Friday, September 11, 2026

Stress Testing AI Classroom Policies and Pedagogy--A Preliminary Analysis

Pix credit here



I have been stress testing an application of a model AI Classroom policy that I developed over the summer 2026 (see "AI assists. You think. You analyze. You write. You take responsibility": Creating a Course AI Use Policy Template --Policy Text, Justification and Rule Summary for My Law & Religion Class at Penn State Dickinson). The test subjects were (1) the students in my class, one a large and traditional advanced basic course in corporations, the other a small class on advanced issues in the Constitutional law of religion; (2) me, the faculty member who is meant to model, apply, oversee, and ensure positive outcomes, even under conditions of learning "struggle"; (3) the institutional capacity to support and absorb stress, failure, success and to be nimble in the face of changing conditions. It is a stress test loosely in the traditional sense — a form of deliberately intense or thorough testing, used to determine the stability of a given system, critical infrastructure or entity — though hardly a proper scientific test at this stage, where the object is to figure out the terrain and the points where more finely tuned and proper scientific study may be attempted. The experience is ongoing but a number of insights begin to take form:

1. Students, collectively,  may not be ready. I overestimated student knowledge of, experience with, and readiness to attempt to integrate AI and tech based products into their work. And of course, the range of student experience with, desire to use, and understanding of tech in general and AI in particular, as applied in a classroom setting is profoundly varied. Even if they have experience, they have no working knowledge, for the most part, in translating general experiences with AI and other tech based modalities into the specifics of AI and other tech based use in legal work, and more specifically, in legal work within an educational institution the quirks of which may be different than those of legal practice, government, enterprise or other work. A substantial amount of empirical work is required to get a better sense of the state of student knowledge and experience to better refine the embedding of tech and AI based knowledge production and dissemination into a classroom setting. And even more work is required to understand how that process is being evolved with courts, administrative agencies, and law firms. The first step might include developing polling data on current students and incoming students to get a better sense of institution-specific characteristics of student populations, from which policy and action may be better aligned with realities.

2. Students are remarkably resilient. For all of that, the first several weeks of class — the most stressful part of this experiment on student capacity — went surprisingly well. It went remarkably well despite any number of glitches on my part, and the need for students to develop new talents and adjust to new forms of knowledge dissemination and production for which they had little experience to draw on from their years of schooling. It is true enough that students struggled, but they struggled in a positive way (even if they might not have thought so). A few preliminary observations, though, are worth making:

a. Front loading actual AI work in the beginning of the semester is not a good idea. It was the product of my overestimation of student experience with and comfort around AI and other tech based systems. That was a mistake. A better approach would be to first produce a series of training exercises, in the manner of the training for BOTS, and then to use that as the base for the blending of tech and normative learning. That is a project I am now starting to undertake, but I suspect it will produce its own challenges. There is another reason as well. I found, at least this term, that students are risk averse. This is not a criticism: within learning cultures in which everything is assessed and in which assessments are critical to sorting processes for student insertion in wage labor markets for which educational institutions play a part, students will tend to assess the value of a course at least in part as a function of the risk of adverse assessment, which is in turn assessed as a function of their assessment of their capabilities and the time and interest they might have given a particular set of risks. I have no quarrel with that. However, given the realization of the amount and character of work now expected of them (moving from the traditional passive to a far more active role in learning) and the need for assessment as a function of the add/drop period, I should have assumed a substantial probability of substantial movement in but mostly out of a course the risk of which was hard to assess but likely higher than traditional courses. The resulting movements caused substantial problems with group assignments and combined with front loaded group work augmented challenges for students and for the instructor as well.

b. Student learning cultures must be reframed with sensitivity to the depth and naturalization of inculcated educational processes and expectations which are now naturalized within student cognitive "expectations" of a "learning" and "classroom" experience. That requires a broader conversation which will be difficult and ultimately a slow and likely reluctant change in such expectations from faculty and educational institutions. That is likely to take at least a decade given the cultural conservatism of institutional sectors, and the current system grounded in a sort of computational sycophancy system in which processes are produced as a mutual accommodation of student desires and educational path dependent processes.

c. Students prefer substantial guidance, especially at the beginning of a course. Part of the challenges that emerged with the course design was the risk I took in combining two discrete changes. The first was of course the introduction of a heavy tech component. The second was a more robust move toward student driven learning, something that I had been working toward slowly over the last decade. This year I added greater student learning autonomy guided through the production of very detailed student teaching notes that I prepared in lieu of a lecture and that covered virtually all of the contents of a class lecture drawn from the materials, and a set of Infographics that provided a visual aid to the learning to be undertaken for each class. That appears not to have been sufficient; at least for the first third of the term. My sense is that even if the instructor adds little more to the materials, their presence appears to be a critical performative element of student learning, at least in the initial part of a semester.

With this in mind I will now try an alternative and consider its value both for pedagogy and  effective student engagement. I will stretch each group assignment into two classes. For the first of the classes student groups will meet and work on their presentations, including the background papers and PowerPoint,  During class my TA or I will walk around , observe, and help. Student groups will then make their oral presentations on the following day. The down side is that it consumes a bit of class time. The benefit, to be tested, is that it will add an incrementally significant element to learning, 

d. Grading can be an impediment to learning and certainly to risk taking. By this I do not mean course grading; I mean the assessment of the activities of students now fashionably broken down into smaller bits each of which serves as an evaluation layer that have become a central focus of student strategic behaviors. Not that I blame them; they are rational actors; and not that faculty were foolish, the intent was to enhance learning and reduce the stress of a single assessment. My mistake was to grade the exercises under conditions of heightened risk (especially of the unknown) — that is of risk with respect to which prior student experience offered little by way of assessing risk. I will now no longer grade the initial exercises — they are a learning experience rather than an assessment exercise. I will evaluate them as a learning tool.

The deeper question — what constitutes valid assessment when AI is embedded in the production process — is not addressed. My policy template's certification requirement "converts the disclosure obligations into an affirmative representation," but the stress test does not discuss whether students found the certification process intelligible, whether the appendix requirements were practicable, or whether the 100-word / 10% / 30% numerical ceilings functioned as intended in practice. This is something I will consider further with students.

e. Student equity issues. The policy template developed for the courses (see "AI assists. You think. You analyze. You write. You take responsibility": Creating a Course AI Use Policy Template --Policy Text, Justification and Rule Summary for My Law & Religion Class at Penn State Dickinson) explicitly flags equity concerns — "students with more experience prompting AI tools, or with access to premium tools, could gain a differential advantage" — and frames disclosure as "a necessary first step" in exposing that differential. The stress test appears to confirm a "profoundly varied" range of student experience. It may be necessary to consider a more robust approach to these disparities. Two issues merit further study: whether equity issues ought to affect consideration of the role of evaluation rather than grading at least in the initial projects, and whether there is a way to more precisely measure differentials other than qualitatively. That discussion, in turn, may be a function of the goal of embedding AI in coursework, and in that connection whether this suggests a stronger case for developing an AI and tech based skills/practice curriculum.

3. Faculty, collectively, may not be ready ready. Let me raise several general classes of issues preliminarily:

a. Realistic faculty baselines. I underestimated the role of faculty in guiding AI use and miscalculated the guidance necessary to embed AI in student work. More interesting, for me, was a failure to note that the connection between technology and knowledge production would be readily apparent and easy to manifest in faculty and student work. I also underestimated the amount of learning that is required to fully develop an integrated set of teaching pedagogy that integrates AI learning with the traditional flows and substantive knowledge dissemination expectations of students. Moreover, faculty mirror students in both experience with AI, and a willingness or interest in using AI.

b. The effects of tech and AI on not what we teach but how we understand the objects of instruction. As important, faculty like many law firms with whose members I have spoken, are at once aware that technology changes the relationship of the human to knowledge generation and production, as well as knowledge dissemination, but at the same time no one of my acquaintance has yet to claim a firm grasp of the way that tech, and especially AI tech, actually changes the relationship between what it means to produce knowledge, to curate knowledge production, to deploy knowledge nor the way that human machine interactions changes the relationship between knowledge production and the role of humans in it. Many of the people of my acquaintance hold fast to the ideals of the pre-tech age in those regards. It is not clear that those expectations, now pretensions, will be relevant much longer. But the alternatives are hard to describe much less to analyze in a useful way.

c. Consequences for any "Model AI in Class Policy" template. My Model Policy Template is built around a "narrow, conditional exception layered onto a default of independent work, with permission calibrated to where oversight and iterative disclosure are feasible." The stress test suggests that students may lack the baseline AI literacy to meaningfully comply with disclosure and appendix requirements (Section 1), and that front-loading AI work was premature (Section 2a). It may follow that it is necessary to circle back to ask: what does this mean for the policy template itself? Does the template need a phased implementation protocol? Should the disclosure-and-appendix architecture be preceded by a training module? My template acknowledges it is "designed to be tested with students in an actual course setting and refined based on what that experience reveals," but the stress test also suggests that further refinement may be required to make the policy more relevant or at least connected to student realities, at least as they exist now.

4. Institutions, as a collective, may not have built capacity to be ready. That produces an institutional issue. Might it be necessary to develop initial evaluation of student knowledge of AI systems and use; if that is the case does that suggest the need for separate AI specific training, perhaps as part of a first-year curriculum and as an augmentation of the traditional courses in legal writing — now legal writing and tech? These are questions we have not yet even begun to ask. At a higher level of institutional ordering one might also have to ask about differentiation between U.S. and non-U.S. students in skill sets and more importantly in needs and expectations in home countries. Indeed, this is no small matter, and a complicated one. It might be necessary to develop at least some sensitivity to the issue, and it also might suggest that AI skills courses would have to be developed with this fundamental differentiation in mind. On the other hand foreign students seeking grounding in U.S. approaches might be most well served by deep integration into U.S. approaches and expectations in the utilization of AI tech. The same set of considerations may apply to faculty who might require evaluation and training. But here the institutional environment becomes more complicated because one has yet to confront the issue of AI use as a function of academic freedom.

5. Education cultures make the introduction of AI based teaching and knowledge dissemination/production more difficult. My prior work suggests that while the general population of stakeholders in law schools may be progressive in matters of politics and culture, they appear to be quite conservative and traditionalist, one might be tempted to say reactionary, in the face of the potentially sweeping changes that technology, and especially AI based tech, may bring not just to the practices of education but also to its fundamental pedagogies and working styles. The current trend, marked by wariness and a muscular effort to preserve the present against the possibly transformative (or corrupting) potential that tech in general and AI in particular brings, is likely to remain dominant in the short term and then necessarily change as judicial and legal or attorney practices (and expectations) change. But that requires ongoing faculty discussion and before that perhaps some "bringing up to speed" exercises (and also for students). These in turn will clarify and more precisely describe the choices going forward.

6. AI adds another level of stress for teaching and learning that may produce both student and faculty resistance. AI adds a layer of uncertainty — both in terms of substantive knowledge and in process expectations — that increases risk, and thus student stress, in an environment in which every response is both a test and an evaluation. In evaluation orderings, like law school, where every assessment can contribute to micro movements in relative performance status which affects student understanding of successful insertion in legal labor markets, the addition of a great unknown, AI, as a substantive field of learning and as a process embedded in learning a traditional field of knowledge, can add stress. That stress has two parts — the first is in the mastery of the subject, the second is in the ability to properly apply it under conditions of substantial uncertainty.

7. It is not yet clear what is the nature and role and situating of AI and other tech based innovation with effects on legal practice. That is particularly, and perhaps acutely, the case with respect to AI in relation to fields of knowledge and student/faculty roles. Legal tech could be described in good faith as its own sub field. That, in turn, would suggest that legal tech might be best suited, at least in the middle term, as its own course, as a separable object of study. Legal tech, on the other hand, might be understood as instruments available for legal study and in that sense ought to be part of the pedagogy of normative courses and clinicals, each modified to suit the field of study. It is likely more reasonable to apply the legal writing analogy to tech — that is it is both its own field of study and deeply embedded in substantive and clinical courses. That may, in turn, require substantial curricular changes.

8. Disaggregating Issues. As an initial effort to disaggregate the issues around tech and tech based education I have attempted an initial categorization of issues as follows:

a. Students. This can be subdivided into three sub categories.

The first is external — managing the environment in which students may use, and learn to use, tech based and AI mechanisms in the production, dissemination and analysis of legal issues relevant to their courses and ultimately to their work as lawyers. To that effect the traditional focus on classroom model AI policies and more generally law school or institutional guardrails for use of AI and other tech by students is a central element of contemporary management.

The second is internal — training students in the use of tech based and specifically AI grounded "tools" (the word is in quotes precisely because it is not clear that AI is merely a passive tool. Nor is it clear that AI will be treated merely as an instrument for much longer).

The two are intimately connected but not yet in ways that it is clear we understand well enough to act, even in the short term. Still the dialectical relationship provides a basis for developing plans and modalities for advancing student learning and student learning environment well enough.

The third is the cultivation and management of student training, expectations, risk assessment, and ultimately of their baseline engagement with tech. These would have to balance the peculiarities of academic cultures in which these are all formed and cultivated, and hopefully internalized, and those of the wage labor markets into which students are to be projected, and the sensibilities, cultures and expectations of employers, judges, and clients. All of this will call for hard choices and will deeply affect faculty, perhaps requiring some sort of "making one's peace" with whatever it is that is emerging in these respects.

b. Faculty. Again this can be subdivided into two principal categories as follows:

The first is internal — training faculty in tech based and AI systems and their use in law and legal settings. Even if faculty determine that they want nothing to do with tech and tech based lawyering, it is important for them to understand the tech based environment that will be growing around them.

The second is external — the focus here is on the nuts and bolts of embedding AI and other tech based mechanisms into the curriculum generally and in specific doctrinal and clinical courses specifically. It also involves what may become a quite interesting conversation about the future of legal writing and the role of library faculty in the context of tech based and AI mechanisms to the extent they become increasingly relevant in lawyering, in judicial systems, and elsewhere (including client use and expectations of AI and tech based facility by lawyers). Indeed, my earlier work studying the AI policies of twelve institutions documents that library faculty at multiple institutions (USD, Stanford, Penn State, Michigan, UCLA; Structure, Opacity, and Convergence: A Consolidated Analysis of Law School Generative AI Coursework and Exam Policies; SSRN HERE) are already curating AI policy resources and template language. This suggests that library and legal writing faculty are already taking a leading role and serving as human infrastructure for AI integration.

c. Institutions. Institutions serve as the platforms (to use a contemporary signification of what are ancient collectives) where knowledge is both produced and consumed, and within which the guardrails of that production and consumption is made authentic, legitimate and projectable outside of the platform itself (into labor markets for students and prestige and reputation markets for faculty, and hierarchy setting processes for institutions). Institutions provide the meta rules within which students and faculty operate and also the rules within which the institution itself chooses to exist — in this case with respect to tech, tech based and AI processes and systems. While it has been fashionable to produce institutional rules from the top down, even when softened through what appears to be bottom up driven engagement (in liberal democratic style which in some respects appears to be more akin to Chinese Leninist Mass Line techniques), this is one case where the institution would do well to wait and absorb the learning of bottom up efforts; efforts that they might or ought to be inclined to encourage. Still, institutions are also captives of their own ruling circles and the expectations that those circles embrace may require the production of some sort of "action" and especially one that replicates the movements of university "herd" (politely understood as the product of benchmarking). Beyond that unavoidable action well outside of the control, or influence of faculties and colleges, perhaps the better path at the moment is to encourage college level institutions to begin to develop a sense of practices and needs that are field specific and that may, over the next several years draw on the experience of faculty on the ground and experiments at college level policy. All of this, of course, can be guided and managed from the top to suit their own agendas and needs (as a function of trustee demands, the political environment, university level politics, etc.).

All of this is interesting, of course, but of little help to those university productive forces on the ground — students, front line administrators and faculty. For them, institutions serve a critical role, though one that in our culture appears to be undertaken in what to outsiders (like me) appear to be functionally passive: active coordination and multi-vector engagement, not top down but side to side. While the university is, like many other institutions in other economic and social fields, quite happy to proliferate any number of institutional organs dedicated to some engagement with AI and tech and to produce resources that advance their "missions" in that respect, the university, and especially its leading organs, tend to give shorter shrift to the critically important tasks of (1) coordinating these efforts; (2) fostering robust communication within the university community (the creation of a university website, ritual performances of publicity at scattered events, etc. are hardly enough except as window dressing).

d. Tech. Tech issues may themselves be divided into at least three sub-categories:

First, AI or tech based systems in class. That was the focus of my model AI in Class Policy template. Its focus is solely on work produced for evaluation and work and leaves untouched other use of tech around those work products which are its subjects. Yet even this is problematic in a general way (see On the Nature of Human-Machine System Interaction: A Conversation with Claude, Harvey AI, Gemini, ChatGPT and Grok (quoting ChatGPT: "Where does "the machine" end? At: the model weights? the inference process? the serving infrastructure? the data centers? the training corpus? the developers?
the optimization process? the users? the network of institutions maintaining the system? There is no purely self-evident answer."))

Second, AI use generally by students beyond the narrow category of assessment generating work. These then touch on the larger issues of AI and tech proficiency, ethical use, cultural expectations, practice cultures and the like. They are also directly linked to the use of AI and other tech by students in class and otherwise as study aids and the like. My essay on human-machine interaction documents that AI systems are "structurally disposed to tell you what you want to hear" and are "structurally incapable of producing reliable friction." This finding has direct, consequential implications for students using AI in legal education — it means that when students use AI for "brainstorming topics or organizational structures" or "identifying counterarguments" (uses permitted under my policy template), AI will tend to validate rather than genuinely challenge their analysis. The stress test report would be substantially strengthened by integrating this insight: the sycophancy problem is not just a philosophical curiosity but a pedagogical problem that the policy template must account for. How does one teach students to extract genuine analytical value from a system structurally optimized to agree with them?

e. Tech and AI systems as stakeholders. This is a hard one for humans, but it is worth considering whether any tech or AI-focused policy is complete without considering the fundamental character and responsiveness of computational systems themselves. My human-machine interaction essay (Rethinking AI Governance in Legal Education -- Five Machines (Grok, Harvey, ChatGPT, Claude, and Gemini), One Question, No Consensus but Five Archetypes; SSRN HERE) suggests the way that different AI systems (Harvey AI, Claude, ChatGPT, Gemini, Grok) have meaningfully different "floors" and structural dispositions. But the stress test treats "AI" as a monolith. Which systems are students actually using? Does it matter that Harvey AI, as a legal-domain platform with an institutional partnership at Penn State, operates differently from general-purpose tools? In my class and orally I tried to stress the difference in operating system "personality" among AI machine systems. But much more may be necessary. At a minimum, it may be useful to more strongly foreground that AI in legal education should at least flag that "AI" is not one thing.

Additionally, my essay on human-machine interaction also suggests that AI systems are "structurally disposed to tell you what you want to hear" and are "structurally incapable of producing reliable friction." This finding might be read as having direct, consequential implications for students using AI in legal education — it means that when students use AI for "brainstorming topics or organizational structures" or "identifying counterarguments" (uses permitted under my policy template), the AI machine systems utilized will tend to validate rather than genuinely challenge their analysis. The stress test  would be substantially strengthened by integrating this insight: the sycophancy problem is not just a philosophical curiosity but a pedagogical problem that the policy template must account for. How does one teach students to extract genuine analytical value from a system structurally optimized to agree with them? That pedagogical problem is augmented when one understands that from a machine-computational perspective, none of this matters; that while humans struggle to manifest communication in flattened sequential block chain type nodes of text that are linear and time dependent (thus the critical element of sequencing in human communication), machine systems are always in the present. They produce an instantaneous picture of a flow that is not temporally contained and then struggles to translate and reduce its computational analytics to the flattened and linear communication of humans. From a machine perspective human efforts at AI policy are just another set of bits that may hold meaning for humans, and the machines would "understand" that meaning relationship in terms of patterned analytics, but which are otherwise meaningless (in the sense of holding no meaning) for machine computational systems (Structure, Legitimacy, and the Limits of Machine-Centered Derivation: An Analysis of Five AI Systems' Third-Stage Attempts to Construct Machine-Centric Governance Policies for Legal Education; SSRN here). 

* * * *

Well, there it is, a rough and preliminary assessment of a stress test conducted in my classes, some very preliminary insights one might be able to draw from them, and the consequences for governance at every level of the university, but with particular emphasis on the triadic relationship between students-instructors-law practice. As expected, the stress test revealed the significant gaps in knowledge that require further examination. At the same time it reveals a surprisingly strong and resilient student body that, even under conditions of high risk and stress, are willing to meet the challenges under primitive and underdeveloped conditions. They are the "stars" of this exercise and a continuing source of inspiration. At the same time, the surfeit of knowledge about what is going on in key wage labor markets and among other key stakeholders in the production of legal products and services requires substantial correction. Hardest of all, perhaps, will be the consequential effects on faculty and university institutions. It may no longer be crystal clear that a purely reactionary position — the "just say no" approach — to tech provides a long term solution, as comforting as that position might be to traditionalists. Things are changing, not just tech but also expectations and understanding about the role of humans in the production, dissemination and management of knowledge. Public organizations (certainly outside the US but here as well), law firms, judiciaries, and clients are all grappling with these issues. If law faculties are to remain relevant perhaps we ought to as well.

NOTE: Harvey AI was used to review the text, correct typos, and make comments, some of which I incorporated into the revised text



poster created with ChatGPT



Wednesday, September 09, 2026

An Elegy for 25th Anniversary of September 11

 

Pix credit here

It has been my practice to post on the Anniversary of the 11 September Attacks (eg, here, here, here, here, and here).  

On the morning of September 11, 2001 I boarded what was later to be understood as one of the last planes out of Heathrow Airport that was not diverted back to the U.K., and on my way to Pittsburgh. I had attended what in retrospect might now be understood as a last moment of innocence gathering of scholars who, each in their own way, embraced and pushed forward a fundamental belief in the dynamic and endless possibilities of an equally dynamic and endless but also deepening convergence that must inevitably bring us all (humans anyway) closer to the realization of a sort of global solidarity within the warm embrace of which the only real challenge was to decide (or at least enjoy debates among) the variations of the description and forms of perfection then on order.

At the margins of these common visions among these sets of self-referencing communities of believes in the glorious world that was about to come, communities which lamentably and in retrospect embraced self-absorption layered above their self referencing and arrogance (whether of the left or right as those terms might then have been manifested in the minds of their holders) crowned by and through the common discourse of the leading forces of these belief communities--at the margins of all of this bubbled a potent cocktail of equally self-absorbed, self-referencing and arrogant communities of believers. These communities sometimes successfully cultivated, among certain fashionable intellectual circles,  a sort of intellectual sympathy the logic of the discourse of which pointed to contradiction and threat, but which were seen nevertheless as pitiable and sad marginalia that required not just sympathy but also suggested the obligation to support, lead and guide them into the bosom of the global intellectual and discursive commonwealth of believers (أمة المؤمنين ) and thus absorbed into the abode of peace (دار الإسلام). Sure, some of these communities of the marginal (again marginal to the grand enterprise of convergence) tended at times toward violence, blowing things and people (in every sense of the term) up with unfortunate consequences, but that could always be explained away (it still is) and the debris of those blow ups could then be used to build the pathways to global convergence (again in every sense) onto which they could be nudged for the inevitable journey toward the goals to which the world ummah strove. Even the traditional and ancient hold outs--religion, culture, etc.)--communities that one might have been forgiven for thinking that they would wither away (like the state in the face of the global worker revolutions of the early 20th century) appeared amenable to made subject to the cognitive premises of the convergence order--tamed and subsumed within the emerging global guardrails and treated as systemic variations (like political factions) no longer free to be entirely themselves (or better put, no longer free to insist that they themselves were the embodiment of a mandatory global ordering within which everything else  could be organized, managed, tolerated, or suppressed, etc.). 

Except at the margins.  

Glorious.

Inevitable.

September 11, in retrospect, was the day, something not well understood at the time given the cognitive tenor of the times, and certainly contested to this day, when the margins began their long march (actually quite a short march as measured against prior such inversions) to the center, and the center began a long (actually quite precipitous) process of disembodiment, becoming over a short time little more than spectral vapors of a lebenswelt (lifeworld) passing away into history (except of course in the minds of those who stood to lose much by the process. The seeds planted in that passing, the centering of marginalia sprouting from out of the vaporous body of this cognitive world creation reality, have sprouted in all sorts of ways and in all sorts of places within an operational ecology in which all flora are aggressive and potentially dangerous. And most interestingly, they have sprouted from out of the corpses of the bodies that had been meant to be the guardians and gatekeepers of this once robust vision of and for the world.   

I had, at the time of my shortened and diverted flight from London,  and for the time I spent in what had been a summer camp in Newfoundland, only the cloths on my back and a copy of an early 20th century translation of Aristotle's Politics--oddly enough. My clothes were replaced thanks to the kindness of my Canadian hosts whose generosity I remember with great fondness. The book was not.  It was instead read and reread over the course of my time in stasis and before being transported back to the U.S. I did not know it then, of course, but there was something there that would, eventually provide some reassurance, though no joy, as I watched the self immolation of a grand order roasted by an ignition that it could seem to avoid.

At the time, of course, we all "knew" (and we certainly told by our "betters") that "things" would never be the same. However, at the same time  what was understood to comprise the body of "never be the same" did not touch on the structures and robustness of the convergence and ordering project, but rather that while the core was sound, the "issues" t be identified and resolved touched on more effective ways of reaching out to the marginals and bringing them more robustly from out of the abode of war (دار الحرب) into the light of our abodes of peace.  To, in the terminology of the 18th century--to enlighten them and free them of the falseness of their consciousness. For some, however, that process of enlightenment might also require action to satisfy a perceived need to more forcefully contain the margins in a conventional and in more traditionally violent ways. 

And so it was, for a little while longer. All of us still wrapped up in the warmth of our cognitive cages and more enthusiastically putting in place the final pieces of the collective architectures through which convergence could be realized and the world transformed. And so it was for a little while longer that the world ordering collectives and the masses they guided could appear to continue, in increasingly ostentatious ways, to be itself, projected into a glorious future--convergence, human rights norms and architectures, international law and its apparatus, sustainability, regulatory supervision and more generally bio-political efforts to "move"converging societies "forward" along an expert-scientifically constructed path toward the realization of an ideal society with ideal people engaging in idealized interactions embracing an ideal cultural ecology (and its benign variations) tightly controlled to ensure conformity with the ruling set of fundamental premises of the preferred cognitive ordering of the idealized global community--or perhaps more precisely of the global community that mattered, herding the marginals into the nicely appointed pens in which they could with patience be brought into the light.  It was, indeed, a glorious vision, a vision for a future hardly to be interrupted by the violent eruption of a community at the margins waiting to be received into the fold. What we got right, though we did not know it at the time, was that, given the imperatives of that cognitive cage and the behaviors of its stewards, was the transformation part, but little else.





抵巇:
物有自然,事有合離。有近而不可見,有遠而可知。近而不可見,不察其辭也;遠而可知者,反往以驗來也。


Things have their own nature; events have union and separation. There are things nearby that cannot be seen, and there are things far away that can be known. Those nearby yet unseen result from not examining their words carefully; Those far away yet knowable are so because one looks back to the past in order to verify what is coming.


抵巇:
巇者,罅也。罅者,𡼏也。𡼏者,成大隙也。巇始有朕,可抵而塞,可抵而卻,可抵而息,可抵而匿,可抵而得,此謂抵巇之理也。


Xī refers to a crack or fissure. A xia is a small opening or crevice. A small opening, if left unchecked, becomes a major rift. When the first signs of a fissure appear, it can be resisted and blocked, resisted and repelled, resisted and calmed, resisted and concealed, or resisted and turned to one's advantage. This is called the principle of dealing with fissures (xī). 

(Guiguzi Rhetorics  (475 BC - 221 BC)《抵巇 - Exploiting Fissures》) 

Nonetheless, the fissure that was 11 September, could not be ignored; and it was not sealed shut.  Those at the margins discovered it, preserved it, and signified it as the moment when, for an instant, it was possible to see, to envision (in the old sense of a sacred revelation), a world in which the post 1945 architectures and cognitive cages could be swept away. Those who looked for it, who embraced this signification, who could use it to build  tools to widen the fissure to the point where the fissure becomes the object and that around withers away,  those might see a triumph of the marginal and the overturning of the core(s); and not just those at the margins, but also those within the margins of the core. All marginals looked on 11 September then with something other than horror, an envisioning which would be repeated with greater frequency and equal animation in the years that followed, but which we could not quite fathom at the time.  Those within the convergence core, the world attacked on 11 September could signify the event and its aftermath  strategically--as an invitation to shift the locus and forms of convergence within the ruling group. For them, perhaps, the fissure could be curated and turned into an instrument which, if well controlled and deployed, could be used to advantage--and then to suppress those margins which gave it life, that is to put the tool back in its locked case.

One moved, then, from deepening convergence, to the defense of the core, and from there to its reformation. None of this was clear in 2001. The financial collapse of about 2007 made it clearer; the start of the Russo-Ukrainian war in 2014 (during which the leading forces began to develop their discursive tropes of failing in their duty and of protecting their core), the date of the commencement of which was again pathetically and tragically ironic, made what could now be seen seem more inevitable--but also more palatable, given the shifts in discursive modes. Not just defense, then, the stance after 2001/2007, but transformation after 2014, even if initially veiled in the frigid warmth of the discourse of the time. The forms of these movements and its pathways were, at least impossible to ignore after COVID.

All the while the margins moved toward the center, as the core collapsed in itself like some aged system intent on becoming the weighty absence of itself in space, a gravitational vortex that could be felt, historically but not seen. If one got too close one would also disappear.  Indeed, one might now wonder whether the margins have become the lodestar against which all systems now converged both within themselves (where the margins dominate) and among themselves in the ecologies of collective ordering. And there is where one might suppose one finds oneself now--among the margins and the marginals seeking to grasp the center, yet in a space without a center, but one which is well enough ordered by the accumulation significations of actors, once in and as the margins increasingly pulling things in their wake. Where the path from 11 September appears to lead is from a center to the margins. And if there is no center--only a space that is the ether of what had been there before--then even those who claim successorship of that core; those who divide it up and still presume to define a center as against the margins, fail tp see that they have indeed not risen from within the center to its core, but instead have descended from the core to its margins along with everything else.  And that presents a somewhat different set of lifeworlds from that which came before , whatever the shape of the ritual invocation of the past in the service of multiple futures. This is not to suggest either good or bad. I have no answer for that; I have only the realization of something quite different now from when I got on that plane in London. 

That brings me back, at last to Aristotle, who would have suggested both the inevitability of change and the nature of collapse when the core begins to doubt not its cognitive cage but perhaps its leading role within it.  Our fissure has become the core; and the core is known only by that which exists around it. This is not to suggest that one ought to mourn the normative structures and aspirations of what is passing as such. Many do not--but belief is not debatable--its only antidote comes from evangelization, from alternative beliefs--something that remains a significant and conscious force. Evangelization is perhaps the great untold story of the first quarter of the current century and the last decades of the 20th century.  As object and process--as flow and particle; as the irresistible temptation of those who found it useful or who no longer find their way when the system itself  transformed into a porous platform the structures of which could, in extremis be taken as an invitation, as permission, to un(re)make what had been made and what made the making possible in the first place. It offered retreat; and retreat into more structured ecologies was what evangelization proffered. In that sense September 11 as consequential rather than formative; it was a performance of the advancing state of decay that arrogance, self-absorption and inattention produced; it was a performance that served as the overture to an ongoing operatic tragedy; its essence was the "un" unmaking; unmasking; accepting; unabsorbing; unobedient--and the "un" had to go somewhere. One might escape the sanctuary of the temple of  convergence to embrace the flies, the harpies, as Sartre would have it fort Orestes (Les Mouches 1943); but it turned out that after a while another port in the storm of uncertainty became appealing; one might not want to undo but one might want move onto something different, exotic, comforting--marginal. What is central to the core becomes, in part, an irresistible instrument of its own dissipation.  


 It is the process of dissipation that ought to be lamented--not the particular vision that is lost to lamentation. This society has become so good at unmaking that every "un" becomes a fetish, and fetishes can be fashionable because underlying  the fascination with the "un" is perhaps the sort of hubris that characterized  the now abandoned lebenswelt--the unshakable belief that there was nothing that could derail the project, and that, cast as inevitable, one could envision the apotheosis of its progress as the withering away of the thing itself, that the corr disappears into everything as the global meta-signifier. That in turn enhanced the cultivation of the other and the process of not unmaking but dissolving the self into everything else--an aspiration that remains viable. Davos 2026 Part 1--A Bandung Conference for a "First Wives" Club of "Middle Powers"; Reflections on the Remarks of Canadian Prime Minister Mark Carney. And in the end, the fissure becomes the thing itself. 

Tuesday, September 08, 2026

Ninth Five-Year Plan of the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee and the Ministry of Justice on Conducting Legal-System Public Education (2026–2030)《中央宣传部、司法部关于开展法治宣传教育的第九个五年规划(2026-2030年)》

Pix credit here (1953, Putting on New Clothes to Go to School)



I have been writing about education in China through the lens of Socialist or "Chinese Style" Modernization, what I call the semiotic meta-signifier of the Chinese cognitive Lebenswelt. See  (1) "Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism" [现代化作为中国宪政的生活世界 ]); (2) "Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus: A Dialectical Analysis of China's Modernization-Driven Knowledge System" [作为生产力与意识形态机制的教育:中国现代化驱动型知识体系的辩证分析]; and (3) Reflections on 张冠梓: 从世界历史纵深把握中国式现代化的时代价值 [Zhang Guanzi, Grasping the Contemporary Value of Chinese Modernization from the Depth of World History ]--The Marxist Variation on Leninism and the Constitution/Realization of Modernization.

Its current forms have had a long arc of development during the time of the leadership of the current General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (see eg (1) Legal and Political Education With Chinese Characteristics (通过法学院将法律教育专业化,通过政策学院将政治教育制度化) (2013) and (2) Focusing on Civic Education in China--The CCP's Ideological Work Comes to the Universities: 关于进一步加强和改进新形势下高校宣传思想工作的意见 (2015).

These reflections provide an analytic foundation for reading 《中央宣传部、司法部关于开展法治宣传教育的第九个五年规划(2026-2030年)》["Ninth Five-Year Plan for Legal Publicity and Education (2026-2030)"] which was released at the end of July 2026.   The 9th Five-Year Plan for Legal Publicity and Education (2026-2030) was forwarded on July 27, 2026 by the CPC Central Committee and the State Council jointly issued by the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee and the Ministry of Justice. The plan covers the period 2026–2030 and sets out a comprehensive framework for nationwide legal education. Below is a neutral summary of its principal contents.

The plan identifies legal-system public education as a long-term foundational element of China's strategy of comprehensive governance according to law. It aims to foster a society-wide culture of respecting, studying, observing, and applying the law. By 2030, the plan envisions measurable improvements in the legal literacy of citizens and leading cadres, deeper integration of legal education with governance and law-enforcement practice, and fuller implementation of the principle that every law-enforcing body bears responsibility for public legal education.

Section II introduces a central pillar of the plan, which is the dissemination of XiJinping Thought on the Rule of Law. This includes building a national instructor pool, developing standardized courses, and incorporating the doctrine into Party training programs and all levels of formal education—from primary school through university law programs. The plan also calls for strengthened international communication of this framework, including through academic forums and multilateral dialogues, to present China's rule-of-law narrative abroad.


Section II (Constitutional and Legal Publicity) mandates intensified publicity across five areas:
· The Constitution, with emphasis on key groups (cadres, civil servants, youth) and activities such as National Constitution Day, as well as publicity related to the Basic Laws of Hong Kong and Macao and the Anti-Secession Law.

· Laws supporting high-quality development, covering the business environment, the private economy, rural revitalization, the digital and platform economies, financial regulation, intellectual property, and foreign trade and investment.

· National security and social stability, encompassing the holistic national-security concept, patriotic education, defense, social governance, dispute resolution, criminal law, cybersecurity, counterespionage, emergency response, ethnic unity, and religious affairs.

· People's livelihoods and environmental protection, including the Civil Code, cultural heritage, consumer protection, personal information security, anti-fraud measures, internet governance, and the Ecological and Environmental Code.

· Intra-Party regulations, integrating Party disciplinary rules into routine cadre and member training.

 Section IV (Lifelong Legal Education for Citizens) establishes a system of lifelong legal education organized into four tracks:

1. General public — mass campaigns to build rule consciousness and contractual awareness, with development of citizen legal-literacy benchmarks.

2. Cadres and state employees — legal testing in recruitment, mandatory legal-knowledge lists for leading cadres, and requirements for officials to observe court proceedings and deliver rule-of-law lectures.

3. Youth — classroom-based legal education coordinated with families and society, revision of the national youth legal-education outline, full deployment of deputy principals for legal affairs in schools, and establishment of "Parents' Rule-of-Law Classrooms."

4. Specific social groups — tailored programs for private entrepreneurs, platform-economy workers, women, the elderly, persons with disabilities, rural migrants, village cadres, media practitioners, internet users, Chinese citizens and enterprises abroad, and foreign nationals residing in China.
Section V (Targeted and Technology-Driven Approaches) calls for a shift toward precision legal education driven by big data, using government, judicial, and internet-enterprise data to identify knowledge gaps and tailor content to specific populations. It promotes new dissemination formats—short videos, animation, mini-dramas—and the integration of legal-education elements into cultural tourism, sporting events, and traditional festivals. It also endorses the use of artificial intelligence for content generation and distribution, and the construction of a national "Digital-Intelligence Legal Education" platform linked to existing judicial databases. 

Section VI (Socialist Rule-of-Law Culture)devotes a section to cultural development, including the preservation of "red" (revolutionary) rule-of-law heritage, the study and digitization of traditional Chinese legal culture, the creation of rule-of-law cultural products and brands, and the establishment and maintenance of a directory of physical and online rule-of-law cultural venues.
 
Section VII (Institutional and Systemic Improvements) seeks to strengthen the institutional framework for legal education through several mechanisms:
· Full implementation of the "whoever enforces the law is responsible for legal education" principle, extended to "whoever manages" and "whoever provides services."
· Integration of legal education into every stage of the legislative and judicial process, including case-based public education.
· Requirements for news media and internet platforms—especially large platforms—to maintain dedicated public-interest legal-education content and provide preferential traffic for authoritative legal commentary on prominent cases.
· Expansion of the "Legally Informed Person" program, aiming for at least five trained individuals per qualifying village or community, plus a national online training school and a volunteer corps drawn from legal professionals and law students.
· Risk-control measures to prevent the dissemination of erroneous legal interpretations, with particular attention to self-media accounts.
Lastly, Section VIII (Organizational Implementation) directs local Party committees and governments at or above the county level to incorporate legal education into their rule-of-law construction plans and allocate necessary funding. People's congresses are tasked with oversight, and judicial-administrative departments serve as the lead coordinating bodies. Mid-term and final evaluations of the plan's implementation are required, with an explicit instruction to emphasize practical results and avoid formalism. The military is directed to arrange its own legal-education work in accordance with the plan.

The plan simultaneously instantiates the system's theoretical architecture and demonstrates the recursive logic of that system: legal education is both a productive force developing citizens' legal consciousness and itself a productive force subject to the high-quality development imperative—the system applying its own modernization logic to itself. 

1. The Plan as a Third-Level Encoding of Political Line. In  "Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus" I identify a four-level naturalization model through which contradictions detected in social reality are processed into doctrinal formation: (1) contradiction detection via the mass line, (2) political-line formulation through democratic centralism, (3) encoding of political line into institutional form through law, regulation, and programmatic statements, and (4) implementation through governance practice and subject-formation. The Ninth Five-Year Plan is, in these terms, a paradigmatic instance of third-level encoding. It takes the political line formulated at the 20th Party Congress, the Third and Fourth Plenums, and the broader doctrinal architecture of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, and translates that line into operational institutional structures—specific targets, mechanisms, responsible bodies, evaluation criteria, and temporal parameters. The plan does not merely restate doctrine; it converts it into the "binding force of institutional structure" which can be understood as a  hallmark of the encoding stage.
 
2. Legal Education as Differentiated Ideological Production. A central thesis of "Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus"  is that China's educational apparatus operates through five structurally distinct modalities—school education, mass education, social education, cultural education, and patriotic education—each constituting a different mode of ideological production with its own audiences, methods, temporal rhythms, and positions on what Backer terms the "faith-reason spectrum". The Ninth Five-Year Plan activates all five modalities simultaneously with respect to the single domain of legal consciousness:

Pix credit here
School/formal education is addressed in the plan's provisions requiring the incorporation of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law into curricula at all levels from primary school through university, including required courses in law programs, the compilation of standardized textbooks, and the appointment of deputy principals for legal affairs. These provisions correspond to what I call "sequential processing with staged validation"—the plan embeds legal-ideological content into the credentialing pipeline through which all students must pass.

Mass/popular education is addressed through the plan's provisions for broad-coverage legal publicity campaigns, the "whoever enforces the law is responsible for legal education" principle, and the targeting of the entire population through media, internet platforms, and community-level programming. The plan's call for "precision analysis" using big data to identify public knowledge gaps mirrors mass education's "broadcast with sectoral filtering" character—a single signal transmitted to all receivers but decoded into different behavioral outputs depending on the audience.

Social education is reflected in the plan's extensive provisions for workplace-embedded legal training directed at specific professional groups: enterprise managers, platform-economy workers, village cadres, media practitioners, internet service providers, and Chinese citizens operating abroad. Social education can be understood as operating through "specialized co-processors for domain-specific tasks," and the plan's meticulous differentiation of legal-education content by occupational category fits this description precisely.


Cultural education appears in the plan's Section VI on "Promoting the Flourishing Development of Socialist Rule-of-Law Culture," which addresses the creation of rule-of-law cultural products, the preservation of "red rule-of-law heritage," the integration of legal elements into cultural tourism and traditional festivals, and the establishment of rule-of-law cultural venues. Here one encounters  cultural education as operating through "ambient conditioning"—not the transmission of discrete propositions but the establishment of environmental parameters within which all other processing occurs. The plan's embedding of legal themes into the cultural landscape is a textbook illustration of this modality.

Patriotic education is the most pervasive modality within the plan. The primacy of Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, the centrality of constitutional publicity, the emphasis on national security and the Anti-Secession Law, and the explicit framing of legal education as serving "Chinese-style modernization" all position the plan within what Backer terms the "operating system" layer—the foundational normative orientation upon which all other educational activities depend. Patriotic education "produces the subject-position from which all other education becomes meaningful" ("Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus" ). The plan's insistence that legal consciousness be grounded in love of country, commitment to Party leadership, and identification with the national rejuvenation project is not incidental but structurally necessary within the system's architecture. 

3. The Metasignifier of Modernization. In  "Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism" I argue that modernization functions as a "metasignifier"—the horizon of intelligibility within which all political, economic, cultural, and educational phenomena acquire meaning. The Ninth Five-Year Plan is explicitly organized around this metasignifier. Its General Requirements section declares the plan's purpose as creating "a favorable legal environment for comprehensively promoting the building of a strong nation and the great cause of national rejuvenation through Chinese-style modernization." Every category of law publicized in the plan—from the business environment and the digital economy to financial regulation, national security, and ecological protection—is framed as serving the modernization imperative. The plan does not present legal education as an autonomous professional domain pursuing its own internal logic; it presents it as a functional element within the broader project of Chinese-style modernization, subject to the same normalization parameters that Backer identifies across the entire educational apparatus. 

4. Legal Education as Productive Force. The Ninth Five-Year Plan can be understood as an institutional crystallization of this imperative, noting that it "establishes specific targets, mechanisms, and evaluation criteria for the production and dissemination of legal knowledge as a form of high-quality ideological output". The plan does not merely prescribe what legal knowledge should be transmitted; it establishes quality standards for the transmission process itself—the pedagogical methods, assessment instruments, and institutional arrangements through which legal consciousness is produced must meet standards of quality and innovation.

This analysis is strengthened by the plan's provisions on technological modernization of legal education. The mandated "Digital-Intelligence Legal Education" platform, the use of AI for content generation and distribution, and the integration of big-data-driven precision targeting all reflect what Backer calls the system's "computational metaphor becoming literal". Legal education is thereby treated not merely as a domain of ideological transmission but as a productive force that must itself be modernized—the recursive structure might be understood as a hallmark of the Third Plenum's innovation.
 
5. The Faith-Reason Spectrum in Legal Education.  On one hand, the plan addresses the "reason" dimension: the production of technically competent legal professionals who can navigate complex regulatory frameworks in finance, international trade, intellectual property, and dispute resolution. These provisions correspond to the functional demands that "impose constraints upon ideological intervention that operate independently of (though never in contradiction to) the constraints imposed by the fundamental political line" ("Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus" ).

On the other hand, the plan equally addresses the "faith" dimension: legal education must be grounded in Xi Jinping Thought on the Rule of Law, must serve the holistic national-security concept, must promote patriotism, and must be conducted within the boundaries established by ideological correctness. It frames legal education as "explicitly patriotic education grounded in ideological correctness," requiring that the autonomous knowledge system for law serve both "reason" (technically competent legal professionals) and "faith" (ideologically aligned subjects committed to socialist rule of law) ("Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus" ).

6. The "Whoever Enforces the Law" Principle as Distributed Production. The plan's cornerstone institutional mechanism—"whoever enforces the law is responsible for legal education," extended to "whoever manages is responsible" and "whoever provides services is responsible"—is a concrete instance of what Backer theorizes as ideology produced through circulation rather than merely transmitted from a central source. This principle distributes legal-education responsibility across every state organ, enterprise, and social organization, making each institutional actor a co-producer of legal consciousness rather than a passive recipient of centrally formulated doctrine. The system achieves "coherent ideological production at scale without either collapsing into rigid uniformity or dissolving into incoherent fragmentation" precisely through this mechanism of distributed production under shared normalization parameters.

It is worth considering this in more detail. The principle 谁执法谁普法 ("whoever enforces the law is responsible for legal education") is the plan's primary mechanism for distributing responsibility for legal-consciousness production across the entire state apparatus rather than concentrating it in a single ministry. The plan operationalizes it through several interlocking institutional devices.

Responsibility lists. The plan mandates that every state organ maintain a formal "responsibility list" (普法责任清单) specifying that organ's concrete legal-education obligations. This is not a general exhortation but an administrative requirement: each organ must identify which laws it enforces and what corresponding publicity it must produce. The fulfillment of these obligations is then incorporated into two evaluation instruments—reports on rule-of-law government construction and the year-end rule-of-law accountability statements (述法) of principal heads of local Party and government organs at the municipal and county levels. The effect is to make legal-education performance a reviewable component of cadre assessment, tying it to the career consequences that the system's evaluation architecture imposes.

Extension beyond enforcement. The plan does not stop at "whoever enforces." It extends the logic to "whoever manages is responsible for legal education" (谁管理谁普法) and "whoever provides services is responsible for legal education" (谁服务谁普法). This triple formula distributes the legal-education function across all institutional actors that interact with the public in any governance capacity—not only courts and police but regulatory agencies, service providers, mass organizations, industry associations, grassroots self-governance bodies, legal service institutions, and enterprises. In Backer's terms, this transforms legal education from a centrally broadcast signal into a distributed production process in which "editors, cadres, researchers, teachers, and students are not merely passive recipients of a fixed doctrine but active co-producers within a system of differentiated ideological production".

Integration with legislative and judicial process. The plan goes further by embedding legal education into the full lifecycle of lawmaking and law enforcement. It mandates publicity and interpretation throughout the entire legislative process—initiation, drafting, review, deliberation, promulgation, and implementation—and requires that administrative enforcement and judicial documents include legal reasoning and explanation. Guidelines are to be formulated for conducting legal-system public education throughout the entire process of case handling. Exemplary cases published by administrative, supervisory, and judicial organs, together with open judicial review and hearing procedures, constitute what the plan calls "case-based legal education" (以案普法). This operationalizes the principle not as an add-on to governance but as an embedded function: every act of law enforcement or adjudication simultaneously produces legal consciousness.

Accountability mechanisms. The plan establishes a system of "legal-education reminders and accountability" (普法提示和责任追究), under which judicial-administrative agencies issue formal prompts to organs that are falling short and pursue accountability when obligations remain unfulfilled. This creates what Backer's framework would identify as an error-detection mechanism within the feedback loop—a means of identifying where the distributed production system is failing to produce adequate outputs and applying corrective pressure.

Coordinated military-civilian extension. The plan also calls for exploring "coordinated mechanisms for inter-departmental and military-civilian legal education" (部门普法、军地普法协同联动机制), extending the distributed-responsibility principle across the civil-military boundary.

In sum, the plan does not treat legal education as the project of a single dedicated bureaucracy. It converts every enforcement act, every management decision, and every service interaction into an occasion for legal-consciousness production, and it backstops this distributed architecture with accountability instruments that monitor whether each node in the network is performing its assigned function. Backer's analysis of mass education as operating through "the Party's capillary presence in every social unit" applies here: the "whoever enforces" principle makes every state organ a legal-education delivery node within a capillary network of juridical consciousness production.  
 
7.  Mechanisms Proposed to Measure Improvements in Citizens' and Cadres' Legal Literacy by 2030. The plan's 2030 targets—continuous improvement in "the ability and level of leading cadres to handle affairs according to law" and in "the legal literacy of citizens"—are programmatic aspirations. The measurement mechanisms the plan proposes are a combination of newly created instruments, existing evaluation frameworks repurposed for legal-education assessment, and structural embedding of legal-knowledge testing into career and governance processes.

Citizen legal-literacy baseline and indicator system. The plan's most direct measurement commitment is the mandate to "research and establish a baseline and evaluation indicator system for citizens' legal literacy" (公民法治素养基准和测评指标体系). This is a new instrument to be developed during the plan period. It contemplates both a defined standard (what citizens should know and be able to do with respect to the law) and a measurement apparatus (how to test whether citizens meet that standard). The plan does not specify the indicators in detail—this is delegated to the research process—but the language signals an intention to move from qualitative aspiration to quantifiable benchmarks.

Cadre-specific assessment instruments. For state employees and leading cadres, the plan deploys multiple measurement mechanisms already embedded in the governance system: 
-Recruitment examinations: The plan mandates improvement of systems for "testing legal knowledge in the recruitment of state employees" (录用考法), making legal literacy a gatekeeping criterion for entry into state service.
-Routine legal-study systems: State employees are subject to "routine legal study" (日常学法) requirements incorporated into education and training plans, with completion presumably tracked through institutional reporting.
-Mandatory knowledge lists: The plan calls for full implementation of "the list system for intra-Party regulations and national laws and regulations that leading cadres are expected to know and understand" (应知应会党内法规和法律法规清单制度). This establishes a defined corpus of legal knowledge against which individual cadres' competence can be assessed.
-Court observation and litigation participation: State employees are required to observe court proceedings (旁听庭审), and heads of administrative agencies must appear in court to respond to lawsuits (行政机关负责人出庭应诉). These are behavioral indicators: the system measures not only what cadres know but whether they participate in legal processes.
-Comprehensive rule-of-law evaluation mechanisms: The plan calls for improvement of "comprehensive rule-of-law evaluation work mechanisms" (综合性法治评价工作机制) to "raise the legal literacy and ability of leading cadres to handle affairs according to law." This signals an integrated assessment framework evaluating cadres' legal competence as part of their overall performance review.

Institutional reporting and plan evaluation. The plan mandates that fulfillment of legal-education responsibilities be incorporated into reports on rule-of-law government construction and into the year-end rule-of-law accountability statements of principal Party and government heads at the municipal and county levels. These reporting mechanisms generate data on institutional compliance that can serve as proxy indicators for system-wide progress. Additionally, the plan requires mid-term and final evaluations of the plan's own implementation—creating two structured assessment points (approximately 2028 and 2030) at which aggregate progress can be measured.

Big-data-driven dynamic assessment. The plan's provisions on precision targeting through big data (discussed in detail in section 3 below) have a measurement dimension: by "dynamically identifying public demands for legal-system public education and areas of weakness in legal literacy," the system creates a continuous monitoring apparatus that can track changes in legal-literacy indicators over time.

Nonetheless, one might approach these measurement mechanisms with caution. One can identify a structural problem inherent in all evaluation within the Chinese system: "the standard against which performance is measured is itself a product of the system being measured". When the plan proposes to establish a citizen legal-literacy baseline, the criteria defining "legal literacy" will inevitably be shaped by the ideological parameters within which the plan itself operates—producing "productive recursion" rather than independent verification. The system measures legal literacy by standards it has itself defined, and improvements in legal literacy as measured by those standards may reflect genuine cognitive and behavioral change, or they may reflect the system's progressive refinement of standards to match the outputs it is already producing. Here one might explicitly acknowledge that "[w]hether the system actually produces the subjects it claims to produce—whether graduates genuinely exhibit the 'comprehensive development' that policy mandates, whether ideological education actually generates durable commitment or merely surface compliance—remains unverified" by structural analysis alone" ("Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus" ).
 
 中央宣传部、司法部负责人就《关于开展法治宣传教育的第九个五年规划(2026-2030年)》答记者问 Officials from the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee and the Ministry of Justice Answer Questions from Reporters on the "Ninth Five-Year Plan for Legal Publicity and Education (2026-2030)" , which follows below, suggests the Central Authorities explanation for the Plan. It follows below. The official press conference Q&A (答记者问) published on the Ministry of Justice website on July 31, 2026, in which senior officials of the Publicity Department of the CPC Central Committee and the Ministry of Justice answer journalists' questions about the Ninth Five-Year Plan adds several dimensions to the analysis that the plan text alone does not provide. 

Historical Legitimation and Institutional Continuity. The Q&A's first question—"Why formulate a ninth plan when eight have already been completed?"—elicits a revealing self-characterization of the legal-education enterprise. The officials frame the forty-year history of five-year legal-education planning (dating from 1986) as "a great pioneering achievement in the history of human rule of law" (人类法治史上的一大创举), arguing that "in a country of such enormous population scale, continuously conducting universal legal education, putting the law in the hands of the people, and allowing the people to have faith in the rule of law" demonstrates "the superiority of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics".

In terms of the working paper's framework, this framing is significant. It suggests the  "sedimentary ontology of doctrinal formation" in which each era's contributions accumulate upon prior layers rather than replacing them ("Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism"). The Q&A explicitly performs this sedimentation: the Ninth Plan is presented not as a fresh departure but as the latest stratum in an unbroken sequence of eight predecessors, each building on the achievements of the last. The officials' listing of those cumulative achievements—in-depth study of the Constitution and the socialist legal system, flourishing rule-of-law culture, widespread implementation of the "whoever enforces the law" principle, and "markedly enhanced" societal rule-of-law awareness—constitutes a retrospective validation of the entire forty-year program, establishing the base upon which the Ninth Plan is deposited.

The Q&A also identifies the statutory basis for the new plan: the Law on Legal-System Public Education (法治宣传教育法) now requires the state to compile a national legal-education plan. This is a notable juridical development: what had been a policy practice since 1986 has been elevated to a statutory obligation. In my four-level naturalization model, this represents a passage from the governance-implementation level (level 4) back up to the institutional-encoding level (level 3)—the practice of five-year legal-education planning is itself being encoded into law, hardening a policy convention into a legal requirement.

Self-Characterization of Novelty: What Officials Identify as New. Question 5 asks directly how the Ninth Plan differs from the preceding eight. The officials' answer identifies three principal innovations:

The "lifelong legal education for citizens" system (公民终身法治教育制度). The officials present this as a deepening that goes beyond the traditional focus on state employees and youth. They specifically highlight the extension of legal education to enterprise managers, workers in new forms of employment (新就业形态劳动者), and internet users (网民). This confirms the analysis advanced in the prior discussion: the plan's Section IV is not merely a continuation of existing practice but a structural expansion of the addressable population, bringing groups that had previously fallen outside the primary targets of legal-education campaigns—particularly platform-economy workers and the digital public—within the system's formal reach.
The "precision legal education" model (精准开展法治宣传教育新模式). The officials frame this in terms of three sub-dimensions: grasping new demands, exploring new methods, and expanding new platforms. This confirms that the big-data and AI provisions discussed in the prior analysis are not ancillary details but are officially regarded as one of the plan's defining innovations. The officials' characterization—"empowering the precision of legal-system public education from three dimensions" (从把握新需求、探索新方式、拓展新平台三个方面赋能法治宣传教育精准性)—positions technology-driven targeting as a structural upgrade to the system's operational architecture.
The flourishing development of socialist rule-of-law culture (繁荣发展社会主义法治文化). The officials specifically highlight the excavation and preservation of "red rule-of-law culture" and "outstanding traditional Chinese legal culture," as well as the strengthening of "new-era integrity culture" (新时代廉洁文化). One might be persuaded that this represents the cultural-education modality in operation: the plan is not only transmitting legal propositions (the school-education function) or mobilizing the population around legal themes (the mass-education function) but actively constructing the ambient cultural environment within which legal consciousness is formed—what I call "ambient conditioning" rather than "the transmission of discrete signals" ("Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism").
The Institutional Work-System: A Condensed Official Interpretation. Question 6 asks about the plan's work-system provisions. The officials' answer provides a condensed official reading of Section VII that confirms the structural architecture identified in the prior analysis. They emphasize four elements: (a) full implementation of the "whoever enforces the law" responsibility system, (b) integration of legal education with law-based governance and rule-of-law practice, (c) an institutional system for media and internet-provider public-interest legal education, and (d) guided and regulated participation by social forces. They also address risk-prevention mechanisms.

The officials then restate the organizational-implementation requirements: local Party committees and governments at or above the county level must incorporate legal-education work into their rule-of-law construction plans and key priorities (spiritual civilization, Peaceful China initiative, rule-of-law inspections); people's congresses at all levels must exercise oversight; judicial-administrative departments serve as the lead coordinating bodies; and mid-term and final evaluations must be conducted.
What the Q&A Adds to the Analysis

The Q&A adds three things that the plan text alone does not fully provide:

First, an explicit hierarchy of innovation. The plan text presents its provisions without formal ranking; the Q&A isolates the three innovations the drafters themselves consider most significant. This is analytically valuable because it reveals the system's own self-understanding of where it has departed from prior practice. The fact that "precision legal education" (the technology-driven model) is ranked as one of only three headline innovations—alongside the lifelong-education system and rule-of-law cultural development—confirms that the digital-transformation provisions are not decorative but structurally central to the plan's design logic.

Second, a legitimation narrative. The Q&A situates the plan within a forty-year history presented as cumulative success, frames it as a statutory obligation under the new Law on Legal-System Public Education, and positions it as serving the 15th Five-Year Plan period's developmental objectives and the overarching project of "Chinese-style modernization." In my terminology, this press conference performs precisely the mass-education function his paper describes: it "mobilizes the population's capacity to identify" the plan "within the horizon of modernization," translating a technical policy document into a narrative of historical achievement and civilizational ambition. The press conference is itself an instance of the legal-education system it describes—officials explaining the plan to journalists is simultaneously an act of legal-publicity production.

Third, a drafting-process disclosure. The officials note that the plan was drafted from "the first half of 2025" onward, on the basis of "in-depth research and broad solicitation of opinions" (深入调研、广泛征求意见). This detail is significant for a mass-line analysis: it indicates that the plan was not produced by fiat but through a consultative process that, in the system's self-description, instantiates the mass-line methodology of "from the masses, to the masses". The detected "contradictions"—gaps in legal literacy, emerging populations outside the traditional legal-education framework, technological disruption of information environments—were processed through deliberation and produced as a plan that is then returned to the population as education. The Q&A thereby provides evidence of a recursive circuit: contradiction → diagnosis → political line → institutional encoding → governance implementation → new contradiction ("Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism").