Full Text and Brief Reflections on the Remarks by President Biden on the 75th Anniversary of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Alliance

 

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 Mr. Biden gave a speech at the NATO Meeting marking its 75th Anniversary.  It was a set of remarks both necessary and appropriate to the event--a commemoration of survival and a look forward for an enterprise that has reached nearly the end of a lifespan of a human being--as averages in those matters are calculated. Indeed it has survived longer than the European version of a Marxist-Leninist Empire and in the process has undergone the sort of transformation necessary to enable it to remain relevant form one stage of historical development to another.  One may find oneself at such a moment now. This is understood perhaps more acutely by the Eastern European members of the alliance than those who sit comfortably well behind anything that they think might become the front lines of future engagement.  But it is precisely that sort of 20th century thinking, and that passive aggressive arrogance of inertia that is both represented in this anniversary and which must be overcome. Mr. Biden spoke both the that nostalgia for what was which in its time, was brilliantly effective in its own way. But seeping out of its edges were the glimmerings of both the challenge of our times and perhaps a way forward.

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The object of those remarks were ostensibly NATO's foreign threats: Russia, China, Iran and the wars that they are facilitating or in which they are directly involved. Despite the rhetorical tropes,  the speech making and likely the side bar conversations are all meant to provide reassurance that the deal that was made at the start of the Russo-Ukraine war continues--to keep Ukraine on a tight leash by tight control of arms and modulated down tempo movement toward NATO and EU membership--while keeping the rhetoric strictly uptempo.  The fixation of liberal democratic states, exhibited both here and in the Hamas Gaza war appears to be that physical war are unwinnable (at least since 1945), that one can build of the semiotics of proportionality to develop it into an ideology of constant low level war in which no side wins and no side loses so that the status quo is maintained until one side or another collapses (the application of the "lessons" of the Cold War adapted to the ideologies of proportionality and aligned with the value of trench warfare now applied simultaneously on the physical, virtual, political, ideological (and in the case of the Hamas-Israel War invoking all of the old religious tropes as leash). And, indeed, the tilt of the post 1945 world is toward wars of attrition in which the physical violent aspects merely serve as the bloodier expression of multi-planer contests around the exhaustion and internal collapse of one of the opposing forces--that signalling the end of the conflict and the fruits of victory.  It is thus logivcal. for example, to engage almost more vigorously in the de-legitimization of Israel in order to foster its internal collapse than to spend as much effort on the ground in the battlefields where the Israelis have the advantage. The same applies in the Russian and Iranian contexts--regime change is the mark of victory, and that is undertaken through destabilization, economic exhaustion, and social collapse in which dissatisfaction aomng elites with access to power can be exploited. Essential to those strategies is the need to ensure the effectiveness of stalemate strategies in the physical combat arena, both to hemorrhage assets, and create the physical manifestations and provocations necessary for stalemate on the ground to produce conditions for collapse. That, one might suppose, is a quite perverse way of applying the doctrine of proportionality in the longer strategic objective of total victory. Mr Biden dutifully fulfilled his role in that respect.

The text of the speech follows.  It is worth reading as a fine example of the discursive tropes within which these policy and ideological lines are cloaked. And it continues to paper over the gap between front line states that have had more than their fair share of life under Russian/Soviet hegemony, and those who, some for centuries, were  merely involved in shifting the boundaries between them, or using that shifting for the "great games" of their own. These old impulses are muted to be sure--and also cloaked by the unity in diversity tropes that make everything better. Yet. . . .  the ghosts of the past continue to haunt in increasingly odd ways.

But it was not the enemy outside that might be driving NATO and its 75th Anniversary rhetoric, but rather the (anticipated) enemy waiting just outside the door.

With the potential of Trump’s return to power looming, the president has repeatedly highlighted his commitment to NATO, while warning voters that his predecessor would abandon the alliance if he returns to the White House. Unlike in 2016, NATO allies are actively preparing to manage the return of a NATO-skeptic Trump administration. NATO officials are ramping up weapons production, consulting with Trump’s advisers and holding meetings to prepare for the former president’s return, and with that, an America-first, restraint-focused approach and a deep skepticism toward Europe. (here).

 The other enemy, age and debilitation, appears also to have been subject to countermeasures around leaders. This buzzing about as the gossip around the meetings with the new UK PM:

The PM appears to have been briefed to treat President Biden as he might an elderly care home relative, speaking loudly, slowly and deliberately and making an effort to involve the older man in the conversation. President Biden looks waxen and moves more stiffly than he did even a couple of years ago. Earlier he had struggled to bend to embrace Italian PM Giorgia Meloni, who stands a full foot shorter than him. But on this occasion, the President’s mental faculties appeared to be in reasonable order. (here)

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Challenges all around, it seems, made more interesting by the contradictions of action and discourse, and by the aristocratic "great game" inside the "kingdom" of NATO and undertaken especially in anticipation of the contests for the "iron throne" that appears less orderly this year than in a long time. These are undertaken within a complex dialectic of the "lesser games" within each of the great houses themselves among their leader, bureaucratic and populist (civil society across the political spectrum) classes in a substantially more disordered way than had been visible since the 1960s. 

The text of Mr Biden's speech follows. 

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July 09, 2024

Remarks by President Biden on the 75th Anniversary of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization Alliance

5:46 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Good evening. Welcome.

In 1949, when leaders of 12 countries, including President Truman, came together in this very room, history was watching.

It had been four years since the surrender of the Axis powers and the end of the most devastating world war the world had ever, ever known.

Here, these 12 leaders gathered to make a sacred pledge to defend each other against aggression, provide their collective security, and to answer threats as one, because they knew to prevent future wars, to protect democracies, to lay the groundwork for a lasting peace and prosperity, they needed a new approach. They needed to combine their strengths. They needed an alliance.

And here, they signed the Washington Treaty and created the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the single greatest, most effective defensive alliance in the history of the world.

Mr. Secretary-General, leaders of NATO countries, foreign and defense ministers, representatives from partner nations and the European Union, and members of Congress, distinguished guests, welcome — welcome to the 2024 NATO Summit. It’s a pleasure. (Applause.)

It’s a pleasure to host you in this milestone year to look back with pride at all we’ve achieved and look ahead to our shared future with strength and with resolve.

Together, we rebuilt Europe from the ruins of war, held high the torch of liberty during long decades of the Cold War.

When former adversaries became fellow democracies, we welcomed them into the Alliance.

When war broke out in the Balkans, we intervened to restore peace and stop ethnic cleansing.

And when the United States was attacked on September 11th, our NATO Allies — all of you — stood with us, invoking Article 5 for the first time in NATO history, treating an attack on us as an attack on all of us — a breathtaking display of friendship that the American people will never ever, ever forget.

Through all this history, when great changes occurred, people would ask, “Can NATO adapt?” And every time, we proved we could adapt. And we did: evolving our strategies to stay ahead of threats, reaching out to new partners to increase our effectiveness.

And here with us — and here with us today are countries from the Indo-Pacific region. They’re here because they have a stake in our success and we have a stake in theirs.

Today, NATO is more powerful than ever: 32 nations strong. For years, Finland and Sweden were among our closest partners. Now they have chosen to officially join NATO. And because of the power and meaning of Article 5 guarantee — that’s the reason. It was the most important aspect of the Alliance in 1949, and it is still the most important aspect.

I’d also note Finland and Sweden joined the Alliance not just because their leaders sought it, because their citizens called for it in overwhelming numbers.

And remember: NATO’s character is fundamentally democratic. Always has been and always must continue to be.

And today, NATO is better resourced than it ever has been.

I want to pause on this because it’s significant.

In the year 2020, the year I was — the year I was elected president, only nine NATO Allies were spending 2 percent of their defense — GDP on defense.

This year, 23 will spend at least 2 percent. (Applause.) And some will spend more than that.

And the remaining countries that have not yet reached that milestone will get there soon.

It’s remarkable progress — proof that our commitment is broad and deep, that we’re ready, that we’re willing, and we’re able to deter aggression and defend every inch of NATO territory across every domain: land, air, sea, cyber, and space.

My friends, it’s good that we’re stronger than ever, because this moment in history calls for our collective strength.

Autocrats want to overturn global order, which has by and large kept for nearly 80 years and counting.

Terrorist groups continue to plot evil schemes to cause mayhem and chaos and suffering.

In Europe, Putin’s war of aggression against Ukraine continues. And Putin wants nothing less — nothing less than Ukraine’s total subjugation; to end Ukraine’s democracy; to destroy Uraine’s cul- — Uraine — Ukraine’s culture; and to wipe Ukraine off the map.

And we know Putin won’t stop at Ukraine. But make no mistake, Ukraine can and will stop Putin — (applause) — especially with our full, collective support. And they have our full support.

Even before Russian bombs were falling on Ukraine, the Alliance acted. Or- — I ordered the U.S. reinforcements at NATO’s eastern flank — more troops, more aircraft, more capabilities. And now the United States has more than 100,000 troops on the continent of Europe.

NATO moved swiftly as well, not only reinforcing the four existing battle groups of the east but also adding four more in Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania, and Slovakia, essentially doubling NATO’s strength on the eastern flank.

Together, we’ve built a global coalition to stand with Ukraine. Together, we’ve provided significant economic and humanitarian assistance. And together, we’ve supplied Ukraine with weapons it needs to defend itself: tanks, armored fighting vehicles, air defense systems, long-range missiles, and millions of munitions.

The United States and nearly two dozen Allied partners have signed the bilateral security agreements with Ukraine and more countries will follow.

Today, I’m announcing the historic donation of air defense equipment for Ukraine. The United States, Germany, the Netherlands, Romania, and Italy will provide Ukraine with the equipment for five additional strategic air defense systems.

And in the coming months, the United States and our partners intend to provide Ukraine with dozens of additional tactical air defense systems.

The United States will make sure that when we export critical air defense interceptors, Ukraine goes to the front of the line. (Applause.) They will get this assistance before anyone else gets it.

All told, Ukraine will receive hundreds of additional interceptors over the next year, helping protect Ukrainian cities against Russian missiles and Ukrainian troops facing air attacks on the front lines.

Make no mistake, Russia is failing in this war. More than two years into Putin’s war of choice, his losses are staggering: more than 350,000 Russian troops dead or wounded; nearly 1 million Russians, many of them young people, have left Russia because they no longer see a future in Russia.

And Kyiv — remember, fellows and ladies — was supposed to fall in five days. Remember? Well, it’s still standing two and a half years later and will continue to stand. (Applause.)

All the Allies knew that before this war, Putin thought NATO would break. Today, NATO is stronger than it’s ever been in its history.

When this senseless war began, Ukraine was a free country. Today, it is still a free country, and the war will end with Ukraine remaining a free and independent country. (Applause.)

Russia will not prevail. Ukraine will prevail. (Applause.)

Ladies and gentlemen, this is a pivotal moment for Europe, for the transatlantic community, and, I might add, for the world.

Let’s remember: The fact that NATO remains the bulwark of global security did not happen by accident. It wasn’t inevitable. Again and again, at critical moments, we chose unity over disunion, progress over retreat, freedom over tyranny, and hope over fear.

Again and again, we stood behind our shared vision of a peaceful and prosperous transatlantic community.

Here at this summit, we gather to proclaim NATO is ready and able to secure that vision today and well into the future. (Applause.)

Let me say this. An overwhelming bipartisan majority of Americans understand that NATO makes us all safer. The fact that both Democratic and Republican parties are represented here today is a testament to that fact.

The American people know that all the progress we’ve made in the past 75 years has happened behind the shield of NATO.

And the American people understand what would happen if there was no NATO: another war in Europe, American troops fighting and dying, dictators spreading chaos, economic collapse, catastrophe.

Americans, they know we’re stronger with our friends. And we understand this is a sacred obligation.

As President Reagan put it, and I quote, “If our fellow democracies are not secure, we cannot be secure. If you are threatened, we are threatened. And if you are not at peace, we cannot be at peace.”

Reagan knew it then, and we know it now. Our nations will continue to keep faith with what we’ve pledged in the years to come.

Now, if you’ll indulge me, I’d like to end my remarks a slightly unusual way.

NATO is an alliance of nations but also made up of leaders. And one person in particular has done an extraordinary job leading NATO for the last decade: Secretary-General Stoltenberg.

Will you come forward? (Applause.)

So much of the progress we’ve made in the Alliance is thanks to the secretary. He’s a man of integrity and intellectual rigor, a calm temperament in a moment of crisis, a consummate diplomat who works with leaders across the political spectrum and always finds a way to keep us moving forward.

Mr. Secretary, you’ve guided this alliance through one of the most consequential periods in its history. I realize I — as I was talking to your wife — I personally asked you to extend your service. (Laughs.) Forgive me. (Laughter.) And you put your own plans on hold.

When the Russian war on Ukraine began, you didn’t hesitate. Today, NATO is stronger, smarter, and more energized than when you began. And a billion people across Europe and North America and, indeed, the whole world will reap the rewards of your labor for years to come in the form of security, opportunity, and greater freedoms.

For these reasons, I am pleased to award you the highest civilian honor that the United States can bestow: the Presidential Medal of Freedom.

Ask the mili- — (applause) — military aide to come forward — (applause) — and ask him to read the citation. (Applause.)

MILITARY AIDE: The president of the Unites States of America awards this Presidential Medal of Freedom to Jens Stoltenberg. A visionary statesman and ceaseless defender of democracy, Secretary-General Jens Stoltenberg has guided the NATO Alliance through the most consequential decade for European security since World War II.

When Vladimir Putin launched his brutal assault on the people of Ukraine, betting that NATO would break, Secretary-General Stoltenberg proved him wrong. Under his stewardship, NATO has become stronger and more united than ever, and Americans for generations to come will benefit from the safer world he helped create.

He demonstrates that the core truth of the Alliance is as powerful now as it was 75 years ago: Together, we are stronger. (Applause.)

(The Presidential Medal of Freedom is presented.) (Applause.)

6:00 P.M. EDT