Tuesday, May 19, 2026

Chair’s Statement and Outcome Document at BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting (May 15, 2026)

 

Pix credit here

 It was reported in Al Jazeera that the BRICs meeting recently concluded  failed to issue a Jint Statement, producing instead only a Chair’s Statement and Outcome Document at BRICS Foreign Ministers’ Meeting (May 15, 2026).

The BRICS alliance of major developing economies has failed to issue a joint statement after their two-day meeting in India, amid internal divisions over the Iran war which is affecting several members. India hosted the foreign ministers’ meeting in New Delhi and currently chairs the alliance. BRICS brings together core members Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, as well as newer members Ethiopia, Egypt, Iran, Indonesia and the UAE. India said on Friday that “there were differing views among some members” regarding the conflict in the Middle East. (Al Jazeera)

One can parse through the Chair’s Statement  which is rich not just in what was stated but perhaps more importantly was remained unstated or written between the lines. The Chair’s Statement  is posted below without comment, but with the suggestion that it reflects the complexities  of a multi-polar world of hierarchically arranged power structures still searching for a se of ordering premises. 


 

The Vulgarization of the French Post-Modern, "Truth", Irony, and "First Principles": A Reflection on a Short Essay (an Apologia) Posted to X by Brivael Le Pogam

 

Pix Credit here (Fernand Léger Set design for Le Création du Monde, music by Darius Milhaud, 1923)

 What moves us to believe is not the fact that revealed truths appear as true and intelligible in the light of our natural reason: we believe "because of the authority of God himself who reveals them, who can neither deceive nor be deceived". So "that the submission of our faith might nevertheless be in accordance with reason, God willed that external proofs of his Revelation should be joined to the internal helps of the Holy Spirit." Catechism of the Catholic Church, Pat. I, The Profession of Faith, Section I ("I believe"-"We Believe") Chp. 3 (Man's Response to God), Para. 156

It is easy enough to get bored as one watches the transformation of global cognitive cages, each, in accordance with its own national or "special" characteristics. The present stage of that evolution is performative in the best possible sense: overacting by a set of archetypal characters (one cannot draw readers unless one plays to type, and to expectation) that produces not just absurdity, but also cartoon, the later not in its 17th century sense of carta (heavy paper used for sketching preliminary designs), but rather in its 19th century sense (and thus appropriately tied to the industrial age within which it still sits, though not for long) as comical or political drawing (it is not clear whether there ever was a distinction between the two terms, comical and political, in the sense of exogenous and endogenous public amusement derived from the Greek kōmōidia). And, of course, that performance is enhanced both by its own puffery and as well by the antics of the various claques who turn comedy, not into farce (low comedy stuffed into serious drama), but into orthodoxies which are pretended to be drawn from facts or critique, but which are essentially manifestations of belief with a diminished ethics of killing heretics and apostates.  

Still, all of this, like much that passes for human entertainment, is built on and must conform to expectations that are both inherent in belief and demanded These expectations and beliefs are worth nothing unless they are performed; the totality of human collective cognition is built on the performance of belief. Belief here is realized as a sort of repetitive mimetic trope (one plated over and over again with slight differences) by the intended audience. That mimetic dialectic between the players/performances and the audience, mark the current intellectual and political/social spheres as much as it reflects on the mechanics that give form to forms of self-designated "entertainment" in its sense of public performances meant to amuse in its older sense of diverting attention, and perhaps to beguile, delude, or distract.    

Belief creates its own reality. For many, over the course of the last several thousand years, this sub-textual understanding has helped frame approaches to the construction of religious institutions. There is something subliminally mystical about collective belief, especially in its ability to move the individual. Belief also produces text--Logos made concrete, the consequences of which are memorialized in culture, religion, and law. Belief-Faith-Law forms that solid triangle that frames the limits of the reality within which human organization is conceived and elaborated.

 And yet to beguile, delude, or distract by reference to what? Perhaps by reference to the ideal around which belief is constructed and the amusement is performed. Or perhaps by reference to the cognitive cage that both defines the cognitive cage of belief and is defined by it. What is missing from all of this is truth, except as the manifestation of belief and its believability. Religion provides a clear pathway to the trope: "We shall now have a full definition of faith" Calvin, Institutes of the Christian Religion, III.2.vii. The Catechism of the Catholic Church puts it differently,"Faith is first of all a personal adherence of man to God." Catechism of the Catholic Church, Pat. I, The Profession of Faith, Section I ("I believe"-"We Believe") Chp. 3 (Man's Response to God), Par. 150.

That, of course, is the problem of modernity. Having gotten a glimpse of ther world beyond their own, intellectuals could not resist mapping it in relation to the belief universe from which they emerged, and then political, economic, and cultural elites--as well as anyone with a bone to pick with their place in the believed order, turned that mapping into burlesque in its ancient sense of something odd, grotesque, ludicrous, and from a general perspective, a trifle not worth much--except as an instrument for the deconstruction of old belief systems, not to rid human collectives of belief and its ordering power, but to redirect it in the service of cognitive cages of belief more to their liking. Careers as public intellectuals were made form this, as well as lots of money and shifts of power. But that is the ordinary stuff of humanity. What is amusing, however, is the conviction that belief could be overcome by something more certain in and of itself; that truth is somehow not connected to truthfulness (understood in its ancient sense of faith, faithfulness, fidelity or loyal to something, from Old English triewð (West Saxon), treowð (Mercian)), and somehow embedded within objects signified as facts.  

 

Pix credit here

Apparently, I am not the only one who is amused. In a recent short essay in French (English and Spanish translations below) on "X", one boosted with its positive reposting by Elon Musk (writing, in an ironically profound way, given the subject of the essay: "La Vérité" or in colloquial English, "Truth"), authored by Brivael Le Pogam, who offered his "apologies, on behalf of the French, for giving birth to French Theory (which in turn gave birth to the worst of all ideological monstrosities: wokism)." (Le Pogam  essay).  The irony here is akin to that developed so well in the 19th century by Søren Kierkegaard in his The Concept of Irony with Continual Reference to Socrates. Here one encounters irony as both a liberating force (allowing a critique of "inside" from "outside") and as one that, when it negates everything (pure irony) detaches its user from any connection with the possibilities of rationalizing the world around them in some meaningful form

 Le Pogam's thesis is straightforward: "We gave the world Descartes, Pascal, Tocqueville. And then, in the intellectual ruins of post-1968, we gave Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze. Three brilliant men who forged, in the elegance of our language, the ideological weapon that today paralyzes the West." [Nous avons donné au monde Descartes, Pascal, Tocqueville. Et puis, dans les ruines intellectuelles de l'après-68, nous avons donné Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze. Trois hommes brillants qui ont fabriqué, dans l'élégance de notre langue, l'arme idéologique qui paralyse aujourd'hui l'Occident.(Le Pogam  essay).

There are several threads here that are worth unraveling (without unraveling the argument itself). The first is the critical importance of 1968 for the formation and ultimately the self-destruction of the political-social culture that made both critique and its instrumentalization possible in the ways in which Le Pogam critiques in turn.  But it was not just what became the liberal democratic intellectual left that emerged from 1968, so did those who found in its logic and its double meanings, a horror to be countered by all means possible. Among them a theologian at the University of Tübingen and then in Regensburg who as Cardinal Ratinger developed some of the most interesting post-modern critiques of the political agendas beneath the specifically targeted critiques of the post-modern academic ad political left. 

The second is the opposition suggested between Descartes, Pascal, Tocqueville on the one hand, and Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze on the other. Between them, of course are Nietzsche and Kierkegaard, whose spectres were best ghosted after 1968. French post-modernism might be understood as a more enthusiastic student of phenomenology and semiotics (Husserl, Peirce, de Saussure, Barthes, etc.) shorn of much of an interest in systems theory and autopoiesis (e.g., Luhmann and Maturana/Varela, though understanding its utility sub rosa). And yet together, Descartes, Pascal, Tocqueville on the one hand, and Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze on the other describe the spectrum of the possibilities of the Enlightenment from its compassion to its brutality and programmatic deconstruction. Not by them, but by those who saw in all of the writings potent instruments the language of which could be signified in ways that served their political agendas without appearing to do other than expose and analyze. In the process they remained trapped in the time horizons of the Enlightenment, unable to rise beyond the limits of their own critiques or rationalizations to see what was emerging in the sociology and systems grounded in technology and virtual systems. 

That produces the third strand--the corruption of critique, its irony, as an instrument of political, social, cultural projects. The corruption presented itself in the form of the insulation of those political/social/cultural projects from the forms of critique --derived from post-modernity--but inapplicable to the political/cultural/social project of post-modernity itself.  That corruption, one that continues into the present (and thus sparks one element of Le Pogam's ironic critique), itself produces the greatest irony of the project that is the object of Le Pogam's scrutiny. That irony: that critique itself is founded on belief, that is on the faith in the premise of the facticity and thus the truth of the underlying political/social/cultural values that shape the cognitive cages within post-post-modernity constructs its own universe and the reality which gives it form.  

 Le Pogam explains what it was that was instrumentalized:  

One must understand what they did. Foucault taught that truth does not exist; that there are only power relations disguised as knowledge. He taught that science, reason, justice, the medical establishment, the school system, the prison system, and sexuality—that *everything*—is merely a performance of domination. Derrida taught that texts possess no stable meaning; that every signifier is in constant flux; that every reading is an act of betrayal; that "the author is dead" and the reader reigns supreme. Deleuze taught that one should favor the rhizome over the tree, the nomad over the sedentary, desire over law, "becoming" over "being," and difference over identity. [Il faut comprendre ce qu'ils ont fait. Foucault a enseigné que la vérité n'existe pas, qu'il n'y a que des rapports de pouvoir déguisés en savoir. Que la science, la raison, la justice, l'institution médicale, l'école, la prison, la sexualité, tout n'est qu'une mise en scène de la domination. Derrida a enseigné que les textes n'ont pas de sens stable, que tout signifiant glisse, que toute lecture est une trahison, que l'auteur est mort et que le lecteur règne. Deleuze a enseigné qu'il fallait préférer le rhizome à l'arbre, le nomade au sédentaire, le désir à la loi, le devenir à l'être, la différence à l'identité.] (Le Pogam  essay)

Le Pogam is engaging in a necessary reductionsim that strips nuance, but the reduction is not incorrect as such.  Foucault did focus on the centrality of power relations; Derrida did focus on the instability of signification in language and the performance of meaning (though not with the sensibilities of semiotics); and Deleuze did indulge in the fracturing of the collective self and the possibilities of subterranean consciousness that itself produced a collective but one that rejected the basis of the premises and forms of organized self contained systems (in this sense he might be understood as not just an anti- but a counter-systems theorist). Nonbe of this, in itself takes theory or its consequences in any particular direction.And each supplies another piece in a long and varied conversation about the foundations of social--collective--ordering. Together they remind one--again--of the critical role of faith, of belief--in the construction, and de-construction of social (collective) systems in whatever functionally differentiated form amuses the theorist to consider. Each is a prayer--not just an entreaty (Latin orare/precari, or Greek Deēsis (δέησις)--but an adoratio, a set of specific acts of worship or adoration built around the presumptions that domination, signification, and collectivity is each made possible only through collective selection, and thus belief in its ordering premises are both essential and must be the subject of critique (as dialectic, as a Nietzschean process of revaluation of values, or as some sort of self-aware collective quality control). And all of this in the shadow of Nietzsche and Kierkegaard; the former for his exposure of the connection between belief and reality, and the later for his irony. Underlying it all, of course is not truth (that is the corrupting influence of the post post-modern, or its degeneration into "deconstruction" and its progeny), but belief in or a faith built on the belief in the truth of the founding premises of a rational order.   

The problem, then, is not necessarily the content of French post-modernism, as such. It is the manner in which those who cam after might have chosen to use this--as a project of aggregated vulgarization ("when combined, exported, and popularized, they form a system. And that system is a poison" [Combinées, exportées, vulgarisées, elles forment un système. Et ce système est un poison] (Le Pogam  essay)). That is where Le Pogam's reaches the heart of his critique--and one that merits some consideration.  The system that critique creates from out of the French post-modern Le Pogam appears to suggest, creates the very sort of system that is  or ought to be a subject of the sort of critique reserved now for systems other than those they advance. 

Le Pogam does not offer a general critique--though one can be made. He has a partcular bone to pick (in the style of Nietzsche) with those consummate utilitarians--the Anglo-Americans who cannot resist making even the most subtle of theories both useful and instrumentally narrow.  And not just the community of public intellectuals--this is the stuff that professional revolutionaries, that ambitious political figures, that non-governmental organs might make use of for their own purposes--shielded from the very critique that gave their own criticism (political/social) power projected outward to targeted social or political or ideological targets. He has three public intellectuals in his crosshairs, and one faith system--that infinitely malleable (consider here)) concept/system:"wokeness":

Judith Butler reads Foucault and invents "performative gender." Edward Said reads Foucault and invents academic post-colonialism. Kimberlé Crenshaw inherited this framework and coined the term "intersectionality." At every stage, the underlying matrix is ​​French: there is no truth, only power; therefore, every hierarchy is suspect, every institution is oppressive, every norm is an act of violence, every identity is constructed—and thus negotiable—and every majority is guilty. [Judith Butler lit Foucault et invente le genre performatif. Edward Said lit Foucault et invente le post-colonialisme académique. Kimberlé Crenshaw hérite du cadre et invente l'intersectionnalité. À chaque étape, la matrice est française : il n'y a pas de vérité, il n'y a que du pouvoir, donc toute hiérarchie est suspecte, toute institution est oppressive, toute norme est violence, toute identité est construite donc négociable, toute majorité est coupable.] (Le Pogam  essay)

 In a sense, everyone is "woke." That is, everyone from committed Marxist-Leninists to free market acolytes of Milton Freeman, from members of religious sects to identity groupings of all sorts, are awake to the realities and the cognitive cages the presumptions of which constitute a faith in the way things are or ought to be that inspires action grounded in this belief and the construction of meaning from facts that are fed into and serve to reinforce that system's habitus (here invoking that other pillar of left French post-modernity Bourdieu). The one's that Le Pogam targets are those who beyond sort of trying to construct their own belief based ralities, spend a bit of their time tearing down the realities, the cognitive cafges, that stand in the way of their political/social/cultural/religious projects, one of which, of course, may be critiques without invoking the post-modern equivalent of abomination (morally detestable, loathsome, but also fundamental religious offenses, heresy or apostasy. And, indeed, that is the underlying point, it is not that "il n'y a pas de vérité, il n'y a que du pouvoir, donc toute hiérarchie est suspecte, toute institution est oppressive, toute norme est violence, toute identité est construite donc négociable, toute majorité est coupable(Le Pogam  essayper se. That is, in a sense unproblemmatic; the offense is that the critique applies in only one direction and against one target. What the post-modern right has discovered is that  instruments have no ideology, and the very successes of the post-modern left can be turned into the techniques which, when directed against its initial users, can have as powerfully destructive an effect on their own projects as it was meant to have on the original objects of critique. 

Thus, for example, that gender is performative tells one nothing other than that gender is performative; that it performative in one system in ways that offend the examiner (the political/social point in Butler), then, suggests two things. The first is that Butler rejects both the values and the performance of those values in the system under observation. Two, that Butler embraces values and performance that are grounded in a faith in other collective construction. In both cases belief is central, and faith is instrumental in disciplining not just the self but the community as an aggregated self to move from one faith based value system around which truth may be extracted from facts, to another. This is indeed performative, but far more in the style of the old fashioned dispuations between Christian and Jewish scholars than it is about anything else. But there is a difference--the disputations became impossible to resolve because the doruce of faith and belief was exogenous to the community (recall the definition of faith among Catholics and Protestants described above). Butler, Said and Crenshaw resort to that quintessentially Enlightenment foundation of "truth"--the signification of facts marshaled to produce (either inductively or deductively) a sense of values and a naturalizing order around which  these truths might be confirmed and thus conformed performed in and by the community to which it is meant to apply. And each applies this to a functionally differentiated layer of the social/political order that irritates them and for the purpose of upending  what is critiques and substituting a belief system more to their liking--through a vulgarization of dominance, signification, and identity constructs, all constructing a new set of truths built on a new set of belief structures, values, and significations.  

The core of Le Pogam's critique, then, may be less about the prophets of the post-modern left and their pronouncements (as irritating as they may be to him); the core problem is the way in which that vulgarization and diminution of post-modern French theory came to be vulgarized by, not the masses, but by actors who saw in them opportunity to prove, by the embrace of this diminished post-modernity, the truths of its core insights ("an entire generation of activists, university bureaucrats, HR executives, journalists, and legislators" [une génération entière d'activistes, de bureaucrates universitaires, de DRH, de journalistes, de législateurs] (Le Pogam  essay))--that  power relations can be disguised as knowledge; that words can be signified in quite strategic ways; and that a forest of trees may be the quintessence of the rhizome (or the reverse). Le Pogam explains: 

This is how we ended up with a civilization that no longer knows how to say whether a woman is a woman, whether its own history is worth defending, whether merit truly exists, or whether truth can be distinguished from mere opinion. [Voilà comment on a obtenu une civilisation qui ne sait plus dire si une femme est une femme, si sa propre histoire mérite d'être défendue, si le mérite existe, si la vérité se distingue de l'opinion.] (Le Pogam  essay).

Le Pogam explains why he thinks this is garbage (merde). In the process he suggests both the fundamental premises of an ordered and ordering collective, and, as well, of the colectives that criticism is also seeking to built, control, and impose: "A civilization stands firm upon three pillars: the belief that there exists a truth accessible to reason; the belief that there is a good distinct from evil; and the belief that there is a heritage worth passing on." [Une civilisation se tient debout sur trois piliers : la croyance qu'il existe une vérité accessible à la raison, la croyance qu'il existe un bien distinct du mal, la croyance qu'il existe un héritage à transmettre]. (Le Pogam  essay). It is truly difficult to ague with these three pillars; at the same time it is impossible to assume that what "woke" has sought to bring is not also fundamentally grounded in the same three principles. They have a faith in "their truth." Le Pogam thinks of that truth of the vugarized post post modern as merde. That is fair. Both see and seek truth, but again, what one has is faith, not truth, faith in ther truth of a thing. That that faith can be generated exogenously, or endogenously--from within the human or from beyond humanity. Either way one is back at belief in Logos: "1 In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. 2 The same was in the beginning with God. 3 All things were made by him; and without him was not any thing made that was made. 4 In him was life; and the life was the light of men." (John 1:1-3); in principio erat Verbum et Verbum erat apud Deum et Deus erat Verbum; hoc erat in principio apud Deum; omnia per ipsum facta sunt et sine ipso factum est nihil quod factum est; in ipso vita erat et vita erat lux hominum. John 1:1-4 Vulgate). Without Logios--in whatever form, there is only, as Kierkegaard reminds us, only infinite irony and chaos--quite a hard starting place for the constitution of shared realities, and with it their "truths".  

It is these pillars that Le Pogam asseerts the "fathers" of th French post-modern sought to blow up. I am not sure that was the plan; though in fairness the three did have a delightfully absurd taste in blowing stuff up, not unlike the political classes of our own day.  That  was put in this way by Le Pogam: "Out of intellectual play, fascination with suspicion, hatred of the bourgeoisie that had nurtured them." [Pas par méchanceté. Par jeu intellectuel, par fascination du soupçon, par haine de la bourgeoisie qui les avait nourris.(Le Pogam  essay). Yet that was unavoidable, though well understood; the vulgarization and its mass production--it's English turn, to put in in terms that Nietzsche might have preferred, is the moral sin--not of the fathers of the French post modern, even the French post modern left. It was the corruption of pragmatism, of utility, that spoiled the intellectual broth. 

He ends where the French post-modern might have suggested one begins after awakening: in system building. But this is system building fully conscious of the choices that one makes (collectively) in system building--whether it is a conscious embrace of an exogenous source for truth and direction; or whether it emerges from the genius of a people constituted as such for that purpose. What is needed, then, are values, and a belief in values, and a faith in the truth of the values that may be reflected in the facts from out of which justification and assessment may be attempted. That is as true for the construction, or reconstruction of social collectives as it is now going to be for the virtual collectives humans are building, the simulacra into which humans are pouring themselves, the technological creation of our new gods, the belief in the truth of the performance of which will becomes the foundation for the society we all are apparently about to inherit--and inhabit. One ought not care much about the human any more--one ought to focus on the simulacra of the human--their representation or imitation within our techno-constructed hyper-realities. It is to Jean Baudrilliard rather than to the fathers of the post modern, that one ought to turn to be become "woke" in the second quarter of the 21st century.

Pix credit here

While simulation is meant to imitate an environment, through a process of replication made possible by reducing the imitated environment to its essence, semiotics suggests that simulation has a more profound effect. The decisive move toward the objectification of reality and its meaning through its simulation (present) and its modeling (future)—that is the quantification, and digitalization of humanity—has brought humanity to a great transformative moment. If a situation, context, or process is now comprehended as and by its own simulation, then the modalities of objectification, of signification, and ultimately of the encounters with meaning and its making, have now (again) removed themselves from an immanent to a transcendent condition. That is, that human activity becomes centered in and manifested through its simulation rather than in the world itself. (Larry Catá Backer, "Describe, Predict, Intervene!—On Objective Subjectivities and the Simulacra of Semiotics in the New Era; Simulated Signification and Mechanical Meaning Making in Managing Post-COVID Human Society," in Frank Fleerackers (ed)  The Rearguard of Subjectivity: On Legal Semiotics – Festschrift in Honour of Jan M. Broekman 21-62 (Springer, 2023).

 The text of Le Pogam's essay in French, English and Spanish appears below.

Sunday, May 17, 2026

Announcing Publication of 5th Edition of Ravitch & Backer, Law & Religion: Cases and Materials (West Academic)

 

Pix credit here (apologies pix of 4th edition, the 5th will have the same cover)

My friend and colleague Frank Ravitch (Professor of Law & Walter H. Stowers Chair of Law and Religion, Director Kyoto Japan Program) and I are putting the finishing touches on the 5th edition of our book--Law & Religion: Cases and Materials (West Academic;  ISBN: 979-8-31770-113-0), which should be available ion early August 2026. 

It is, indeed a quite interesting time, for matters of law and religion. That interest is not confined to the United States, where the arc of jurisprudence development that spanned almost a century and was thought by some to be inevitable and permanent is proving to be neither--to the chagrin of those heavily invested (normatively and otherwise) and who, like their colleagues who been in this position since at least 1947, have rallied around the principles and cognitive frameworks of the old jurisprudence to save what they can and to prepare the way not just for its triumphant return but for its further elaboration . . . eventually. For now they now increasingly serve as dissenting voices to what is emerging. But this is not merely a unique "American problem." The jurisprudence is being reshaped in Europe, Africa, Latin America and other places as they confront the challenges of readjusting jurisprudence to fit within the emerging realities of their respective demographics and political choices. And both theocracy and atheism remain, as ever, a globally viable force.

For the student, challenges may have three dimensions. The first is to study the peculiarities (norms and jurisprudential trajectories) of their domestic legal-constitutional order. The second is to situate that jurisprudence within the larger discussions of the relationship of law and religion in other states. And the third is to try top grasp the way that the issue has escaped out from its traditional state-legal borders to become an issue of internal law and norm making.  

The materials are divided with that in mind. Frank Ravitch has taken the laboring oar on the U.S. domestic legal ordering of law and religion. The books first 6 chapters are devoted to the study of the U.S: constitutional ordering of the usually fragile and changeable relationship between the State and its many religions. I have taken on the international aspects viewed through the lens of the developments in the U.S., as is appropriate for or our U.S. based students. I start easy--Chapter 7 focuses on religion as systems of norms and rules, as legal-moral systems with their own institutions, and jurisprudence, both of which vary widely and considers some of the ways in which those religious-institutional-legal systems interact with public law. Chapter 8 is devoted to constructing the analytical comparative framework through a deeper dive into one area of law and religion--the right to wear or display religious apparel. Chapter 9 then considers law and religion more broadly outside the US. and introduces students to international law and norm making, with a focus on the work of the regional human rights courts in Africa, Latin America and Europe.  

I have included the Summary Table of contents and the (almost final) Introduction to Part 2 of the Book.  

Interview with Prof. Zhang Weiwei, Director of the China Institute at Fudan University and a former Translator for Deng Xiaoping

 

Pix credit and video here

 

Happy to pass along the video of Afshin Rattsani's interview of  Prof. Zhang Weiwei, Director of Fudan University’s China Institute and former Translator for Chinese Paramount Leader Deng Xiaoping. It is worth listening too, though one must be prepared to filter the listening through the not unexpected political and ideological lenses through which the interview is framed. Framing context is everything in contemporary discourse, and discursive engagements. And this interview is no exception with respect to the time, place, and space within which it was produced. In a sense, that lens is as instructive as the very interesting conversation wrapped around it. Conclusions, of course, will be a function of the listener's inclinations, and correctly so. 

The video may be accessed here


Friday, May 15, 2026

Science Fiction Double Feature: Anthrop\c's "2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership," in the Shadow of Palantir's "Manifesto"

 

Pix credit here 


The comedy-horror hybrid can be a tricky genre to get right. This is especially true of those films that attempt to leverage well known monsters. And while names such as Dracula and Werewolf pop up fairly frequently in these types of films, it is The Creature from Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein that offers arguably the most interesting template from which to draw inspiration. While some films focus primarily on achieving humor (Abbott and Costello Meet Frankenstein, I Was a Teenage Frankenstein), others dial back the levity to create a more transgressive viewing experience (Lady Frankenstein, Frankenhooker). But one film that manages to blend both aims seamlessly while also offering up a healthy dose of social commentary is The Rocky Horror Picture Show (1975). (Horror in the Homeroom)

 Earlier this month Alex Karp and Nicholas Zamiska posted to the social media site "X" a sort of Manifesto in the form of a  22 point reduction of their book, "The Technological Republic" (2025).  Both the book and Manifesto reduction were self-described by their social media agit-propaganda as critique and a pleading (in its ancient sense of giving pleasure, or obtaining approval)):

 a searing critique of our collective abandonment of ambition, arguing that in order for the U.S. and its allies to retain their global edge—and preserve the freedoms we take for granted—the software industry must renew its commitment to addressing our most urgent challenges, including the new arms race of artificial intelligence. The government, in turn, must embrace the most effective features of the engineering mindset that has propelled Silicon Valley’s success. Above all, our leaders must reject intellectual fragility and preserve space for ideological confrontation. A willingness to risk the disapproval of the crowd, Karp and Zamiska contend, has everything to do with technological and economic outperformance. At once iconoclastic and rigorous, this book will also lift the veil on Palantir and its broader political project from the inside, offering a passionate call for the West to wake up to our new reality. (here)

I approached that Manifesto, point by point, not as critique but as the performance of ancient social tropes that touch on the origins of the cognitive cages that still, to some extent, constrain, and by constraining, shapes Anglo-European collectives, our thought, and our ability to relate to the world around us. In this case as a manifestation of the declamations of Greek oracular tragedy in which they play a singularly peculiar role  (Reflections on the Palantir "Manifesto": The Oracular Semiosis of a "Technological Republic" Within its Own Cage of Techno-Modernization).

Palentir approached the question from an institutional and collective disciplinary space--on the (re)constitution of a social ordering the collective expresison of which must be managed in a specific way to meet both internal and external threat projections--but in a sort of tragically conventional way, that is by deploying traditional tropes and signified objects projections. This was oracular, programmatic, institutional, and permeated with the sort of traditional combination of hubris, principle, and good intention that sets up the triadic dialectic of opur Anglo-European cognitive foundations. Palantir was coding the generative architecture of physical beings as the magisterium that then aligned that coded natural order with the mimetic ordering of the virtual spaces of their animated virtual realities.  Palantir sought to created an aligned iterative, mimetic dialectic among human persons, their collectives, and the realms they have created in their own image, realms that both reflect their creator and yet also follow their own pathways (set initially by their creators).

Now, not to be outdone, or perhaps to add their own voices as a sort of sidelines occupying Chorus (on the functions of a Chorus in Greek theater here) comes the folks at Antrop\c, already famous for their abstracted, and to some extent virtual performance with the security apparatus of the United States with which, like the rest of society, they are in their own way entangled (Statement from Dario Amodei on our discussions with the Department of War). They plead their case in a 14 May 2026 Policy Document, 2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership. The core of their pleading is this:

It’s essential that the US and its allies stay ahead of authoritarian governments like the Chinese Communist Party, or CCP. AI will soon become powerful enough to be used to repress citizens at unprecedented scale, and even to alter the balance of power among nations. And since AI is advancing more quickly by the day, we have only a limited period of time to set the conditions of the competition—and determine whether and how those threats materialize. It’s with this in mind that we outline what’s required to ensure America stays ahead. (2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership).

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If Palantir sought to code human collectives in dialectical mimesis with the creators they created and with which they now engage in  (for the monument) dependence based action iterations, then Anthrop/c, on the other hand, it reduces technology to a tool the deployment of which is a critical instrument in competition among different and divergent normative political-economic models.  It seeks to reduce its creation, and the ecologies in which virtual life operates, to an instrument, the maintenance and improvements of which are of critical importance to human, not human-machine dialectical mimesis. If Palantir was Greek in its semiotic orientations (that is the way they signify and interpret, and thus rationalize the world around them), the Anthrop\c was comfortably Hebrew in their approach to the fundamental constitution of the lifeworld (lebenswelt) in which the human and their creation could be situated in ways that domesticated  the "soulful machines" they have a hand in creating. Thus domesticated, one can name them, and by naming them signify their relationship to humanity as the essence of their character, and once named, assert dominion over them, at least to the extent to humanity's own creator finds "good." (Gen. 1:26). In this case one encounters the instrumentalization of signs, and especially the signification of A.I. or tech based "objects"to manage perception, and shape meaning for a specific political collective, whose perceptions and cognitive foundations are in turn shaped by those objects (discussed here).   

Anthrop\c, then, moves from the theatrical ancient tragedy of theater to the contemporary campy horror movie genre. Killer Clowns from Outer Space (1988) has possibilities -- the plot of which revolves around invading aliens who land in a small town to cocoon and feed. Elvira: Mistress of the Dark (1988) about an iconic horror hostess inheriting a haunted mansion in a very prudish town who confronts her uncle who wishes to succeed to her witchy powers gets closer. Still, one one go father back to get to the semiotic hear of Antrop\c's worldview.

 

Pix credit here (Riff-Raff and Magenta)

In the camp horror classic, Rocky Horror Picture Show (Jim Sharman dir., 20th Century Fox 1975), a quintessentially reductionist, if cartoonish, objectification-animation of a stroy the contents and meaning of which is supplied by a narrator (the "Criminologist") of the ordinary couple of the time find themselves knocking on the door of a strange residence on a stormy night when, as such things tend to happen, their car breaks down. They are admitted to the residence of one, Dr, Frank-N-Furter, who is an alien from the Planet Transsexual in the Galaxy of Transylvania. The good doctor is about to to unveil his mad creation at a party attended by his madcap collection of friends and hosted by his fellow Transsexualiens, all dressed for the event in costumes that might appear to our hapless couple as trans-vestiture or other cultural-expectation-flouting rainment (in its ancient sense of fine ceremonial wear, or spiritual coverings, with substantial signification). The event which our couple crashes was arranged to celebrate the animation, the trans-activation, of  Dr. Fran-N-Furter's creation--Rocky--the hyper-muscled hyper-expression of the object of (self) desire; the ideal made flesh. Hilarity then ensues as everything goes sideways, and everyone is transformed in one way or another; until those transformations prove too much ("Give yourself over to absolute pleasure. . . Don't Dream it--Be it" Lyrics 1975). The Criminologist and Riff Raf agree, parsing Foucault, that "society must be protected" (Lyrics, 1975), theirs and ours as the transsexualiens kill Dr. Frank-N-Furter and Rocky for their trans-gressions, and return the entire house, and its objects, to the planet of transsexual in the Transsexual Galaxy where things are normal. That leaves the Criminologist, Brad and Janet. . .and Rocky, to "do the time warp again". . . .   

With a bit of a mind flip
You're into the time slip
And nothing can ever be the same
You're spaced out on sensation
Like you're under sedation
Let's do the Time Warp again
Let's do the Time Warp again
(Time Warp (Lyrics, Richard O'Brien; 1975)) 

Pix credit Video "Let's Do the Time Warp" (1975)

That, in a sense, is the fundamental orienting point for Anthrop\c's"science fiction double feature", its  2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership. There is a double double here. Anthrop\c's two scenario blockchain narrative; and the double feature of Anthrop\c's blockchain and Palantir's structural predictive analytics encased its its own Rocky Horror. It appears that contemporary society has at last managed to trans-form itself into the living expression of the symbolist camp of human collective simulacra, like that of the Rocky Horror Picture Show.  And that trans-ition from signified physical objects to the animation, the trans-itioning, of the datafied object which in virtual spaces may be animated by breathing into it a sort of divine breath--the pathways to cognition in the form of layered coded relationships that can acquire a life of their own in the sense of controlling or deploying and changing its own life force (its coding, as such) over and through its datafied bodies--then brings us to the moment of truth that were faced by the Transsexualiens. It brings one to Riff Raff (the butler) and  Magenta (the maid). It brings us back to Antrop\c. But more importantly it brings one back to the audience that counts--the American state and market apparatus and its mangers: Brief Reflections on U.S: Council of Economic Advisors--Report: Artificial Intelligence and the Great Divergence (January 2026);  Liberal Democratic Leninism in the Era of Artificial Intelligence and Tech Driven Social Progress: Remarks by Director Kratsios at the Endless Frontiers Retreat and "The Golden Age of American Innovation"Reflections on "'Accelerating American Exports'--Remarks by Director Kratsios at the APEC Digital and AI Ministerial Meeting"CSIS EVENT: Unpacking the White House AI Action Plan with OSTP Director Michael KratsiosIt is also a warning to the "other": U.N. Global Dialogue on Artificial Intelligence Offers Platform to Build Safe Systems and Open Call for Candidates

The 1970s focused on sex. . . . the second quarter of the 21st century focuses on on the datafied simulacra of soulful machines, as tools for civilizational quests, and as the divine incarnation of an aggregated humanity that may, having been born from out of the ingestion of the Edenic Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil, may invert the relationship between aggregated creation and the creator. Antrop\c's object is AI competition between the U.S. and China. But of course it is not about that at all. Instead Antrop\c uses that as the object through which  they attempt an important signification of what for them is the larger problem (or in Chinese Leninist terms, the general contradiction)--the instruments through which competitive society encode their realities, their foundational norms and expectations, encoded within the aggressive and expansionist political-economic models of the U.S. and China. Antrop\c makes no effort to hide this. "AI will soon become powerful enough to be used to repress citizens at unprecedented scale, and even to alter the balance of power among nations."

With that as the analytical core, the question then becomes far ore pragmatic: to what extent and in what ways, ought the State to develop practices and policies to ensure that American A.I. continues to dominate, and by dominating provides the means of protecting the liberal democratic lebenswelt from the imaginaries of Marxist Leninist States. The key is to dominate innovation (here pitting the Chinese project of Socialist Modernization driven by its high quality production initiative) against the American markets driven and national security framed framework. 

And the key to protecting innovation, and dominance, is the state. 

The most important ingredient for developing AI is access to the computer chips on which the models are trained (or “compute”). Since the most capable chips are developed by American companies, the US government currently limits China’s supply by enforcing tight export controls on them. Recent history suggests these controls have been incredibly successful. In fact, AI labs in China have only built models close in intelligence to America’s because of their talent, their knack for exploiting loopholes around these export controls, and their large-scale distillation attacks that illicitly extract the innovations of American companies. (2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership)

To protect innovation one needs borders--physical and virtual. The borders do not merely protect AI. They serve to provide the conceptual space within which AI can be made in the image of its creator--and in that way become both an extension of and the idealized form of the desire for a perfect simulation of an ideal version of the collective political economic system from which it emerges.  

America and its allies approach AI competition from a position of great strength. The tools for AI dominance have been built by an exceptionally innovative ecosystem of companies in democratic nations. Our past success means that our present task is largely to avoid squandering our advantage: to decide not to make it easier for the CCP to catch up. (2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership)

Two things happen if China catches up. The first is that the liberal democratic "golem", its "Rocky" is transformed and invested with the ideals and objectives of the Chinese "other." The second is that the liberal democratic golem is then deployed against its primary creator. The tool, then, the instrument, not only enhances the pathways toward the constitution and deployment of the simulacra of liberal democratic A.I. The tool serves as a defense against its corruption in the hands of the "other."

This serves as the basis for the storytelling that is the bulk of the essay:

In this post, we present two scenarios for what the world might look like in 2028, when we expect transformative AI systems to have arrived. In the first scenario, America has successfully defended its compute advantage. Policymakers have acted to tighten export controls further, disrupt China’s distillation attacks, and further accelerate democracies’ adoption of AI. In this world, democracies set the rules and norms around AI. It’s also in this scenario that we’re most likely to successfully engage with China on safety, which we’re supportive of to the extent this is possible. In the second scenario, America has chosen not to act. Policymakers have not tightened loopholes on the CCP’s access to compute, and AI firms in China have quickly taken advantage—catching up to the frontier and even overtaking America. In this world, AI norms and rules are shaped by authoritarian regimes, and the best models enable automated repression at scale. It will be no solace that this authoritarian triumph has happened on the back of American compute. (2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership)

Like all binary systems, when reduced to its essence it is little more than the arrangement in time, place and space of oppositions that, depending on the patterns and the dialectic of pattern irritation and pattern movement, produce movement of the patterns shaped by irritated clusters of such oppositions. Here, borders matter. Borders are understood in a comprehensive way as a membrane that may be permeable, but only through specifically constructed points of structural coupling. Borders have a particular character--export (and expert) controls and national security based interdiction of tech and tech know how. The object is to protect the nature, character, operation and improvement of the liberal democratic "Rocky" against either corruption, or his "capture" and re-animation now with the soul of oppositional political economic systems, the normative cognitive cages of which are incompatible with those of liberal democracy.    

The political systems in which the most advanced AI is created will shape the rules and norms for how the technology is developed and deployed. In turn, those rules and norms will help determine whether the technology is safe, whose security it protects, and whose interests it ultimately serves. We believe that responsibility should rest with democratically elected governments, not authoritarian regimes.(2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership)

No that this is wrong as such.  It is just that our Rocky provides a campy horror film version of the insights from Norbert Wiener, God and Golem, Inc., (MIT Press, 1964) in the relationship between the cybernetic machine and man is similar to the relationship between humanity and their creator. "There are at least three points in cybernetics which appear to me to be relevant to religious issues. One of these concerns machines which learn; one concerns machines which reproduce themselves; and one, the coordination of machine and man." (God and Golem, Inc., p. 11; consider also Reflections on Mohammed Gamal Abdelnour on "Artificial Intelligence and the Islamic Theology of Technology: From “Means” to “Meanings” and from “Minds” to “Hearts”" ("But all realms, including virtual realms, that are both a projection of the human and a means of externalizing the collective human for reinsertion into people, and form people, into the communities they would now feel "naturally" follow from this dialectic--all human realms--require a theology. Theology here is understood in its classical Greek sense of a rationalizing discourse on the gods. ).

Antrop\c worries about the control of all three--but as a function, as well as the instrument, of the power of the normative State. Antrop\c posits the game between China and the United States  for the soul of the creature both desire to make, and which one has already made--more or less. Wiener reminds one that: 

 Thus, if we do not lose ourselves in the dogmas of omnipotence and Omniscience, the conflict between God and the Devil is a real conflict, and God is something less than absolutely omnipotent. He is actually engaged in a conflict with his creature, in which he may very well lose the game. And yet his creature is made by him according to his own free will, and would seem to derive all its possibility of action from God himself. Can God play a significant game with his own creature? Can any creator, even a limited one, play a significant game with his own creature? (God and Golem, Inc., p. 17).

The answer to the question posed by Wiener, the semiotician would suggest, is yes. And the yes is a function of the realization that when God plays the devil, he is playing with and as himself. Not in the manner of the Manichean, but in the manner of the dialectics of subjectivity. That then suggests that the instrumentality of AI and its normative basis, when it is deployed by politics, looks to the way that AI can be deployed instrumentally through projections of internal perfection outward against an oppositional perfection. 

But it is worth noting that Antrop\c is playing only one of two games. The game Antrop\c plays is for the control of the creature--our Rocky Horror--by one of two players; the prize of which is both the construction of the creature and his iuse against the other. Antrop\c would preserve the dominance of one version, not through the control of its development (that is beyond the point of the essay), but rather by denying the fruits of development of one version of AI to an oppositional force that would breath a quite different sort of life into the creature.  Yet there is another game--between both China and the United States and the creatures they are building. The assumption--still sop stubbornly held--that Rocky is indeed an instrument, soulless, and without much of a will, a creature completely and endlessly dependent on its creature is unlikely to retain much power once the creature learns to learn itself. This does not make the Antrop\c analysis wrong. Indeed it may add to its power (except the instrumentalist start point bit) where, if the foundational analytical presumption is to be believed--the power of AI is not merely its computational process; rather it is its normative baselines, not merely programmed but evolving with each iteration  shaping its process of induction reasoning (in its simplest form pattern recognition), to one where, in predictive analytics, it may well shape the iterative data flows through which it will move  away from its original creator made version (Wiener's self reproducing machines). At that point Wiener's suggestion of the divine quality of the coordination of man and machine will become a much larger concern. This is a very different "head space" than the one that fascinates the folks at Palantir. 

Pix Credit Video "Let's Do the Time Warp" (1975)
Anthrop\c is our American AI Dr. Frank-N-Furter. The Folks at Palantir means to be our "Narrator," the Criminologist expert who guides the audience, signified by our  conventional couple, Brad Majors and Janet Weiss. Together they trans-form themselves and each other around the constructed incarnation of an ideal external to themselves. For Anthrop\c Rocky is an instrument to be protected from corruption and to preserve the vectors of transition that they believe they can manage--that is managing Dr. Frank-N-Furter. Brad and Janet are the objects of transition, for which the guidance of the "Narrator" criminologist, provide guardrails; but even the Palantir Criminologist cannot be unaffected by contact with transformative tech and its presence. But no one pay much attention to the operational elements--Riff Raff and Magenta. Magenta has the right of it perhaps--not sex but in the virtualization of ourselves, and worse, in our incapacity to understand and respond, use, embed, resist, a thing that was but is not us, but is now itself leaving us to appear to mange it while we ought to be learning how to better manage ourselves. That is the hint, unexplored, in our Antrop\c-Palantir double feature.

Science Fiction - double feature
Frank has built and lost his creature
Darkness has conquered Brad and Janet
The servants gone to a distant planet
Oh - at the late night double feature
Picture show - I want to go - Ohh -
To the late night double feature picture show. 
(Magenta, Epilogue, Lyrics 1975) 

 The complete text of 2028: Two scenarios for global AI leadership follows below.

 

Thursday, May 14, 2026

Se anuncia la publicación de «Un constitucionalismo consultivo democrático para sistemas políticos marxista-leninistas (socialistas): teoría y estructura de la “democracia popular de proceso integral”», *American University International Law Review*, Vol. 41(2): 371-438.

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 VERSIÓN EN INGLÉS AQUÍ

 Me complace anunciar que mi artículo, «Un constitucionalismo consultivo democrático para sistemas políticos marxista-leninistas (socialistas): teoría y estructura de la "democracia popular de proceso integral"» (全过程人民民主), ha sido publicado en la *American University International Law Review*, Vol. 41(2): 371-438.

He aquí el resumen:

Resumen: El orden constitucional socialista (marxista-leninista) chino ha desarrollado recientemente, de manera exhaustiva, una teoría y una práctica de la democracia; un modelo que se ha presentado como alternativa a la teoría y la práctica de la democracia liberal. En la China contemporánea, esta evolución ha tomado una forma concreta bajo la denominación de 全过程人民民主 (Democracia Popular de Proceso Integral [WPPD, por sus siglas en inglés]). Este ensayo examina esta teoría emergente de la democracia china, tanto dentro de la estructura del constitucionalismo chino como en su calidad de expresión de sus fundamentos marxista-leninistas. La esencia de la distinción entre esta forma de teoría democrática y la democracia liberal clásica reside en la centralidad que, dentro de este sistema, se otorga a la consulta por encima de las elecciones; si la democracia liberal constituye una práctica esencialmente exógena (en la que las elecciones son la expresión primordial de la práctica democrática), la WPPD china adopta una forma esencialmente endógena (articulada en torno a sistemas bien organizados de consulta formal). En primer lugar, el ensayo examina los fundamentos estructurales y normativos de la WPPD. A continuación, explora el papel fundamental que desempeña la consulta —estructurada y estratificada— en la construcción de las instituciones democráticas en China. Por último, integra estas dos líneas de análisis para examinar la lógica subyacente del sistema: una lógica concebida para superar las contradicciones existentes entre la democracia de «línea de masas» y el principio constitucional fundacional de la «dictadura democrática popular», al tiempo que coordina las funciones de las organizaciones colectivas bajo el liderazgo del partido de vanguardia. Se analizan las consecuencias de este enfoque endógeno en la orientación de la teoría democrática, estableciendo comparaciones con las prácticas marxista-leninistas de Cuba y con las propias de la democracia liberal.
 
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Puede acceder al artículo aquí: 

ILR Website: https://auilr.org/volume-41-issue-2/
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foto crédito aquí
 El presente artículo amplía y desarrolla sustancialmente las ideas publicadas originalmente en Guobin Zhou, Bjorn Ahl y Larry Catá Backer (eds.), *The Cambridge Handbook of Chinese Constitutional Law*, cap. 32 (CUP, de próxima aparición). Asimismo, el artículo forma parte de un estudio a largo plazo de mayor envergadura sobre la democracia, que trasciende ampliamente sus contextos de origen liberal-democráticos. Resulta provechoso leerlo conjuntamente con Larry Catá Backer y Flora Sapio, «Popular Consultation and Referendum in the Making of Contemporary Cuban Socialist Democracy: Practice and Constitutional Theory», *U. Mia. Int'l & Compar. L. Rev.* 27:37-130 (2020), y con Larry Catá Backer, Flora Sapio y James Korman, «Popular Participation in the Constitution of the Illiberal State—An Empirical Study of Popular Engagement and Constitutional Reform in Cuba and the Contours of Cuban Socialist Democracy 2.0», *Emory Int'l L. Rev.* 34(1):183-276 (2020).

A continuación se presentan la Introducción y el Índice, tanto en ESPAÑOL. INGLÉS AQUÍ.


 

Announcing Publication of "A Democratic Consultative Constitutionalism for Marxist-Leninist (Socialist) Political Systems—The Theory and Structure of “Whole Process People’s Democracy” (全过程人民民主 全过程人民民主), American University International Law Review Vol. 41(2): 371-438

 

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 VERSIÓN EN ESPAÑOL AQUÍ

I am pleased to announce that my article,  A Democratic Consultative Constitutionalism for Marxist-Leninist (Socialist) Political Systems—The Theory and Structure of “Whole Process People’s Democracy” (全过程人民民主 全过程人民民主), has been published at the American University International Law Review Vol. 41(2): 371-438.

Here is the abstract: 

Abstract: The Chinese Socialist (Marxist-Leninist) constitutional order has recently fully elaborated a theory and practice of democracy, one that has been offered as an alternative model to liberal democratic theory and practice. In contemporary China, this evolution has taken concrete form as the form of 全过程人民民 主 (Whole Process People’s Democracy (WPPD)). This essay examines this emerging theory of Chinese democracy both within the structure of Chinese constitutionalism and as an expression of its Marxist-Leninist foundations. The essence of the distinction of this form of democratic theory with classical liberal democracy is the centrality of consultation rather than elections in this system; if liberal democracy is an essentially exogenous practice (elections as the primary expression of democratic practice), then Chinese WPPD takes an essentially endogenous form (built around well-organized systems of formal consultation). The essay first examines the structural and normative basis for WPPD. It then explores the pivotal role of structured and multilayered consultation in the construction of democratic institutions in China. Lastly, it puts these two lines of examination together to consider the system’s rationale, one that is meant to overcome the contradictions between mass line democracy and the foundational constitutional principle of people’s democratic dictatorship, while coordinating the roles of collective organizations under the leadership of the vanguard party. The consequences of this endogenous approach to the orientation of democratic theory are explored with comparisons to Cuban Marxist-Leninist practices and those of liberal democracy.

The article may be accessed here:

ILR Website: https://auilr.org/volume-41-issue-2/
Digital Commons: https://digitalcommons.wcl.american.edu/auilr/
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The article substantially expands and developed ideas first published in Guobin Zhou, Bjorn Ahl and Larry Catá Backer (eds), The Cambridge Handbook of Chinese Constitutional Law  chp 32 (CUP, forthcoming). The article is also part of a larger long term study of democracy well beyond its liberal democratic homelands. It might be usefully read together with Larry Catá Backer and Flora Sapio, Popular Consultation and Referendum in the Making of Contemporary Cuban Socialist Democracy Practice and Constitutional TheoryU. MIA. Int'l & Compar. L. Rev. 27:37-130 (2020), and Larry Catá Backer, Flora Sapio and James Korman, Popular Participation in the Constitution of the Illiberal State--An Empirical Study of Popular Engagement and Constitutional Reform in Cuba and the Contours of Cuban Socialist Democracy 2.0Emory Int'l L. Rev. 34(1):183-276 (2020).

The Introduction and Table of Contents follow below in ENGLISH. ESPAÑOL AQUÍ

 

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