Monday, January 18, 2021

Birgit Spiesshofer: "Twitter & Trump - the spirits I called forth?" -- English Translation of Article published first (in German) in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Magazine Einspruch! (online) 16 January 2021

 

 
 
Dr. Birgit Spiesshofer has been undertaking truly important and path-breaking work in the area of the responsibility of business for harms that may be attached (that, of course, is the issue of the moment, that is the jurisprudence of "attachment") to the economic activities of enterprises and persons.  Her  monograph, Responsible Enterprise: The Emergence of a Global Economic Order (Munich: CH Beck, Oxford, Hart, 2018), is a remarkable analysis of the "state of the legal art" in this field and an excellent basis for thinking about the paths already being carved out for going forward (for my review of this work, see "The Enterprise of Responsibility:" Reviewing Birgit Spiesshofer, "Responsible Enterprise). 

Dr. Spiesshofer also writes frequently for the Frankfurter Allgemeine Magazine Einspruch! (online) on themes of corporate governance, sustainability, and its inevitable relations to systems of trade and political governance across borders. Though these essays are produced for a German audience, she has kindly agreed to translate some of them for re-publication here. Earlier translations include (1)"Responsible Ownership" or "Benefit Corporation"; (2)  "And Who Asks the Supply Chian"; (3) "Fridays for Future, Siemens or the Australian Government - who decides?"; (4)  "Green monetary policy - "whatever it takes"?"; (5) "What is "sustainable"?" ; (6) "The Hour of the Nation-State" (see also here).

Dr. Spiesshofer has now agreed to the translation of a recent essay--Twitter & Trump - the spirits I called forth? , published originally in German in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Magazine Einspruch! (online).  The essay considers an important issue, one quite politically sensitive at this moment in the United States. Essentially the question can be reduced to an essence, one which is only a small slice of the many essences contained in this drama that are the forms of American politics at the start of the third decade of this century: what does a liberal democracy do about the speech of its elected officials when an important faction of the electorate finds  it unacceptable and an even smaller portion of that electorate, through the institutions they control, can manage or in the case of the 45th President of the United States, amplify or shut down the vehicles through which such speech is now conveyed in (otherwise) ordinary course.  Americans are incapable of this discussion now; emotions are too raw, too many political agendas are still in play; and too much realignment of political partnerships and battle lines are still being drawn. From outside the U.S., certainly, it highlights not merely the special character of law and politics in crisis, but also the way in which networks of law and norms enmesh key actors--in this case economic enterprises and political officials, in quite distinct webs of law, of norms, and of expectations well beyond the local and the contextual (e.g., here).  In this case human rights expectations appear to cut in all sorts of directions simultaneously for key participants.

I have no view on these matters; it is, as mentioned above, still far too early to have anything of value to add about the march of historical forces that are even now constructing the contours, founding premises, expectations,  the assessments of history, and the rectification of now fatally deviant and reactionary elements of society that are even now being deployed by the nation's vanguard elements to propel the state forward into what is likely the new era of American political development. But perhaps Europeans have something that might be worth considering, at one's leisure, once passions have died down, and the new master narrative is more decisively articulated for the United States.   Whatever it is that is decided by those who control American political culture it is not enough to dismiss the vents of the last several years as exceptional, as sui generis and something that will never recur.   But what is seen can not be unseen; what is done cannot be undone; what is The United States, since its founding, has been the incarnation of the constant state of exception.  The exception is the ordinary in this place.

 One can see that the essay provides much useful fruit for thought. The essay and Dr. Spiesshofer's brief bio follow. 

Saturday, January 16, 2021

Law is What It Says It Is. . . Thoughts on Weaving the Strands of Emerging Systems of Enforceable Expectations in the Contemporary Global Order(ings)

 

Pix source HERE

 

Lawyers--and especially legal academics--have been very jealous guardians of the ancient cult of "Law," which has been all nicely dressed up in a quite particular way over the last several centuries. 

 

That particularity is also peculiar--for it is meant in the first instance to ensure a community of meaning around the term in a way that aligns law with the state.  That is, these priests of the worship of the divine qualities of (old) law never tire of repeating its credo: law must be understood as a manifestation of the state; law and the state are aligned, each sharing the other's authority, legitimacy, and power.  Law is the state and the state is the institutionalized aggregation of its law, that is of its own production of ist own system of coercive expectation made legitimate and authoritative precisely because it is the product of the genius of the people embedded within the institutions of the state and operated in accordance with the rules they produce for themselves. 

Perpetual Stew
 
Yet the business of law, and the construction of its divinity (understood here in the sense that it is manifested as a thing that is acknowledged as superior, powerful, authoritative, and that can have consequences if crossed, and as a process that manifests order) has moved far beyond the temples of the acolytes of the High Churches of (Old) Law.  It is not so much that communities have lost faith in (old) law, Rather, and acknowledged or not by the high priests of the old legal orders comfortably ensconced in their high level academic or administrative perches, it is that this (old) law has now descended back into the space from where it emerged  several centuries ago. It has rejoined the pantheon of methods, habits, customs, and practices, as (one) part of a large stew pot of expectations that have consequences precisely because a community has invested it with meaning and thus invested  creates methods of rewards and punishments for those who meet or fail these expectations
 
The extent of these consequences (the "application" of "law") are highly relational and contextual.  They are relational in the sense that expectations can have consequences only to the extent they might apply to the relations among actors and, more importantly, only to the extent they are understood as affecting or relating to each other producing clusters of expectations that must be balanced by the parties subject to them. . The are contextual in the sense that the relationships of the ingredients in our legal stew pot will manifest itself differently depending on who is "eating" law, where and when.   

All of this is very abstract, and thus of little interest to people fully engaged in the world. However, the ideas are worth considering precisely because it is those who are n the world, who do not think about these things, who do not act consciously to transform societal instruments of management to one ends or another--these are the people who are actually driving the changes. They drive by doing rather than by speaking or theorizing.  They are the people--practicing lawyers, clients, NGOs--who by their actions, and by their incessant need to confront the expectations imposed on them without regard to their theoretical character, and to align them to best advantage in the context of decisions or choices that have to be made, who are driving the keepers of the purity of the old way of protecting and practicing law out of the temples of managing communities.  

Practitioners are not spending a tremendous amount of time hand wring about the nature of law. They worry about weaving those expectations with "bite" into something that is coherent enough to advance the interests of their clients. This weaving of "law" provides the front lines of truth from facts and is worth unpacking at least a little.

Friday, January 15, 2021

Just in Time for the Biden Administration to Digest: CECC Commissioners Release 2020 Annual Report

 




I have been following the work of the Congressional-executive Commission on China (CECC) for some time.  It represents an important source of emerging priorities for policy making, and certainly an important space where constraints on such policy making is developed, for the President in the exercise of his (and eventually her) executive authority over foreign policy.

The trajectories of the CECC, and the framework for the political constraints it will present the incoming Biden Administration appear at the very start of the Report

Over the last year, the Congressional-Executive Commission on China (Commission) found that the Chinese government and Communist Party have taken unprecedented steps to extend their repressive policies through censorship, intimidation, and the detention of people in China for exercising their fundamental human rights. Nowhere is this more evident than in the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region (XUAR) where new evidence emerged that crimes against humanity—and possibly genocide—are occur-ring, and in Hong Kong, where the “one country, two systems” framework has been effectively dismantled. (2020 Report Executive Summary, p. 3).

But it does more than that here.  It suggests that the practice of the US Congress to engage more directly and more often in shaping and constraining US policy space with China through lawmaking.  The The Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act (H.R. 6210 / S. 3471); the Uyghur Human Rights Policy Act (P.L. 116-145); the  Tibetan Policy and Support Act; and the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act  (P.L. 116-76), all point to the new forms of the partnership between legislature and executive branches ow at least formally controlled by a single political party.  Note as well the emerging forms of policy moving forward contained in the "General Recommendations to Congress and the Administration." These suggest a more coordinated and networked approach of response that indicates the return of the United States to global institutions (e.g., World Bank accountability drivers; working through international organizations, and the development of "creative human rights programs" (p. 28).

Of course it does not factor in the important role of the vanguard elements of social power, a source of policy affecting elements that have been recognized in a more transparent way by the Chinese core leadership (e.g., Xi asks Starbucks' Schultz to help repair US-China ties (15 Jan 2021).

The full test of the Press Release announcing the publication of the CECC 2020 Report follows with links to the Report.

 

Tuesday, January 12, 2021

Virtual Conference: Multiple Legalities: Conflict and Entanglement in the Global Legal Order. (13-15 January 2021); Along With My Contribution; The Principle of Perfection, the Entanglements of Social Credit and Conventional Plural Legalities



I am delighted to be a part of the upcoming Virtual Conference, Multiple Legalities: Conflict and Entanglement in the Global Legal Order. It takes place 13-15 January organized by the Graduate Institute Geneva, and Humboldt University Berlin,  as part of the research group OSAIC (Overlapping Spheres of Authority and Interface Conflicts in the Global Order) with special thanks to the organizational genius of Hannah Birkenkötter and Nico Krisch.  The conference is supported by the European Society of international law and funded  by the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft and the Swiss National Science Foundation.

The conference brings together a remarkable group of scholars who together will consider the many ways in which thr proliferation of multiple legal orders--conventional, public, private, legal, regulatory, data driven--are effectively reshaping the regulatory net in which we are all caught. The group will consider issues of navigating these multiple legalities, of their ecology as systems of collision or as tapestry, of post colonial encounters, and of its weaving the law. The group will examine cyberlegalities, competing and intersecting legalities, and networks as the space within which multiple legalities exist, as well as its implication for the foundations of conventional law. The group will lastly consider the invisible drivers behind formal law, issues of verticality and hierarchy in the organization of multiple legalities, and its imagery as entanglement and hybridity. More on the Conference at the Verfassungsblog where the organizers have posted an excellent short introductory post, and the conference program also on on Verfassungsblog may be accessed here. It will be live-streamed on Verfassungsblog on January 13-15, 2021.

My contribution, Entangling the Legalities of Utopia may be accessed here.  I have also prepared a short think piece that seeks to distill the arguments of the paper  into a roughly 3,000 word summary "think piece" that follows below. My object was to provide a short accessible explanation of emerging social credit systems and their relations (entanglements, collisions, and effects) on conventional forms of legalities (domestic legal orders, international law and norms, societal governance and all of the other emerging forms of modern legalities).


Monday, January 11, 2021

From Human Rights to Development: China State Council White Paper; "China’s International Development Cooperation in the New Era" (January 2021)

 


 

I have been writing about the fundamental shift in the focus of human rights and human rights discourse, from one framed in the discursive tropes of liberal democratic ideology to one framed in an emerging Marxist-Leninist discourse (Backer, Larry Catá, ‘By Dred Things I am Compelled’: China and the Challenge to International Human Rights Law and Policy (January 15, 2020). Penn State Law Research Paper No. 06-2020). The shift is occurring even as those who think themselves the high priests of the cult of traditional internationalist human rights ideology continue to thin themselves completely in control of both ideology and discourse. This reframing of human rights has been underway for a few years as the United States has  withdrawn form active engagement in global human rights discourse, and as liberal democratic states themselves confront unresolved issues of managing civil and political rights  within a political context in which internally bitterly divided factions themselves push for different variations about the meaning and application of these principles.

What is this shift and why is it important? Traditional human rights and human rights discourse takes as its starting point the key premises of the ideology on which liberal democratic social-political-economic orders are organized and through which they understand both themselves.  That human rights discourse is centered on the individual.  It speaks to the relationship between the individual and centers of power that affect the individual as an autonomous being and within collective organization.  Individuals have rights--states and other organs of power have duties and responsibilities.  Most of these are negative (limitations of authority) though increasingly some of these are positive (protect life, including life on the planet).   The principal positive responsibility of organs of power is to preserve to the individual effective spaces for the exercise of civil and political action, including the right to agitate for the transformation or abandonment of specific systems of governance or the authority of people to exercise authority (though even here political systems sometimes reach their limits as the tragic agitation of 6 January 2021 in the United States is now suggesting). Those rights also include protection of opportunity for and the preservation of dignity sufficient to permit individuals to enjoy a certain basic level of economic, social, and cultural rights. The extent of these protections is understood as a function of the popular exercise of civil and political rights.

Marxist-Leninist States, first in a crude way in the 1960s-70s, and now in a much more sophisticated way are driving a quite distinct vision of human rights.  These take as their starting point the key ideological baselines of emerging (Chinese) Marxist-Leninism and the way n which they understand themselves and the world around them.  That discourse is centered on the collective.  Better put, it is centered on a pyramidal systems of rims of collectives all tied by the spokes of obligation to a leadership core.  Individuals have expectations; collective authority has rights, duties,  and responsibilities. The betterment of the welfare of the individual collectively is the primary duty of the state.  The state itself is guided in that duty by the vanguard elements of society, organized as a collective to which all political authority is vested.  The primary right of the individual is to receive the benefits of collective betterment through the development of productive forces in the economic, social and cultural spheres.  The primary human right of society s development; the primary duty of the political leadership is the augmentation of economic, social, and cultural rights.  It is the duty of the individual to ensure that they contribute to this collective effort. And thus the core framework within which human rights can be understood and elaborated are through the principle that the state's primary duty is to ensure the prosperity and stability of the collective (discussed, e.g., in the context of the situation in Hong Kong HERE). Civil and political rights are understood as necessarily constrained by and proceeding from the overall imperative to ensure prosperity and stability. 

This new language of human rights requires, in turn, a new vocabulary.  It requires a vocabulary that shifts the emphasis of discourse (and thus the way that terms are understood and applied as policy and rules and norms) from the language and vocabularies of human rights (of the individual) to that of  development (of society and collective institutions). The language of development fits in quite nicely within a meaning universe grounded in core Marxist-Leninist principles. It is especially appealing to (and here a fortuitous mirroring of language) developing states, for which the elaborate notions of detachable individual rights within robust and fractious political engagement may conflict with the necessity of or desire to increase (or develop) collective  welfare. It has the disadvantage of insulating leadership cores from the instability of popular dissatisfaction but carries with it the conclusion that the value of prosperity (assuming it can be delivered) and stability (assuming it can be maintained) exceed that of accountability and protection against the corruption and self serving temptations to a leadership core (assuming such temptations are indulged).

China, as a vanguard Marxist-Leninist state, has accelerated efforts  from 2012 (and the 18th Communist Party Congress) and especially since 2018, to develop a Marxist-Leninist approach to human rights and to develop a Leninist vocabulary around which to frame its approach through a discourse grounded in the core concepts of prosperity and stability rather than of rights. This is an important project.  Given the way that narratives are constructed and people (including influential collective leadership groups) embrace a way of seeing the word and investing it with meaning they can then naturalize within their subject populations, China must both develop a new vocabulary and new framing for those core matters traditionally monopolized by the discursive tropes of liberal democratic ideologies (the authority of which had been virtually undisputed since the fall of the Soviet Union and its dependencies in the late 1980s). They understand that it is impossible to acquire influence over meaning making unless one can exercise some control over the ideological perspectives from out of which objects, thoughts, and actions can be invested with meaning. 

To that end, the State Council of the Peoples Republic of China released in January 2021 a White Paper:  China’s International Development Cooperation in the New Era. Prosperity and stability features tellingly  in this White Paper (e.g., "Agriculture is the foundation of economic growth and social stability" ibid., Chp IV.2; "Confronted by acute global challenges, no country can achieve lasting stability and development without solidarity, cooperation, and a partnership featuring peaceful and mutually beneficial cooperation, equality, openness, inclusiveness and shared growth" (ibid., conclusion). The term "economic and social development" appears as well. and "economic and social order" also appears (e.g., " We will increase the supply of global public goods, channel more resources to developing countries to support their sustainable economic and social development, and do more to help them remove development blockages").  Rights are mentioned in connection with women's rights and interests (ibid., p. 26). The document is rich with a vocabulary of building a world of collective development, one in which individual welfare is the measure against which the state's task of building prosperity and stability is assessed. A key framework for the elaboration of this Marxist-Leninist development internationalism is its alignment with the core principles and operating patterns of China's Belt and Road Initiative. One speaks here of programs built on policy coordination, and trade integration as well as integrated connectivity through infrastructure projects that build the spokes of a  system of mutual inter-connection, improving trade capacity, deepening financial integration, and fostering closer ties among the populations of participating states. Here is the crux o the human rights project: "China has launched a series of people-oriented projects in Belt and Road countries to address such issues as housing, water supply, health care, education, rural roads, and assistance to vulnerable groups, helping to fill gaps in infrastructure and basic public services" (Ibid., p. 21).

The reface and Chapters I (International Development Cooperation in the New Era and a Global Community of Shared Future), and III (Boosting International Cooperation on the Belt and Road) follow below.  All chapters are worth reading.  Together they suggest the emerging vocabulary and discursive tropes of a human rights regime deeply embedded within development models and grounded in the animating principle of prosperity and stability rather than the protection of individual autonomy and rights as the basis for the protection of the rights of people and groups.  Leninist vocabularies, along with Leninist sensibilities have now returned to the discourse of human rights. But it is important, as well, to begin to understand the gaps between this new approach and the traditional orthodox approach--it is even more important to begin to develop bridges between them to ensure what Chinese authorities call the "win-win" approach to international relations.


 

Thursday, January 07, 2021

Sneak Peek"Hong Kong Between 'One Country' and 'Two Systems': Essays from the Year that Transformed the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (June 2019 – June 2020)" Chapter 9: "Thoughts on Violent Popular (Mob?) Action Against the Solid Virtues of Prosperity and Stability; Considering Albert Chen Hung-yee 陳弘毅 Essay on the Situation in Hong Kong Part 2: 一國兩制的博弈 ["The Game of One Country Two Systems"]


 


 

I have been sharing sneak peeks of a book to be published in early 2021"Hong Kong Between 'One Country' and 'Two Systems':  Essays from the Year that Transformed the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (June 2019 – June 2020) " (Little Sir Press).   In an effort to avoid the prohibitive cost of hard copies, the book will be made available first as an EPub (iBook, Kindle, Amazon) (ISBN: 978-1-949943-03-0 (ebk). My thanks to the Coalition for Peace & Ethics for making this possible. I have previously shared an early draft of the preface (here).  Here I wanted to share a draft of Chapter 9 ("Thoughts on Violent Popular (Mob?) Action Against the Solid Virtues of Prosperity and Stability; Considering Albert Chen Hung-yee 陳弘毅 Essay on the Situation in Hong Kong Part 2: 一國兩制的博弈 ["The Game of One Country Two Systems"Saturday 15 June 2019 The Clash of Empires? ).

As we get closer to publication summaries of each of the 29 essays will be posted along with the table of contents.

 

Wednesday, January 06, 2021

Video Recording of Panel 6 (Contemporary Crises in Cuba and Venezuela) and Conference Closing Remarks Now Available--ASCE 2021 Conference (4-6 January 2021)--"Caught in a Perfect 'Storm': Are Havana's Responses Sufficient?

 



I am delighted to be able to share with you the video recording of the Sixth Panel (Contemporary Crises in Cuba and Venezuela) (along with the marvelous discussion that followed).

ACCESS VIDEO HERE


Wednesday, January 6, 2021

2:00 pm-4:00 pm

6.     Contemporary Crises in Cuba and Venezuela


 

Chair: Beatriz Casals, Board of Directors, Bacardi Family Foundation and Board of Advisors, Georgetown University, School of Government, Democracy and Governance Program 

Silvia Pedraza, University of Michigan, "Contemporary Crisis in Cuba"
Carlos A. Romero, Universidad Central de Venezuela, "Contemporary Crisis in Venezuela" 
José Manuel Puente, Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración (IESA), Caracas, and Oxford University, London, "Venezuela in the Stage of Macroeconomic Collapse: A Historical and Comparative Analysis." 
Domingo Amuchastegui, Former Intelligence Analyst, Historian, and Professor of International Relations, "Venezuela's Elections, the Fragmented Opposition, and the United States" 

Discussant:  Efraín Velázquez, Presidente, Consejo de Economía Nacional de Venezuela

Conference PPTs and other materials may be accessed HERE.
Closing Remarks: Gary Maybarduk, ASCE President

All video recordings of the Conference ASCE 2021 may be found on the YouTube Channel of the Coalition for Peace & Ethics HERE: 

There is still time to register (free) and participate in the remaining panels which will be held  through 6 January.

 Reminder-- registration is now open for the 2021 ASCE Conference--Caught in a Perfect Storm: Are Havana's Responses Sufficient?, which is scheduled to take place 4-6 January 2021.

Conference Website may be accessed here: With information about participants, registration, and useful inks.

Pre-Conference Interview Series These may be accessed via CPE YouTube Channel. Follow the link above for the listing of all interviews and links to your favorites.
Concept Note: The theme of ASCE’s January conference will focus on Cuba’s current economic problems and the Cuban governments announced responses (reforms). The focus will be on analysis of policies and suggested policies that improve those reforms. Indeed, the issue of Reform, yet again, as it has so many times over the long arc of the history of post “revolutionary” Cuba, has been one of developing elegant statements of idealized objectives and then offering what in retrospect might be characterized second or third best solutions; and that might be the only thing on offer now. Yet even these second best solutions can be used to bring significant improvements to the Cuban economy.
The Conference Program may be accessed HERE. The Conference extends over three days and offers six exciting events. They include five panels: They include (1) Cuba's Economic Situation and Strategy; (2) Cuba's External Relations; (3) US-Cuba Economic Relations; (4) Cuban Agricultural Challenges; an (5) the Cuba-Venezuela Crisis. In addition Jorge Dominguez has organized a marvelous discussion around the book La Cuba que quisimos: Essays on the New Cuban Constitution.

Video Recording of Panel 5 (Book Discussion: La Cuba que quisimos. Essays on the New Cuban Constitution) Now Available--ASCE 2021 Conference (4-6 January 2021)--"Caught in a Perfect 'Storm': Are Havana's Responses Sufficient?

 



I am delighted to be able to share with you the video recording of the Fifth Panel ((Book Discussion: La Cuba que quisimos. Essays on the New Cuban Constitution) (along with the marvelous discussion that followed).

ACCESS VIDEO HERE


Wednesday, January 6, 2021

10:00 am-12:00 noon

5.     Book Discussion: La Cuba que quisimos. Essays on the New Cuban Constitution 

The book selects and publishes articles that first appeared on the Cuba Posible website, as well as never-published material, regarding Cuba’s new Constitution.

ACCESS BOOK HERE; download link (open access): https://www.programacuba.com/libro-la-cuba-que-quisimos-la-nueva

 

Moderator and panelist:

--Claudia González Marrero, Justus-Liebig University (Gießen, Germany) and Universidad Sergio Arboleda

 

Panelists:

--Elaine Acosta, visiting researcher, Cuban Research Institute, Florida International University

--Jorge I. Domínguez, retired, former Professor of Government, Harvard University 

--Lenier González Mederos, former Assistant Director, Cuba Posible, and co-editor, Espacio Laical

--Roberto Veiga González, former Director, Cuba Posible, and co-editor, Espacio Laical; member,  Inter American Dialogue

--Mauricio de Miranda,  Director Centro de Estudios sobre la Cuenca del Pacífico en Pontificia Universidad Javeriana Cali

 

Conference PPTs and other materials may be accessed HERE.

All video recordings of the Conference ASCE 2021 may be found on the YouTube Channel of the Coalition for Peace & Ethics HERE: 

There is still time to register (free) and participate in the remaining panels which will be held  through 6 January.

 Reminder-- registration is now open for the 2021 ASCE Conference--Caught in a Perfect Storm: Are Havana's Responses Sufficient?, which is scheduled to take place 4-6 January 2021.

Conference Website may be accessed here: With information about participants, registration, and useful inks.

Pre-Conference Interview Series These may be accessed via CPE YouTube Channel. Follow the link above for the listing of all interviews and links to your favorites.
Concept Note: The theme of ASCE’s January conference will focus on Cuba’s current economic problems and the Cuban governments announced responses (reforms). The focus will be on analysis of policies and suggested policies that improve those reforms. Indeed, the issue of Reform, yet again, as it has so many times over the long arc of the history of post “revolutionary” Cuba, has been one of developing elegant statements of idealized objectives and then offering what in retrospect might be characterized second or third best solutions; and that might be the only thing on offer now. Yet even these second best solutions can be used to bring significant improvements to the Cuban economy.
The Conference Program may be accessed HERE. The Conference extends over three days and offers six exciting events. They include five panels: They include (1) Cuba's Economic Situation and Strategy; (2) Cuba's External Relations; (3) US-Cuba Economic Relations; (4) Cuban Agricultural Challenges; an (5) the Cuba-Venezuela Crisis. In addition Jorge Dominguez has organized a marvelous discussion around the book La Cuba que quisimos: Essays on the New Cuban Constitution.

Registration is required but free; space is limited. Registration permits the user to attend any combination of the six Conference events. Those wishing to attend all events, for example, must register for all six. Those wishing to attend fewer events may register for those panels of interest to them. Please contact us with questions. Attendance for each event requires a separate registration. Registration links for each of the Panels follows below. Or access via this QR Code

Tuesday, January 05, 2021

Video Recording of Panel 4 (Issues in Cuban Agriculture) Now Available--ASCE 2021 Conference (4-6 January 2021)--"Caught in a Perfect 'Storm': Are Havana's Responses Sufficient?

 



I am delighted to be able to share with you the video recording of the Fourth Panel (Issue in Cuban Agriculture) presentations (along with the marvelous discussion that followed).

ACCESS VIDEO HERE

 

2:00 pm-4:00 pm

4.     Agriculture

 

--Chair: Larry Catá Backer, Penn State University

--Mario A. Gonzalez-Corzo, Lehman College, and Armando Nova, Universidad de la Habana, "Desarrollo de la Producción Agropecuaria en Cuba. Plan de Soberanía Alimentaria y Nutricional."  (Presentation may be conducted in English by M.G. Corzo.) 

--William Messina, University of Florida, “Cuba’s Agricultural Production and Trade Patterns: Good News or Bad News?”

--Juan Tomás Sánchez, “La ‘Tarea Ordenamiento” y el cultivo de la tierra”

--Joan Martínez Evora, University of Miami, School of Business, “Land and Peasants in Cuba: To Have and to Hold?”


All video recordings of the Conference ASCE 2021 may be found on the YouTube Channel of the Coalition for Peace & Ethics HERE: 

There is still time to register (free) and participate in the remaining panels which will be held  through 6 January.

 Reminder-- registration is now open for the 2021 ASCE Conference--Caught in a Perfect Storm: Are Havana's Responses Sufficient?, which is scheduled to take place 4-6 January 2021.

Conference Website may be accessed here: With information about participants, registration, and useful inks.

Pre-Conference Interview Series These may be accessed via CPE YouTube Channel. Follow the link above for the listing of all interviews and links to your favorites.
Concept Note: The theme of ASCE’s January conference will focus on Cuba’s current economic problems and the Cuban governments announced responses (reforms). The focus will be on analysis of policies and suggested policies that improve those reforms. Indeed, the issue of Reform, yet again, as it has so many times over the long arc of the history of post “revolutionary” Cuba, has been one of developing elegant statements of idealized objectives and then offering what in retrospect might be characterized second or third best solutions; and that might be the only thing on offer now. Yet even these second best solutions can be used to bring significant improvements to the Cuban economy.
The Conference Program may be accessed HERE. The Conference extends over three days and offers six exciting events. They include five panels: They include (1) Cuba's Economic Situation and Strategy; (2) Cuba's External Relations; (3) US-Cuba Economic Relations; (4) Cuban Agricultural Challenges; an (5) the Cuba-Venezuela Crisis. In addition Jorge Dominguez has organized a marvelous discussion around the book La Cuba que quisimos: Essays on the New Cuban Constitution.

Registration is required but free; space is limited. Registration permits the user to attend any combination of the six Conference events. Those wishing to attend all events, for example, must register for all six. Those wishing to attend fewer events may register for those panels of interest to them. Please contact us with questions. Attendance for each event requires a separate registration. Registration links for each of the Panels follows below. Or access via this QR Code

Video Recording of Panel 3 (U.S.-Cuba Economic Relations) Now Available--ASCE 2021 Conference (4-6 January 2021)--"Caught in a Perfect 'Storm': Are Havana's Responses Sufficient?

 



I am delighted to be able to share with you the video recording of the Third Panel (U.S.-Cuba Economic Relations) presentations (along with the marvelous discussion that followed).

ACCESS VIDEO HERE

 

Tuesday, January 5, 2021

10:00 am-12:00 noon

3.     U.S.-Cuba Economic Relations

 

Chair: Natalia Delgado, Columbia University

Gary Maybarduk, U.S. Department of State (retired), "Encouraging Cuba's Economic Reform: Can America Help?"

Paolo Spadoni, Augusta University, “The Economic Impact of Trump’s Measures Against Cuba”

Caroline McCollough, Florida International University, “The Helms-Burton Act: Then and Now”

Mrinalini Tankha, Portland State University, “Detained Settlements: Electronic Payment Infrastructures and Precarity in US-Cuba Financial Transactions” 

Ricardo Herrero, Cuba Study Group, "US-Cuba Private Sector Engagement: Merits and Missed
Opportunities”

Conference PPTs and other materials may be accessed HERE.


All video recordings of the Conference ASCE 2021 may be found on the YouTube Channel of the Coalition for Peace & Ethics HERE: 

There is still time to register (free) and participate in the remaining panels which will be held  through 6 January.

 Reminder-- registration is now open for the 2021 ASCE Conference--Caught in a Perfect Storm: Are Havana's Responses Sufficient?, which is scheduled to take place 4-6 January 2021.

Conference Website may be accessed here: With information about participants, registration, and useful inks.

Pre-Conference Interview Series These may be accessed via CPE YouTube Channel. Follow the link above for the listing of all interviews and links to your favorites.
Concept Note: The theme of ASCE’s January conference will focus on Cuba’s current economic problems and the Cuban governments announced responses (reforms). The focus will be on analysis of policies and suggested policies that improve those reforms. Indeed, the issue of Reform, yet again, as it has so many times over the long arc of the history of post “revolutionary” Cuba, has been one of developing elegant statements of idealized objectives and then offering what in retrospect might be characterized second or third best solutions; and that might be the only thing on offer now. Yet even these second best solutions can be used to bring significant improvements to the Cuban economy.
The Conference Program may be accessed HERE. The Conference extends over three days and offers six exciting events. They include five panels: They include (1) Cuba's Economic Situation and Strategy; (2) Cuba's External Relations; (3) US-Cuba Economic Relations; (4) Cuban Agricultural Challenges; an (5) the Cuba-Venezuela Crisis. In addition Jorge Dominguez has organized a marvelous discussion around the book La Cuba que quisimos: Essays on the New Cuban Constitution.

Registration is required but free; space is limited. Registration permits the user to attend any combination of the six Conference events. Those wishing to attend all events, for example, must register for all six. Those wishing to attend fewer events may register for those panels of interest to them. Please contact us with questions. Attendance for each event requires a separate registration. Registration links for each of the Panels follows below. Or access via this QR Code