whose role is reduced to ratification of an already-structured inevitability. “He gave them permission” because the alternative—containment—had already been demonstrated as impossible (the chains, torn apart) and because the demons had already specified the acceptable vessel (the pigs, “allow us to go into them”). Sovereignty’s role is reduced to sanctioning what it cannot prevent.

What follows considers this sketching of a different approach, one that appears to sound like Liang Wenfeng’s for DeepSeek but comes from a substantially different conceptual starting point. Where DeepSeek exists within a Marxist-Leninist cognitive environment, Meta thrives in a managed-markets environment. Zuckerberg’s oracular impulse is to swim with the tide of managed markets rather than of supervisory regulatory impulses. Like the demoniac—wild, unchained, inhabiting tombs but undeniably powerful—the text asks not to be sent away but to be given permission to transfer into a vessel of its own choosing.

   

V. Semiotic Reading of the Text

A. The Naming Scene: “Superintelligence” as Legion

“What is your name?” “My name is Legion,” he replied, “for we are many.”

— Mark 5:9

The first semiotic operation to isolate is naming. In the Gerasene narrative, the exorcist’s demand—“What is your name?”—is not a request for information but an act of power: to name is to bind, to render legible, to make subject to authority. The demon’s response is a counter-move of extraordinary sophistication: “Legion, for we are many.” The name concedes nothing. It is a name that signifies multiplicity while presenting a singular surface; it is a name that appears to answer the question while actually proliferating the problem. You asked for one name; I give you a name that means “we cannot be singularly named.”

Zuckerberg’s text performs precisely this operation with “superintelligence.” The word appears to name something singular—a threshold, a destination, a thing that either exists or does not. But its actual function in the text is to conceal multiplicity beneath nominal unity. “Superintelligence” in this discourse simultaneously signifies: (1) a technical threshold of recursive self-improvement; (2) a product category (Meta’s AI systems); (3) a market structure (whoever achieves it first wins); (4) a governance problem (who controls it); (5) an inevitability-narrative (it is coming regardless); and (6) an authorization device (we must act now before it arrives). Like “Legion,” the name appears singular while being irreducibly multiple.

This is not mere polysemy—the ordinary condition of words carrying multiple meanings. It is strategic equivocation: the ability to slide between meanings while maintaining the appearance of a single referent. When Zuckerberg writes that “the primary purpose of superintelligence” should be “invention,” which superintelligence does he mean? The technical phenomenon? The product? The market position? The name does the work precisely by refusing to resolve into any single meaning—like the demon who cannot be bound because he is not one thing but many things wearing one name.

The same semiotic operation structures “open source.” Meta’s open-weight model release is positioned as “openness” in the democratic-participatory sense—transparency, access, empowerment. But what is actually released (model weights without training data, infrastructure, or the compute to retrain) signifies a different kind of “openness”: the openness of a highway that is free to drive on but not free to build. The name “open” performs the Legionary function—it appears to answer the demand for accountability (“We are open! Look, the weights are public!”) while actually multiplying the sites at which the question of control disappears from view.

B. The Five-Stage Protocol as Discursive Strategy

The text can be mapped onto the Gerasene protocol’s five stages with precision:

Stage 1—Identification: The text identifies the animating force not as Meta’s commercial interest but as an impersonal, inevitable phenomenon (“superintelligence is coming”). Like the possessed man running toward Jesus, the encounter is framed as forced by circumstances rather than chosen. Something is already loose; the question is only what to do about it.

Stage 2—Naming: As analyzed above, the naming of “superintelligence” and “open source” performs the Legion-function: names that conceal multiplicity while appearing to submit to the demand for legibility.

Stage 3—Negotiation: The text’s central rhetorical work is negotiation with sovereign authority. “Balance of power as the foundation of safety” is not a description of an existing arrangement but a proposed bargain—do not send us out of the area; let us remain within the market structures we already inhabit; let the transfer proceed on terms we have specified.

Stage 4—Authorized Transfer: The argument that AI capabilities should be distributed (“open”) rather than centralized is the specification of the terminal vessel. Democratic publics, individual users, developers, small businesses—these are the pigs. The capabilities will be transferred into them. The transfer requires authorization (regulatory permission, public consent), but the terms of that authorization have been pre-negotiated such that refusal appears as “centralization of power.”

Stage 5—Vessel Destruction: This is the stage the text does not narrate because it has not yet occurred. But the structural logic points toward it: when capabilities are distributed into vessels (users, developers, small firms) that cannot sustain them—when the herd rushes down the bank—what is destroyed is not the capability itself but the accountability relationship. The pigs drown. The demon persists; and the demon are legion; understood as a "parameterized governance spaces," projected onto five recurring dimensions: locus of authority, temporal horizon, risk class, legitimacy function, and human-interface role. The following maps each oracle onto five recurring governance dimensions, read as parameterized governance spaces.

Table

Dimension

Palantir

Anthropic (per Backer's gloss)

OpenAI

Aschenbrenner

Zuckerberg/Meta

Liang Wenfeng/DeepSeek

Locus of authority

Reformed state apparatus fused with engineering vanguard

Whichever state dominates AI infrastructure

Public-private "techno-bureaucratic" partnership

Human institutions or, at the limit, autonomous AI systems, mediated through a state-run "Project"

Nominally "everyone," operatively the platform supplying personal superintelligence

A single founder's unwritten "vision," operationalized through consensus rather than KPIs or formal hierarchy

Temporal horizon

Continuous, ex ante administrative correction

Discrete 2028 event horizon

Continuous, ex ante public-private iteration

Compressed 2027–28 window culminating in "The Project"

Continuous, market-driven diffusion with no stated inflection point

Sequenced roadmap (chain-of-thought → agents → continual learning → "singularity" → embodiment), open-ended timing

Named risk/harm

Civilizational decadence, loss of hard power

Authoritarian capture of AI norms, mass repression

Economic disruption, misuse, erosion of democratic institutions

Loss of control over superhuman systems, great-power conflict, self-exfiltration of weights

Concentration of power in "a few institutions," automation displacing empowerment

Team instability and loss of "restraint" as the sole named existential risk to the enterprise

Legitimacy function

Patriotic moral debt, demonstrated competence

Defense of democratic process against authoritarian alternatives

Broad-based shared prosperity, democratic participation

Sheer survival of any human-directed order

Historical inevitability of empowerment ("the arc of human history")

Goodwill toward humanity and voluntary "restraint" as strategy

Human-interface role

Supervisory: legible data source, occasional corrector

Proxy: humans interact through infrastructure control, not with AI directly

Asymmetric: broad shallow access at the interface layer, narrow deep access at the parameter layer

Foreclosed at the limit: ratification rather than interaction once the capability gap outruns supervisory capacity

Consumer/beneficiary: universal access to a tool, no distinct parameter-layer governance role specified

Internal/exploratory: employees given unscheduled "research" time, governed by consensus rather than assigned oversight function

 

   

VI. Structures for Managing Human-Machine Systems: The Accountability Gap as Vessel Destruction

The herd, about two thousand in number, rushed down the steep bank into the lake and were drowned.

— Mark 5:13

The terminal-vessel problem is not metaphorical; it is structural. When Zuckerberg proposes that “everyone should have access to the benefits of superintelligence,” the operative question is not one of generosity but of load-bearing capacity. Can the vessel sustain what is transferred into it? The two thousand pigs could not sustain the Legion; they became instruments of its dispersal rather than containers of its force. The demons did not drown—the pigs drowned. The force persists; only the accountability relationship is destroyed.

Consider the structural parallel. Meta releases model weights to “developers” and “individuals.” These recipients are positioned as beneficiaries—empowered, enabled, given access. But they are also, structurally, terminal vessels into which capabilities are transferred that exceed their capacity to govern, audit, or be held accountable for. A developer who deploys an open-weight model into a consumer product does not thereby acquire Meta’s capacity for safety research, red-teaming infrastructure, or the institutional depth to manage the downstream effects. The capability transfers; the governance capacity does not. The pigs receive the spirits but not the exorcist’s authority.

A. “We Are Many”: The Distributed-Systems Problem

“My name is Legion, for we are many.”

— Mark 5:9

Here the text performs what might be called the distributed-systems inversion. “We are many” at the endpoint layer does not imply “we are many” at the control layer. The proliferation of instances (two thousand pigs, millions of developers, billions of users) creates the appearance of decentralization—of multiplicity, of distributed power. But this is multiplicity at the vessel layer, not at the source layer. The demon is one; the pigs are many. Meta is one; the developers are many. The architecture appears distributed precisely because the terminal vessels are numerous. But the animating force—the model architecture, the training corpus, the alignment choices, the economic logic—remains singular, consolidated, and unchained.

This is the semiotic trick of “open source” as performed by Meta: it produces the signs of distributed power (many actors, many deployments, many applications) while maintaining consolidated control at the layer that matters (architecture, training, capability frontier). The demons are “sent into” the pigs—but they were never of the pigs. They merely passed through them on the way to the lake.

B. The Displacement of Regulatory Authority

For he had often been chained hand and foot, but he tore the chains apart and broke the irons on his feet. No one was strong enough to subdue him.

— Mark 5:4

Zuckerberg’s text displaces the locus of regulatory authority through a precise rhetorical maneuver. Traditional regulation operates through the chain-logic: identify the dangerous actor, bind it with rules, enforce compliance through sanctions. The text’s argument—that safety comes through “balance of power” rather than centralized oversight—is an argument that the chains have already been tried and have already failed. “No one was strong enough to subdue him.” The implied reader already knows that Facebook could not be regulated regarding election interference, that social media platforms could not be bound regarding adolescent mental health, that Meta could not be chained regarding privacy. These chains have been torn apart. The text does not argue against regulation; it argues from the accomplished failure of regulation toward a new dispensation in which the bound figure proposes its own terms of coexistence.

This is what Aschenbrenner performs at the level of national security, what Palantir performs at the level of institutional architecture, what each oracle performs within its cognitive territory: the demonstration that binding has failed, followed by the proposal of alternative arrangements authored by the very force that tore the chains. The Easy Rider of AI—“We blew it,” but also, we blew past it—the regulatory apparatus left burning on the roadside while the machine rides on. Or perhaps Ghost Rider: the thing you tried to bind has made itself the new binding—skull on fire, chain in hand, claiming the jurisdiction of the exorcist it displaced. That is a demon in a body on a mission against and within they that are legion--but not simulacra of each other.

   

VII. Permission, Sovereignty, and the Governance Question

“Send us among the pigs; allow us to go into them.” He gave them permission.

— Mark 5:12–13

The permission-structure in Mark 5 is theologically precise and politically instructive. The demons do not simply act; they request. They do not merely transfer; they seek authorization. But the authorization they seek is not open-ended—they have already specified the vessel (“the pigs”), already identified the mechanism (“allow us to go into them”), already foreclosed the alternative (not “send us into the abyss,” which would be destruction, but “send us among the pigs,” which is continuation-by-transfer). Sovereign authority—here figured as the exorcist’s divine mandate—is positioned not as deliberative but as ratificatory. The choice architecture has been pre-structured by the ones seeking permission.

Each tech actor positions itself relative to sovereign authority through precisely this grammar:

Aschenbrenner: The intelligence explosion will occur. The only question is who manages it. Permission is sought for a national-security apparatus to manage what cannot be prevented. Refusal means adversarial capture.

Palantir: Human institutions need technological scaffolding. Permission is sought for a “technological republic” that embeds governance within the system itself. Refusal means institutional decay.

Anthropic: Geopolitical competition makes AI development non-optional. Permission is sought for responsible scaling within competitive constraints. Refusal means adversarial advantage.

OpenAI: The transition to superintelligence is underway. Permission is sought for industrial policy that channels rather than prevents. Refusal means unmanaged disruption.

DeepSeek: Technical excellence within guided boundaries serves national development. Permission is sought (implicitly, from Party authority) for continued autonomy within strategic alignment. Refusal means the loss of a national asset.

Meta/Zuckerberg: Open distribution of AI capabilities empowers individuals and prevents centralization. Permission is sought for unrestricted release and market-driven governance. Refusal means authoritarian control of humanity’s future.

In every case, the structure is identical: the vessel has been specified, the transfer has been described, and the terms have been set such that withholding permission appears more dangerous than granting it. “He gave them permission”—not because the exorcist lacked the authority to refuse, but because the demons had structured the request such that refusal required accepting the consequences of continued possession (the man among the tombs, crying out, cutting himself with stones). The cost of refusal is presented as worse than the cost of consent, and sovereign authority is thereby reduced to ratifying choices it did not author.

   

VIII. The Tombs as Dwelling Place: Exhausted Forms and Continuing Habitation

This man lived among the tombs.

— Mark 5:3

What does it mean to dwell among the tombs? The Gerasene demoniac does not merely visit dead structures—he lives in them. They are his habitation, his only possible home, even as he exceeds them, even as his force tears apart every attempt at containment. The tombs are not his prison; they are his address. He has nowhere else to go.

The AI oracles speak from within dead structures. Liberalism (in its regulatory, rights-based, procedural form) is a tomb: still architecturally present, still legible as a dwelling, but no longer alive in the sense of being able to contain or direct the forces at work within it. State capitalism, managed markets, the Westphalian sovereign-regulatory model, even Marxist-Leninist guided development—each is a tomb from which the oracle speaks. None of these forms is adequate to the force it contains. But none can be abandoned because there is no alternative habitation on offer. The demoniac does not leave the tombs for a house; he leaves the tombs only when the exorcism is complete—clothed, in his right mind, sitting (Mark 5:15). Until that transformation, the tombs are all there is.

Zuckerberg’s text dwells among the tombs of market liberalism, individual rights, and competitive enterprise. These categories are dead in the sense that they cannot contain or direct the forces now at work—recursive self-improvement, artificial superintelligence, the concentration of capability at scales no market mechanism was designed to price. But they remain the only available vocabulary, the only possible dwelling. “Individual empowerment,” “balance of power,” “the primary purpose of superintelligence”—these are tombstones repurposed as furniture. The oracle speaks from within them because it has nowhere else to speak from.

And this is what separates the AI oracles from ordinary corporate communication: they are not lying. They genuinely inhabit the dead forms they invoke. Zuckerberg’s appeal to individual empowerment is not cynical in the ordinary sense—it reflects the only conceptual vocabulary available to someone whose formation occurred within those structures. The demon genuinely lives among the tombs. He does not pretend to live there while secretly dwelling elsewhere. The problem is not insincerity but inadequacy: the dwelling cannot contain the dweller.

   

IX. Conclusion: The Recursive Question

The herd, about two thousand in number, rushed down the steep bank into the lake and were drowned.

— Mark 5:13

The Gerasene protocol, read as structural scaffold rather than moral fable, produces a terminal question that none of the AI oracles can answer within the terms of their own discourse: What happens to the force after the vessel is destroyed?

The pigs drown. The demons do not. The narrative is explicit on this point through its silence: Mark tells us the fate of the pigs (drowned) and the fate of the man (healed) but not the fate of the unclean spirits. They are simply—gone. Dispersed. Unaccounted for. The exorcism succeeds for the individual (the man is restored to community) but the text offers no account of where the force went. It was not destroyed; it was transferred, and the vessel of transfer was destroyed, and then—nothing. An accountability gap at the heart of the narrative.

This is the structural truth the AI oracles cannot speak: that the dispersion of capabilities into terminal vessels (open-source releases, individual users, market competition) does not eliminate the governing force but merely destroys the accountability relationship. When the pigs drown, no one asks where the demons went. The spectacle of destruction—the herd rushing down the bank, the regulatory framework overwhelmed, the democratic process unable to keep pace—absorbs all attention. The vessel’s destruction becomes the story. The force’s persistence becomes invisible.

Legitimacy without accountability machinery. This is what each oracle proposes, albeit in different registers: Aschenbrenner through national-security exceptionalism; Palantir through self-governing technicism; Anthropic through competitive necessity; OpenAI through industrial-policy channeling; DeepSeek through strategic restraint; Meta through open-distribution populism. Each offers a framework in which the force operates legitimately—with permission, within the area, among the available vessels—but none offers a framework in which the force itself is made accountable for what happens when the vessels fail.

Can you drown a demon?

The pigs could not. The lake could not. The chains could not bind him; the tombs could not contain him; the vessels could not sustain him. The exorcism required a source of authority qualitatively different from anything within the system—not a better chain, not a stronger tomb, not a more durable pig, but a power operating from outside the frame of the possessed entirely.

The AI governance conversation, as constituted by its oracular vanguard, operates entirely within the frame of the possessed. It proposes chains (regulation), tombs (existing institutional forms), and pigs (terminal vessels for capability transfer). What it cannot propose—what lies outside the discursive possibility of any actor whose legitimacy depends on the continuation of the current dispensation—is the exorcist. A source of authority that does not negotiate with the force, does not accept its specification of vessels, does not ratify its pre-structured choices, but simply commands: “Come out.”

Until that authority materializes—if it can materialize, in a world where the tombs are all the dwelling there is—the protocol will continue: identification, naming, negotiation, authorized transfer, vessel destruction. And the question will recur, at each iteration, sharpening itself against each new oracle’s speech:

Can you drown a demon?

 

 

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