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For the fourth time since 1996 Binyamin Netanyahu delivered remarks to the Congress of the United States. As the New York Times reported it:
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu of Israel on Wednesday turned an address to Congress into a forceful defense of Israel’s military campaign in Gaza. He cast it as a battle for survival of the Jewish state while making almost no mention of the tens of thousands of Palestinian civilians killed in its drive to destroy Hamas.
The address laid bare deep divisions in Washington over the nine-month war, whose toll on civilians has outraged many Democrats and drawn international condemnation. Dozens of Democrats did not show up, with some openly boycotting the speech.
Vice President Kamala Harris, the party’s presumptive presidential nominee who was campaigning in the Midwest, declined to preside in her capacity as president of the Senate alongside Speaker Mike Johnson, a break with tradition.* * *
In a speech in which he condemned critics of the war as dupes aligning themselves with the world’s most dangerous actors or apologists for terrorists, Mr. Netanyahu portrayed the conflict as a proxy fight with Iran that must be won at all costs to protect both Israel and the United States. (Netanyahu Delivers a Forceful Defense of Israel to Applause in Congress）
This post adds nothing to the debate about Israel or Israeli policies; nor does it contribute anything to the current debates around the Israel-Gaza War and its many fronts (eg, on social media, before the international tribunals, on the streets, etc.). Nor does it speak to Mr. Netanyahu's place, performance, approval. opposition, or role within Israeli politics. I leave all of that to others (e.g., here).
What this post does is to consider the semiotics of the construction and deployment of perception frameworks within which or through which certain conclusions become inevitable. The discursive construction of this conflict, in particular, has become a critical front in the war, one which has seen much of its institutional action before international bodies within the UN system and the ICC in recent times but which goes back a long way before then. The remarks delivered on 24 July to Congress by Mr. Netanyahu are a critical element in those discursive battles from the Israeli side. This is not to suggest that Mr. Netanyahu speaks for anyone, though he speaks as an Israeli official--the focus is on the discourse rather than on the issues of representative authority, all of which I also leave to others to parse and argue about. Here one starts with the premise that in the context of discursive warfare, warfare about foundational perception, the discourse speaks for itself. This applies as well, one might suppose, to the discursive performances of the US Vice President and others (absence), Mr. Schumer (no handshake), and those who elected to attend the session, with or without counter discursive tropes, for example placards of one sort or another. The focus here, though, is on textual tropes, and in particular that of Mr. Netanyahu's remarks over almost 30 years, rather than on the performances (the forms of which are also common and retain a well understood collective social signification) of discourse at the margins of textually (oral and written) events, which I leave to others, though the analytical framework does not vary.
And all of this serves as a reminder that facts are a function of perception as they are consumed and transformed into information, informed by that perception into pathways toward judgment that are themselves a function of perception. Bias forms an essential element of both perception, and of the discovery and constitution of facts signified as information and then judged by the and trough the bias that informed both the finding and constitution of "fact" and the nature of its signification in the service of a perception framework inclined to "see", "understand" and "give meaning" to things in its own terms. All societies distinguish among the biases--disfavored bias serve both as taboos in the way society is trained to think about and perceive the world; these disfavored biases are fully invested in and lend power to the etymology of its negative and disapproving sense (from a societal perspective) as going against the grain--that is as a set of premises and perceptions that threaten the good order of the premises on which a given social order is grounded. The issue that Mr. Netanyahu's remarks then spotlight, in the context of the discursive battlefield waging over ancient Judea, Roman through Ottoman Palestine, centers on the fundamental question: which set of premises, discursive tropes and applied principles "go against the grain." Bias here affects everything--from the way facts are perceived (eg, how does one account for death), to the assignment of moral and legal responsibility for those deaths), to the judgment about the justification for taking life in the service of a cause, aided by fundamental perception judgments about the moral-social characteristics of a people (the "Jewish question" that sits just beneath the surface and sometimes emerges in the discourse) that contribute to or confirm perception disfavored bias. It is to those that victory on the discursive front becomes critical. One is reminded that here, as in the battles between the liberal democratic, post-colonial, and Marxist-Leninist perception structures around "democracy" what is threatening to one order may serve as the basis for the other.
Mr. Netanyahu's remarks, then, are worthy of study, one that is more usefully undertaken by reading the remarks in the context of his earlier speeches to Congress. Indeed, 2024 was not the first time that Mr. Netanyahu has addressed Congress. Nor was it the first time that he addressed Congress in the midst of significant divisions among the American political classes and their elected officials and between Israel and the U.S. If anything, the circumstances of the 2015 Remarks might have been viewed as delivered under even more contentious circumstances.
The contrasts in the 1996, 2011, 2015 and 2024 speeches are to some extent remarkable. But things changed. Between 1996 and 2011 came the Palestinian rejection of U.S brokered peace deals and the brief rise and complicated collapse of the Arab Spring movements. Between 2011 and 2015 came the perception of a palpably rising threat of Iranian ambitions projected back into the subaltern regions of traditional Persian hegemony (when their empires were at their apex). And between 2015 and 2024 came a radical transformation of narrative and perspective within and among all of the actors with something to say about the region--and 7 October 2023 and its aftermath set the current conditions in motion. Throughout, the end goal appeared to remain the same, though the details of its construction vary widely, along with the construction of the discursive tropes necessary to make it plausible and consonant with the foundational operating premises of the global order--a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural Israel alongside a Jew-free Palestine. For some, Mr. Netanyahu stands in the way of the realization of that vision; for others he does not, and for many he no longer has the confidence of his people to find a means of following the path toward that objective. The difficulty remains at the extremes, but this seems to be the era in which the extremes have moved to the center, at least for some. In the meantime the question becomes how to preserve something like a status quo so that all sides can play the now expected waiting game in which history belongs to the side that collapses last (a Cold War strategy).
Whatever one's view of things, and however strongly one feels them, a careful parsing of the remarks may be useful; more useful still an effort at that parsing in the context of what came before.
The text of each of the 2024, 2015, 2011, and 1996 remarks follow with links to the original sources.
Speaker of the House Mike Johnson,
Senator Ben Cardin,
Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries,
Senate Majority Leader Chuck Schumer,
Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell,
Senators,
Members of Congress,
Distinguished guests,
Mr. Speaker, I want to thank you for giving me the profound honor of addressing this great citadel of democracy for the fourth time.
We meet today at a crossroads of history. Our world is in upheaval. In the Middle East, Iran’s axis of terror confronts America, Israel and our Arab friends. This is not a clash of civilizations. It’s a clash between barbarism and civilization. It’s a clash between those who glorify death and those who sanctify life.
For the forces of civilization to triumph, America and Israel must stand together. Because when we stand together, something very simple happens. We win. They lose.
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And my friends, I came to assure you today of one thing: we will win.
Ladies and gentlemen,
Like December 7th, 1941, and September 11th, 2001, October 7th is a day that
will forever live in infamy.
It was the Jewish holiday of Simchat Torah. It began as a perfect day. Not a cloud in the sky. Thousands of young Israelis were celebrating at an outdoor music festival. And suddenly, at 6:29 a.m., as children were still sleeping soundly in their beds in the towns and kibbutzim next to Gaza, suddenly heaven turned into hell. Three thousand Hamas terrorists stormed into Israel. They butchered 1,200 people from 41 countries, including 39 Americans. Proportionately, compared to our population size, that’s like 20 9/11s in one day. And these monsters, they raped women, they beheaded men, they burnt babies alive, they killed parents in front of their children and children in front of their parents. They dragged 255 people, both living in dead, into the dark dungeons of Gaza.
Israel has already brought home 135 of these hostages, including seven who were freed in daring rescue operations. One of those freed hostages, Noa Argamani, is here in the gallery sitting near my wife Sara.
On the morning of October 7th, the entire world saw Noa’s look of desperation as she was violently abducted to Gaza on the back of a motorcycle. I met Noa’s mother Liora a few months ago. She was dying of cancer. She said to me, “Prime Minister, I have one final wish. I wish to hug my daughter Noa one last time before I die.”
Two months ago, I authorized a breathtaking commando rescue operation. Our Special Forces, including a heroic officer named Arnon Zmora, who fell in this battle, rescued Noa and three other hostages.
I think it’s one of the most moving things, when Noa was reunited with her mother, Liora, and her mother’s last wish came true.
Noa, we’re so thrilled to have you with us today. Thank you.
Many hostage families are also here with us today, including Eliyahu Bibas. Eliyahu Bibas is the grandfather of those two beautiful red-headed boys, the Bibas boys, toddlers. And they were taken hostage with their mother and Eliyahu’s son. The entire family was taken hostage. Two beautiful red-haired children taken hostage. What monsters.
And with us also is Iris Haim, whose son Yotam bravely escaped Hamas captivity with two other Israelis, and tragically they were killed making their way back to our lines.
We have with us also the families of American hostages. They’re here.
The pain these families have endured is beyond words. I met with them again yesterday and I promised them this. I will not rest until all their loved ones are home. All of them.
As we speak, we’re actively engaged in intensive efforts to secure their release, and I’m confident that these efforts can succeed. Some of them are taking place right now.
I want to thank President Biden for his tireless efforts on behalf of the hostages and for his efforts to the hostage families as well.
I thank President Biden for his heartful support for Israel after the savage attack on October 7th. He rightly called Hamas “sheer evil.” He dispatched two aircraft carriers to the Middle East to deter a wider war. And he came to Israel to stand with us during our darkest hour, a visit that will never be forgotten.
President Biden and I have known each other for over forty years. I want to thank him for half a century of friendship to Israel and for being, as he says, a proud Zionist. Actually, he says, a proud Irish American Zionist.
My friends, for more than nine months, Israel’s soldiers have shown boundless courage.
With us today is Lieutenant Avichail Reuven. Avichail is an officer in the Israeli paratroopers. His family immigrated to Israel from Ethiopia. In the early hours of October 7th, Avichail heard the news of Hamas’ bloody rampage. He put on his uniform, grabbed his rifle, but he didn’t have a car. So he ran eight miles to the frontlines of Gaza to defend his people. You heard that right. He ran eight miles, came to the frontlines, killed many terrorists and saved many, many lives. Avichail, we all honor your remarkable heroism.
Another Israeli is with us here today. He’s standing right next to Avichail. This is Master Sergeant Ashraf al Bahiri. Ashraf is a Bedouin soldier from the Israeli Muslim community of Rahat. On October 7th, Ashraf too killed many terrorists. First, he defended his comrades in the military base, and he then rushed to defend the neighboring communities, including the devastated community of Kibbutz Be’eri.
Like Ashraf, the Muslim soldiers of the IDF fought alongside their Jewish, Druze, Christian and other comrades in arms with tremendous bravery.
A third hero, Lieutenant Asa Sofer is also here with us. Asa fought as an officer in the tank corps, and he was wounded in battle. He was wounded in battle while protecting his fellow soldiers from a grenade. He lost his right arm and the vision in his left eye. He’s recovering, and incredibly, within a short time, Asa will soon return to active duty as a commander of a tank company.
I just learned there’s a fourth hero here – Lieutenant Yonatan, Jonathan Ben Hamo who lost a leg in Gaza and continued to fight.
My friends, these are the soldiers of Israel—unbowed, undaunted, unafraid.
As the Bible says, “עם כלביא יקום” —they shall rise like lions. They’ve risen like lions, the lions of Judah, the lions of Israel.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The men and women of the IDF come from every corner of Israeli society, every ethnicity, every color, every creed, left and right, religious and secular. All are imbued with the indomitable spirit of the Maccabees, the legendary Jewish warriors of antiquity.
With us today is Yechiel Leiter, the father of one of those Maccabees. Yehiel’s father escaped the Holocaust and found refuge in America. As a young man, Yechiel moved to Israel and raised a family of eight children. He named his eldest son Moshe after his late father. Moshe became an exemplary officer in one of our elite commando units. He served with distinction for two decades while raising six beautiful children of his own.
On October 7th, Moshe volunteered to return to combat. Four weeks later, he was killed when a booby-trap mine exploded in a tunnel shaft right next to a Mosque. At his son’s funeral Yechiel said this: “If the State of Israel had not been established after the Holocaust, the image engraved in our collective memory would have been the photograph of that helpless Jewish boy in the Warsaw Ghetto holding his hands up in the air with Nazi riffles pointed at him. But because of the birth of Israel,” Yechiel continued, “because of the courage of soldiers like my son Moshe, the Jewish people are no longer helpless in the face of our enemies.”
Yechiel, please rise so we can honor your son’s sacrifice. And I pledge to you and to all the bereaved families of Israel, some of whom are in this hall today, the sacrifice of your loved ones will not be in vain. It will not be in vain because for Israel, “never again” must never be an empty promise. It must always remain a sacred vow. And after October 7th, “never again” is now.
My friends,
Defeating our brutal enemies requires both courage and clarity. Clarity begins by knowing the difference between good and evil. Yet incredibly many anti-Israel protesters, many choose to stand with evil. They stand with Hamas. They stand with rapists and murderers. They stand with people who came into the kibbutzim, into a home, the parents hid the children, the two babies, in the attic, in a secret attic. They murdered the family, the parents, they found the secret latch to the hidden attic and then they murdered the babies. These protesters stand with them. They should be ashamed of themselves.
They refuse to make the simple distinction between those who target terrorists and those who target civilians, between the democratic State of Israel and the terrorist thugs of Hamas. We recently learned from the U.S. Director of National Intelligence, that Iran is funding and promoting anti-Israel protests in America. They want to disrupt America. So these protesters burned American flags even on the 4th of July. And I wish to salute the fraternity brothers at the University of North Carolina who protected the American flag, protected the American flag against these anti-Israel protesters.
For all we know, Iran is funding the anti-Israel protests that are going on right now outside this building—not that many, but they’re there—and throughout the city. Well, I have a message for these protesters: When the Tyrants of Tehran, who hang gays from cranes and murder women for not covering their hair, are praising, promoting and funding you, you have officially become Iran’s useful idiots.
It’s amazing, absolutely amazing. Some of these protesters hold up signs proclaiming “Gays for Gaza.” They might as well hold up signs saying “Chickens for KFC.”
These protesters chant “From the river to the sea.” But many don’t have a clue what river and what sea they’re talking about. They not only get an F in geography, they get an F in history. They call Israel a colonialist state. Don’t they know that the Land of Israel is where Abraham, Isaac and Jacob prayed, where Isaiah and Jeremiah preached and where David and Solomon ruled?
For nearly four thousand years, the land of Israel has been the homeland of the Jewish people. It’s always been our home; it will always be our home.
It’s not only the campus protesters who get it wrong. It’s also the people who run those campuses. Eighty years after the Holocaust, the presidents of Harvard, Penn, and I’m ashamed to say my alma mater MIT couldn’t bring themselves to condemn the calls for the genocide of Jews. Remember what they said? They said, it depends on the context. Well, let me give these befuddled academics a little context.
Antisemitism is the world’s oldest hatred. For centuries, the massacre of Jews was always preceded by wild accusations. We were accused of everything from poisoning wells to spreading plagues to using the blood of slaughtered children to bake Passover matzos. These preposterous antisemitic lies led to persecution, mass murder and ultimately to history’s worst genocide, the Holocaust.
Now, just as malicious lies were levelled for centuries at the Jewish people, malicious lies are now being levelled at the Jewish state. No, no. Don’t applaud. Listen. The outrageous slanders that paint Israel as racist and genocidal are meant to delegitimize Israel, to demonize the Jewish State and to demonize Jews everywhere. And no wonder, no wonder we’ve witnessed an appalling rise of antisemitism in America and around the world.
My friends,
Whenever and wherever we see the scourge of antisemitism, we must unequivocally
condemn it and resolutely fight it, without exception.
And don’t be fooled when the blood libels against the Jewish State come from people who wear fancy silk robes and speak in lofty tones about law and Justice.
Here’s a case in point: The prosecutor of the International Criminal Court has shamefully accused Israel of deliberately starving the people of Gaza. This is utter complete nonsense. It’s a complete fabrication. Israel has enabled more than 40,000 aid trucks to enter Gaza. That’s half a million tons of food, and that’s more than 3,000 calories for every man, woman and child in Gaza. If there are Palestinians in Gaza who aren’t getting enough food, it’s not because Israel is blocking it, it’s because Hamas is stealing it.
So much for that lie, but here’s another: The ICC prosecutor accuses Israel of deliberately targeting civilians. What in God’s green earth is he talking about? The IDF has dropped millions of flyers, sent millions of text messages, made hundreds of thousands of phone calls to get Palestinian civilians out of harm’s way. But at the same time, Hamas does everything in its power to put Palestinian civilians in harm’s way. They fire rockets from schools, from hospitals, from mosques. They even shoot their own people when they try to leave the war zone. A senior Hamas official Fathi Hamad boasted – Listen to this – He boasted that Palestinian women and children excel at being human shields. His words: “excel at being human shields.” What monstrous evil.
For Israel, every civilian death is a tragedy. For Hamas, it’s a strategy. They actually want Palestinian civilians to die, so that Israel will be smeared in the international media and be pressured to end the war before it’s won.
This would enable Hamas to survive another day, and as they vowed, to carry out October 7th again and again and again. Well, I want to assure you, no matter what pressure is brought to bear, I will never allow that to happen.
The vast majority of Americans have not fallen for this Hamas propaganda. They continue to support Israel, and I want to say: Thank you America, and thank you, senators and house members who continue to support us, continue to support Israel, continue to support the truth and see through the lies.
But as for the minority that may have fallen for Hamas’s con job, I suggest you listen to Colonel John Spencer. John Spencer is head of urban warfare studies at West Point. He studied every major urban conflict, I was going to say in modern history, he corrected me. No. In history.
Israel, he said, has implemented more precautions to prevent civilian harm than any military in history and beyond what international law requires.
That’s why despite all the lies you’ve heard, the war in Gaza has one of the lowest ratios of combatants to non-combatant casualties in the history of urban warfare. And you want to know where it’s lowest in Gaza? It’s lowest in Rafah. In Rafah. Remember what so many people said? If Israel goes into Rafah, there’ll be thousands, maybe even tens of thousands of civilians killed. Well, last week I went into Rafah. I visited our troops as they finished fighting Hamas’ remaining terrorist battalions. I asked the commander there, “How many terrorists did you take out in Rafah?” He gave me an exact number: 1,203. I asked him, “How many civilians were killed?” He said, “Prime Minister, practically none. With the exception of a single incident, where shrapnel from a bomb hit a Hamas weapons depot and unintentionally killed two dozen people, the answer is practically none.” You want to know why? Because Israel got the civilians out of harm’s way, something people said we could never do, but we did it.
These heroes here today, the heroic soldiers of Israel, should not be condemned for how they’re conducting the war in Gaza. They should be commended for it.
I want to thank all of you here today who have forcefully opposed the false accusations of the ICC and stood up for the truth. These lies are not only libelous. They’re downright dangerous. The ICC is trying to shackle Israel’s hands and prevent us from defending ourselves. And if Israel’s hands are tied, America is next. I’ll tell you what else is next. The ability of all democracies to fight terrorism will be imperiled. That’s what’s on the line. So let me assure you, the hands of the Jewish state will never be shackled. Israel will always defend itself.
My friends,
In the Middle East, Iran is virtually behind all the terrorism, all the
turmoil, all the chaos, all the killing. And that should come as no surprise.
When he founded the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Khomeini pledged, “We will
export our revolution to the entire world. We will export the Islamic
revolution to the entire world.” Now, ask yourself, which country ultimately
stands in the way of Iran’s maniacal plans to impose radical Islam on the
world? And the answer is clear: It’s America, the guardian of Western
civilization and the world’s greatest power. That’s why Iran sees America as
its greatest enemy.
Last month, I heard a revealing comment, ostensibly about the war in Gaza, but about something else. It came from the foreign minister of Iran’s proxy, Hezbollah, and he said this: “This is not a war with Israel. Israel,” he said, “is merely a tool. The main war, the real war, is with America.”
Iran’s regime has been fighting America from the moment it came to power. In 1979, it stormed the American embassy, it held scores of Americans hostage for 444 days. Since then, Iran’s terrorist proxies have targeted America in the Middle East and beyond. In Beirut, they killed 241 U.S. servicemen. In Africa, they bombed American embassies. In Iraq, they supplied explosives to maim and kill thousands of American soldiers. In America, they actually sent death squads. They sent death squads here to murder a former secretary of state and a former national security adviser. And as we recently learned, they even brazenly threatened to assassinate President Trump.
But Iran understands that to truly challenge America, it must first conquer the Middle East. And for this it uses its many proxies, including the Houthis, Hezbollah and Hamas. Yet in the heart of the Middle East, standing in Iran’s way, is one proud pro-American democracy—my country, the State of Israel.
That’s why the mobs in Tehran chant “Death to Israel” before they chant “Death to America.” For Iran Israel is first, America is next. So, when Israel fights Hamas, we’re fighting Iran. When we fight Hezbollah, we’re fighting Iran. When we fight the Houthis, we’re fighting Iran. And when we fight Iran, we’re fighting the most radical and murderous enemy of the United States of America.
And one more thing. When Israel acts to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons, nuclear weapons that could destroy Israel and threaten every American city, every city that you come from, we’re not only protecting ourselves. We’re protecting you.
My friends,
If you remember one thing, one thing from this speech, remember this: Our
enemies are your enemies, our fight is your fight, and our victory will be your
victory.
Ladies and gentlemen,
That victory is in sight. Israel’s defeat of Hamas will be a powerful blow to
Iran’s axis of terror. Another part of that axis, Hezbollah, attacked Israel on
October 8th, a day after the Hamas attack. It has launched thousands of
missiles and drones against us. 80,000 of our citizens in northern Israel
evacuated their homes, becoming effectively refugees in their own land. We are
committed to returning them home. We prefer to achieve this diplomatically. But
let me be clear: Israel will do whatever it must do to restore security to our
northern border and return our people safely to their homes.
Last Friday, a third Iranian proxy, the Houthis, attacked Tel Aviv with a deadly drone. It exploded a few hundred feet from the American consulate, killing one person and injuring nine. On Saturday, I authorized a swift response to that attack.
All our enemies should know this. Those who attack Israel will pay a very heavy price.
And as we defend ourselves on all fronts, I know that America has our back. And I thank you for it. All sides of the aisle. Thank you.
My friends,
For decades, America has provided Israel with generous military assistance, and
a grateful Israel has provided America with critical intelligence that saved
many lives. We’ve jointly developed some of the most sophisticated weapons on
Earth. I choose my words carefully: we’ve jointly developed some of the most
sophisticated weapons on Earth, that help protect both our countries. And we
also help keep American boots off the ground while protecting our shared
interests in the Middle East.
I deeply appreciate America’s support, including in this current war. But this is an exceptional moment. Fast tracking US military aid can dramatically expedite an end to the war in Gaza and help prevent a broader war in the Middle East.
In World War II, as Britain fought on the frontlines of civilization, Winston Churchill appealed to Americans with these famous words: “Give us the tools and we’ll finish the job.” Today, as Israel fights on the frontline of civilization, I too appeal to America: “Give us the tools faster, and we’ll finish the job faster.”
My dear friends,
The war in Gaza could end tomorrow if Hamas surrenders, disarms and returns all
the hostages. But if they don’t, Israel will fight until we destroy Hamas’
military capabilities and its rule in Gaza and bring all our hostages home.
That’s what total victory means, and we will settle for nothing less.
The day after we defeat Hamas, a new Gaza can emerge. My vision for that day is of a demilitarized and deradicalized Gaza. Israel does not seek to resettle Gaza. But for the foreseeable future, we must retain overriding security control there to prevent the resurgence of terror, to ensure that Gaza never again poses a threat to Israel.
Gaza should have a civilian administration run by Palestinians who do not seek to destroy Israel. That’s not too much to ask. It’s a fundamental thing that we have a right to demand and to receive.
A new generation of Palestinians must no longer be taught to hate Jews but rather to live in peace with us. Those twin words, demilitarization and deradicalization, those two concepts were applied to Germany and Japan after World War II, and that led to decades of peace, prosperity and security.
Following our victory, with the help of regional partners, the demilitarization and deradicalization of Gaza can also lead to a future of security, prosperity and peace. That’s my vision for Gaza.
Now, here’s my vision for the broader Middle East. It’s also shaped in part by what we saw in the aftermath of World War II. After that war, America forged a security alliance in Europe to counter the growing Soviet threat. Likewise, America and Israel today can forge a security alliance in the Middle East to counter the growing Iranian theat.
All countries that are in peace with Israel and all those countries who will make peace with Israel should be invited to join this alliance. We saw a glimpse of that potential alliance on April 14th. Led by the United States, more than half a dozen nations worked alongside Israel to help neutralize hundreds of missiles and drones launched by Iran against us.
Thank you, President Biden, for bringing that coalition together.
The new alliance I envision would be a natural extension of the groundbreaking Abraham Accords. Those Accords saw peace forged between Israel and four Arab countries, and they were supported by Republican and Democrats alike.
I have a name for this new alliance. I think we should call it: The Abraham Alliance.
I want to thank President Trump for his leadership in brokering the historic Abraham Accords. Like Americans, Israelis were relieved that President Trump emerged safe and sound from that dastardly attack on him, dastardly attack on American democracy. There is no room for political violence in democracies.
I also want to thank President Trump for all the things he did for Israel, from recognizing Israel’s sovereignty over the Golan Heights, to confronting Iran’s aggression, to recognizing Jerusalem as our capital and moving the American embassy there. That’s Jerusalem, our eternal capital never to be divided again.
My dear friends, Democrats and Republicans,
Despite these times of upheaval, I’m hopeful about the future. I’m hopeful
about Israel because my people, the Jewish people, emerged from the depths of
hell, from dispossession and genocide, and against all odds we restored our
sovereignty in our ancient homeland, we built a powerful and vibrant democracy,
a democracy that pushes the boundaries of innovation for the betterment of all
humanity.
I’m hopeful about America because I’m hopeful about Americans. I know how much the people of this country have sacrificed to defend freedom. America will continue to be a force for light and good in a dark and dangerous world. For free peoples everywhere, America remains the beacon of liberty its extraordinary founders envisioned back in 1776.
Working together, I’m confident that our two nations will vanquish the tyrants and terrorists who threaten us both. As Israel’s prime minister, I promise you this: no matter how long it takes, no matter how difficult the road ahead, Israel will not relent. Israel will not bend. We will defend our land. We will defend our people. We will fight until we achieve victory. Victory of liberty over tyranny, victory of life over death, victory of good over evil. That’s our solemn commitment.
And we will continue to work with the United States and our Arab partners to transform a troubled region, from a backwater of oppression, poverty and war into a thriving oasis of dignity, prosperity and peace. In this noble mission, as in many others, Israel will always remain America’s indispensable ally. Through thick and thin, in good times and in bad, Israel will always be your loyal friend and your steadfast partner.
On behalf of the people of Israel, I came here today to say: Thank you, America. Thank you for your support and solidarity. Thank you for standing with Israel in our hour of need. Together, we shall defend our common civilization. Together, we shall secure a brilliant future for both our nations.
May God bless Israel.
May God bless America.
And may God bless the great alliance between Israel and America forever.
* * *
Netanyahu Speech 3 March 2015
Also here NYT
Getty Images
Speaker of the House John Boehner,
President Pro Tem Senator Orrin Hatch,
Senator Majority Leader Mitch McConnell,
House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi,
And House Majority Leader Kevin McCarthy,
I also want to acknowledge Senator, Democratic Leader Harry Reid. Harry, it’s good to see you back on your feet. I guess it’s true what they say, you can’t keep a good man down.
My friends, I’m deeply humbled by the opportunity to speak for a third time before the most important legislative body in the world, the U.S. Congress. I want to thank you all for being here today. I know that my speech has been the subject of much controversy. I deeply regret that some perceive my being here as political. That was never my intention.
I want to thank you, Democrats and Republicans, for your common support for Israel, year after year, decade after decade. I know that no matter on which side of the aisle you sit, you stand with Israel. The remarkable alliance between Israel and the United States has always been above politics. It must always remain above politics. Because America and Israel, we share a common destiny, the destiny of promised lands that cherish freedom and offer hope. Israel is grateful for the support of America’s people and of America’s presidents, from Harry Truman to Barack Obama.
We appreciate all that President Obama has done for Israel. Now, some of that is widely known. Some of that is widely known, like strengthening security cooperation and intelligence sharing, opposing anti-Israel resolutions at the U.N.
Some of what the president has done for Israel is less well-known. I called him in 2010 when we had the Carmel forest fire, and he immediately agreed to respond to my request for urgent aid. In 2011, we had our embassy in Cairo under siege, and again, he provided vital assistance at the crucial moment. Or his support for more missile interceptors during our operation last summer when we took on Hamas terrorists. In each of those moments, I called the president, and he was there.
And some of what the president has done for Israel might never be known, because it touches on some of the most sensitive and strategic issues that arise between an American president and an Israeli prime minister. But I know it, and I will always be grateful to President Obama for that support.
And Israel is grateful to you, the American Congress, for your support, for supporting us in so many ways, especially in generous military assistance and missile defense, including Iron Dome. Last summer, millions of Israelis were protected from thousands of Hamas rockets because this capital dome helped build our Iron Dome.
Thank you, America. Thank you for everything you’ve done for Israel.
My friends, I’ve come here today because, as Prime Minister of Israel, I feel a profound obligation to speak to you about an issue that could well threaten the survival of my country and the future of my people: Iran’s quest for nuclear weapons.
We’re an ancient people. In our nearly 4,000 years of history, many have tried repeatedly to destroy the Jewish people. Tomorrow night, on the Jewish holiday of Purim, we’ll read the Book of Esther. We’ll read of a powerful Persian viceroy named Haman, who plotted to destroy the Jewish people some 2,500 years ago. But a courageous Jewish woman, Queen Esther, exposed the plot and gave for the Jewish people the right to defend themselves against their enemies. The plot was foiled. Our people were saved.
Today the Jewish people face another attempt by yet another Persian potentate to destroy us. Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei spews the oldest hatred, the oldest hatred of anti-Semitism with the newest technology. He tweets that Israel must be annihilated – he tweets. You know, in Iran, there isn’t exactly free Internet. But he tweets in English that Israel must be destroyed.
For those who believe that Iran threatens the Jewish state, but not the Jewish people, listen to Hassan Nasrallah, the leader of Hezbollah, Iran’s chief terrorist proxy. He said: If all the Jews gather in Israel, it will save us the trouble of chasing them down around the world.
But Iran’s regime is not merely a Jewish problem, any more than the Nazi regime was merely a Jewish problem. The 6 million Jews murdered by the Nazis were but a fraction of the 60 million people killed in World War II. So, too, Iran’s regime poses a grave threat, not only to Israel, but also the peace of the entire world. To understand just how dangerous Iran would be with nuclear weapons, we must fully understand the nature of the regime. The people of Iran are very talented people. They’re heirs to one of the world’s great civilizations. But in 1979, they were hijacked by religious zealots – religious zealots who imposed on them immediately a dark and brutal dictatorship.
That year, the zealots drafted a constitution, a new one for Iran. It directed the revolutionary guards not only to protect Iran’s borders, but also to fulfill the ideological mission of jihad. The regime’s founder, Ayatollah Khomeini, exhorted his followers to “export the revolution throughout the world.”
I’m standing here in Washington, D.C. and the difference is so stark. America’s founding document promises life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Iran’s founding document pledges death, tyranny, and the pursuit of jihad. And as states are collapsing across the Middle East, Iran is charging into the void to do just that.
Iran’s goons in Gaza, its lackeys in Lebanon, its revolutionary guards on the Golan Heights are clutching Israel with three tentacles of terror. Backed by Iran, Assad is slaughtering Syrians. Backed by Iran, Shiite militias are rampaging through Iraq. Backed by Iran, Houthis are seizing control of Yemen, threatening the strategic straits at the mouth of the Red Sea. Along with the Straits of Hormuz, that would give Iran a second choke-point on the world’s oil supply. Just last week, near Hormuz, Iran carried out a military exercise blowing up a mock U.S. aircraft carrier. That’s just last week, while they’re having nuclear talks with the United States. But unfortunately, for the last 36 years, Iran’s attacks against the United States have been anything but mock. And the targets have been all too real.
Iran took dozens of Americans hostage in Tehran, murdered hundreds of American soldiers, Marines, in Beirut, and was responsible for killing and maiming thousands of American service men and women in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Beyond the Middle East, Iran attacks America and its allies through its global terror network. It blew up the Jewish community center and the Israeli embassy in Buenos Aires. It helped Al Qaida bomb U.S. embassies in Africa. It even attempted to assassinate the Saudi ambassador, right here in Washington, D.C.
In the Middle East, Iran now dominates four Arab capitals, Baghdad, Damascus, Beirut and Sanaa. And if Iran’s aggression is left unchecked, more will surely follow.
So, at a time when many hope that Iran will join the community of nations, Iran is busy gobbling up the nations. We must all stand together to stop Iran’s march of conquest, subjugation and terror.
Now, two years ago, we were told to give President Rouhani and Foreign Minister Zarif a chance to bring change and moderation to Iran. Some change! Some moderation! Rouhani’s government hangs gays, persecutes Christians, jails journalists and executes even more prisoners than before.
Last year, the same Zarif who charms Western diplomats laid a wreath at the grave of Imad Mughniyeh. Imad Mughniyeh is the terrorist mastermind who spilled more American blood than any other terrorist besides Osama bin Laden. I’d like to see someone ask him a question about that.
Iran’s regime is as radical as ever, its cries of “Death to America,” that same America that it calls the “Great Satan,” as loud as ever. Now, this shouldn’t be surprising, because the ideology of Iran’s revolutionary regime is deeply rooted in militant Islam, and that’s why this regime will always be an enemy of America.
Don’t be fooled. The battle between Iran and ISIS doesn’t turn Iran into a friend of America. Iran and ISIS are competing for the crown of militant Islam. One calls itself the Islamic Republic. The other calls itself the Islamic State. Both want to impose a militant Islamic empire first on the region and then on the entire world. They just disagree among themselves who will be the ruler of that empire.
In this deadly game of thrones, there’s no place for America or for Israel, no peace for Christians, Jews or Muslims who don’t share the Islamist medieval creed, no rights for women, no freedom for anyone. So when it comes to Iran and ISIS, the enemy of your enemy is your enemy.
The difference is that ISIS is armed with butcher knives, captured weapons and YouTube, whereas Iran could soon be armed with intercontinental ballistic missiles and nuclear bombs. We must always remember – I’ll say it one more time – the greatest danger facing our world is the marriage of militant Islam with nuclear weapons. To defeat ISIS and let Iran get nuclear weapons would be to win the battle, but lose the war. We can’t let that happen.
But that, my friends, is exactly what could happen, if the deal now being negotiated is accepted by Iran. That deal will not prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. It would all but guarantee that Iran gets those weapons, lots of them.
Let me explain why. While the final deal has not yet been signed, certain elements of any potential deal are now a matter of public record. You don’t need intelligence agencies and secret information to know this. You can Google it. Absent a dramatic change, we know for sure that any deal with Iran will include two major concessions to Iran.
The first major concession would leave Iran with a vast nuclear infrastructure, providing it with a short breakout time to the bomb. Breakout time is the time it takes to amass enough weapons-grade uranium or plutonium for a nuclear bomb.
According to the deal, not a single nuclear facility would be demolished. Thousands of centrifuges used to enrich uranium would be left spinning. Thousands more would be temporarily disconnected, but not destroyed.
Because Iran’s nuclear program would be left largely intact, Iran’s breakout time would be very short – about a year by U.S. assessment, even shorter by Israel’s.
And if Iran’s work on advanced centrifuges, faster and faster centrifuges, is not stopped, that breakout time could still be shorter, a lot shorter.
True, certain restrictions would be imposed on Iran’s nuclear program and Iran’s adherence to those restrictions would be supervised by international inspectors. But here’s the problem. You see, inspectors document violations; they don’t stop them.
Inspectors knew when North Korea broke to the bomb, but that didn’t stop anything. North Korea turned off the cameras, kicked out the inspectors. Within a few years, it got the bomb.
Now, we’re warned that within five years North Korea could have an arsenal of 100 nuclear bombs.
Like North Korea, Iran, too, has defied international inspectors. It’s done that on at least three separate occasions – 2005, 2006, 2010. Like North Korea, Iran broke the locks, shut off the cameras. Now, I know this is not going to come as a shock to any of you, but Iran not only defies inspectors, it also plays a pretty good game of hide-and-cheat with them.
The U.N.’s nuclear watchdog agency, the IAEA, said again yesterday that Iran still refuses to come clean about its military nuclear program. Iran was also caught – caught twice, not once, twice – operating secret nuclear facilities in Natanz and Qom, facilities that inspectors didn’t even know existed.
Right now, Iran could be hiding nuclear facilities that we don’t know about, the U.S. and Israel. As the former head of inspections for the IAEA said in 2013, he said, “If there’s no undeclared installation today in Iran, it will be the first time in 20 years that it doesn’t have one.” Iran has proven time and again that it cannot be trusted. And that’s why the first major concession is a source of great concern. It leaves Iran with a vast nuclear infrastructure and relies on inspectors to prevent a breakout. That concession creates a real danger that Iran could get to the bomb by violating the deal.
But the second major concession creates an even greater danger that Iran could get to the bomb by keeping the deal. Because virtually all the restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program will automatically expire in about a decade. Now, a decade may seem like a long time in political life, but it’s the blink of an eye in the life of a nation. It’s a blink of an eye in the life of our children. We all have a responsibility to consider what will happen when Iran’s nuclear capabilities are virtually unrestricted and all the sanctions will have been lifted. Iran would then be free to build a huge nuclear capacity that could produce many, many nuclear bombs.
Iran’s Supreme Leader says that openly. He says Iran plans to have 190,000 centrifuges, not 6,000 or even the 19,000 that Iran has today, but 10 times that amount – 190,000 centrifuges enriching uranium. With this massive capacity, Iran could make the fuel for an entire nuclear arsenal and this in a matter of weeks, once it makes that decision.
My long-time friend, John Kerry, Secretary of State, confirmed last week that Iran could legitimately possess that massive centrifuge capacity when the deal expires.
Now I want you to think about that. The foremost sponsor of global terrorism could be weeks away from having enough enriched uranium for an entire arsenal of nuclear weapons and this with full international legitimacy.
And by the way, if Iran’s intercontinental ballistic missile program is not part of the deal, and so far, Iran refuses to even put it on the negotiating table. Well, Iran could have the means to deliver that nuclear arsenal to the far-reaching corners of the Earth, including to every part of the United States. So you see, my friends, this deal has two major concessions: one, leaving Iran with a vast nuclear program and two, lifting the restrictions on that program in about a decade. That’s why this deal is so bad. It doesn’t block Iran’s path to the bomb; it paves Iran’s path to the bomb.
So why would anyone make this deal? Because they hope that Iran will change for the better in the coming years, or they believe that the alternative to this deal is worse?
Well, I disagree. I don’t believe that Iran’s radical regime will change for the better after this deal. This regime has been in power for 36 years, and its voracious appetite for aggression grows with each passing year. This deal would only whet Iran’s appetite for more.
Would Iran be less aggressive when sanctions are removed and its economy is stronger? If Iran is gobbling up four countries right now while it’s under sanctions, how many more countries will Iran devour when sanctions are lifted? Would Iran fund less terrorism when it has mountains of cash with which to fund more terrorism?
Why should Iran’s radical regime change for the better when it can enjoy the best of both worlds: aggression abroad, prosperity at home?
This is a question that everyone asks in our region. Israel’s neighbors, Iran’s neighbors, know that Iran will become even more aggressive and sponsor even more terrorism when its economy is unshackled and it’s been given a clear path to the bomb. And many of these neighbors say they’ll respond by racing to get nuclear weapons of their own. So this deal won’t change Iran for the better; it will only change the Middle East for the worse. A deal that’s supposed to prevent nuclear proliferation would instead spark a nuclear arms race in the most dangerous part of the planet.
This deal won’t be a farewell to arms. It would be a farewell to arms control. And the Middle East would soon be crisscrossed by nuclear tripwires. A region where small skirmishes can trigger big wars would turn into a nuclear tinderbox.
If anyone thinks this deal kicks the can down the road, think again. When we get down that road, we’ll face a much more dangerous Iran, a Middle East littered with nuclear bombs and a countdown to a potential nuclear nightmare.
Ladies and gentlemen, I’ve come here today to tell you we don’t have to bet the security of the world on the hope that Iran will change for the better. We don’t have to gamble with our future and with our children’s future.
We can insist that restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program not be lifted for as long as Iran continues its aggression in the region and in the world. Before lifting those restrictions, the world should demand that Iran do three things. First, stop its aggression against its neighbors in the Middle East. Second, stop supporting terrorism around the world. And third, stop threatening to annihilate my country, Israel, the one and only Jewish state.
If the world powers are not prepared to insist that Iran change its behavior before a deal is signed, at the very least they should insist that Iran change its behavior before a deal expires. If Iran changes its behavior, the restrictions would be lifted. If Iran doesn’t change its behavior, the restrictions should not be lifted. If Iran wants to be treated like a normal country, let it act like a normal country.
My friends, what about the argument that there’s no alternative to this deal, that Iran’s nuclear know-how cannot be erased, that its nuclear program is so advanced that the best we can do is delay the inevitable, which is essentially what the proposed deal seeks to do?
Well, nuclear know-how without nuclear infrastructure doesn’t get you very much. A racecar driver without a car can’t drive. A pilot without a plane can’t fly. Without thousands of centrifuges, tons of enriched uranium or heavy water facilities, Iran can’t make nuclear weapons.
Iran’s nuclear program can be rolled back well-beyond the current proposal by insisting on a better deal and keeping up the pressure on a very vulnerable regime, especially given the recent collapse in the price of oil.
Now, if Iran threatens to walk away from the table – and this often happens in a Persian bazaar – call their bluff. They’ll be back, because they need the deal a lot more than you do.
And by maintaining the pressure on Iran and on those who do business with Iran, you have the power to make them need it even more. My friends, for over a year, we’ve been told that no deal is better than a bad deal. Well, this is a bad deal. It’s a very bad deal. We’re better off without it.
Now we’re being told that the only alternative to this bad deal is war. That’s just not true. The alternative to this bad deal is a much better deal: a better deal that doesn’t leave Iran with a vast nuclear infrastructure and such a short breakout time; a better deal that keeps the restrictions on Iran’s nuclear program in place until Iran’s aggression ends; a better deal that won’t give Iran an easy path to the bomb; a better deal that Israel and its neighbors may not like, but with which we could live, literally. And no country has a greater stake – no country has a greater stake than Israel in a good deal that peacefully removes this threat.
Ladies and gentlemen,
History has placed us at a fateful crossroads. We must now choose between two paths. One path leads to a bad deal that will at best curtail Iran’s nuclear ambitions for a while, but it will inexorably lead to a nuclear-armed Iran whose unbridled aggression will inevitably lead to war. The second path, however difficult, could lead to a much better deal, that would prevent a nuclear-armed Iran, a nuclearized Middle East and the horrific consequences of both to all of humanity.
You don’t have to read Robert Frost to know. You have to live life to know that the difficult path is usually the one less traveled, but it will make all the difference for the future of my country, the security of the Middle East and the peace of the world, the peace we all desire.
My friends, standing up to Iran is not easy. Standing up to dark and murderous regimes never is. With us today is Holocaust survivor and Nobel Prize winner Elie Wiesel. Elie, your life and work inspires to give meaning to the words, “Never Again.” And I wish I could promise you, Elie, that the lessons of history have been learned. I can only urge the leaders of the world not to repeat the mistakes of the past. Not to sacrifice the future for the present; not to ignore aggression in the hopes of gaining an illusory peace.
But I can guarantee you this, the days when the Jewish people remained passive in the face of genocidal enemies, those days are over. We are no longer scattered among the nations, powerless to defend ourselves. We restored our sovereignty in our ancient home. And the soldiers who defend our home have boundless courage. For the first time in 100 generations, we, the Jewish people, can defend ourselves.
This is why as Prime Minister of Israel, I can promise you one more thing: Even if Israel has to stand alone, Israel will stand. But I know that Israel does not stand alone. I know that America stands with Israel. I know that you stand with Israel. You stand with Israel because you know that the story of Israel is not only the story of the Jewish people but of the human spirit that refuses again and again to succumb to history’s horrors.
Facing me right up there in the gallery, overlooking all of us in this chamber is the image of Moses. Moses led our people from slavery to the gates of the Promised Land. And before the people of Israel entered the Land of Israel, Moses gave us a message that has steeled our resolve for thousands of years. I leave you with his message today, “Be strong and resolute, neither fear nor dread them.”
My friends, may Israel and America always stand together, strong and resolute. May we neither fear nor dread the challenges ahead. May we face the future with confidence, strength and hope.
May God bless the State of Israel and may God bless the United States of America. Thank you. You’re wonderful. Thank you, America.
* * *
Binyamin Netanyahu: Second Speech to a Joint Session of Congress
delivered 24 May 2011, Washington, D.C.
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio]
Vice President Biden, Speaker Boehner, Distinguished Senators, Members of the House, honored guests:
I'm deeply moved by this warm welcome. And I'm deeply
honored that you've given me the opportunity to address
Congress a second time.
Mr. Vice President, do you remember the time that we were the new kids in town?
And I do see a lot of old friends here. And I see a lot of new friends of
Israel here as well -- Democrats and Republicans alike.
Israel has no better friend than America. And America has no better friend than
Israel.
We stand together to defend democracy. We stand together to
advance peace. We stand together to fight terrorism. Congratulations
America. Congratulations, Mr. President. You
got bin Laden. Good riddance!
In an unstable Middle East, Israel is the one anchor of stability. In a
region of shifting alliances, Israel is America’s unwavering ally. Israel has
always been pro-American. Israel will always be pro-American.
My friends, you don’t have to -- you don't need to do nation building in
Israel. We’re already built. You don’t need to export democracy to
Israel. We’ve already got it. And you don’t need to send American
troops to defend Israel. We defend ourselves. You’ve been very generous in
giving us tools to do the job of defending Israel on our own. Thank you all,
and thank you President Obama for your steadfast commitment to Israel’s
security. I know economic times are tough. I deeply appreciate this.
Some of you have been telling me that your belief has been
reaffirmed in recent months -- that support for Israel’s security is a wise
investment in our common future. For an epic battle is now underway in the
Middle East, between tyranny and freedom. A great convulsion is shaking the
earth from the Khyber Pass to the Straits of Gibraltar. The tremors have
shattered states; they've toppled governments. And we can all see that the
ground is still shifting. Now this historic moment holds the promise of a new dawn
of freedom and opportunity. There are millions of young people out there who
are determined to change their future. We all look at them. They muster
courage. They risk their lives. They demand dignity. They desire liberty.
These extraordinary scenes in -- in Tunis and Cairo evoke those of Berlin and
Prague in 1989. Yet as we share their hopes –
[protester interrupts Netanyahu's Address]
You know, I take it as a badge of honor and so should you that in our free societies you can have protests. You can't have these protests in the farcical parliaments in Tehran or in Tripoli. This is real democracy!
So as we share the hopes of these young people throughout
the Middle East and Iran -- that they'll be able to do what that young woman
just did. (I think she's young. I couldn't see quite that far) -- we also must
also remember that those hopes could be snuffed out as they were in Tehran in 1979. You
remember what happened then. The brief democratic spring in Tehran was cut
short by a ferocious and unforgiving tyranny. And it's this same tyranny
that smothered Lebanon’s democratic Cedar Revolution,
and inflicted on that long-suffering country, the medieval rule of Hezbollah.
So today, the Middle East stands at a fateful crossroads. And like all of you,
I pray that the peoples of the region choose the path less travelled, the path
of liberty. No one knows what this path consists of better than you.
Nobody. This path, of liberty, is not paved by elections alone. It's paved
when governments permit protests in town squares, when limits are placed on the
powers of rulers, when judges are beholden to laws and not men, and when human
rights cannot be crushed by tribal loyalties or mob rule.
Israel has always embraced this path, in a Middle East that has long rejected
it. In a region where women are stoned, gays are hanged, Christians are
persecuted, Israel stands out. It is different. And this was seen
There was a great English writer in the 19th century, George Eliot. It's a she.
That was a pseudonym in those days. George Eliot predicted over a century ago,
that once established, the Jewish state -- here's what she said -- the Jewish
state will "shine like a bright star of freedom amid the despotisms of the
East.” Well, she was right. We have a free press, independent
courts, an open economy, rambunctious parliamentary debates. Now, don't laugh.
You see, you think you're tough on another -- on one another here in Congress?
Come spend a day in the Knesset. Be
my guest.
Courageous Arab protesters are now struggling to secure these very same rights
for their peoples, for their societies. We're proud in Israel that over one
million Arab citizens of Israel have been enjoying these rights for decades. Of
the 300 million Arabs in the Middle East and North Africa, only Israel’s Arab
citizens enjoy real democratic rights. Now, I want you to stop for a second and
think about that. Of those 300 million Arabs, less than one-half of one-percent
are truly free, and they're all citizens of Israel.
This startling fact reveals a basic truth: Israel is not what is wrong about
the Middle East. Israel is what is right about the Middle East.
Israel fully supports the desire of Arab peoples in our region to live freely.
We long for the day when Israel will be one of many real democracies in the --
in the Middle East.
Fifteen years ago, I
stood at this very podium -- by the way, it hasn't changed -- I stood here
and I said that democracy must start to take root in the Arab World. Well, it's
begun to take root, and this beginning holds the promise of a brilliant future
of peace and prosperity -- because I believe that a Middle East that is
genuinely democratic will be a Middle East truly at peace. But while we hope
for the best and while we work for the best, we must also recognize that
powerful forces oppose this future. They oppose modernity. They oppose democracy. They
oppose peace.
Foremost among these forces is Iran. The tyranny in Tehran brutalizes its own
people. It supports attacks against American troops in Afghanistan and in
Iraq. It subjugates Lebanon and Gaza. It sponsors terror worldwide. When I last
stood here, I spoke of the consequences of Iran developing nuclear
weapons. Now time is running out. The hinge of history may soon turn. For
the greatest danger of all could soon be upon us: a militant Islamic regime
armed with nuclear weapons. Militant Islam threatens the world. It
threatens Islam.
Now, I have no doubt -- I'm absolutely convinced -- that it will ultimately be defeated. I believe it will eventually succumb to the forces of freedom and progress. It depends on cloistering young minds for a given amount of years. And the process of opening up information will ultimately defeat this movement.
But like other fanaticisms that were doomed to fail,
militant Islam could exact an horrific price from all of us before its
inevitable demise. A nuclear-armed Iran would ignite a nuclear arms race in the
Middle East. It would give terrorists a nuclear umbrella. It would make the
nightmare of nuclear terrorism a clear and present danger throughout the world.
Now I want you to understand what this means, because if we don't stop it, it's
coming. They could put a bomb anywhere. They could put it in a missile. They're
working on missiles that could reach this city. They could put it on a -- on a
ship inside a container to reach every port. They could eventually put it in a
suitcase or in a subway.
Now the threat to my country cannot be overstated. Those who dismiss it are
sticking their heads in the sand. Less than seven decades after six million
Jews were murdered, Iran's leaders deny the Holocaust of the Jewish people,
while calling for the annihilation of the Jewish state. Leaders who spew such
venom should be banned from every respectable forum on the planet.
But there is something that makes the outrage even greater.
And you know what this is? It's the lack of outrage. Because in much of the
international community, the calls for our destruction are met with utter
silence. It's even worse because there are many who rush to condemn Israel
for defending itself against Iran’s terror proxies.
Not you. Not America. You acted differently. You've condemned the Iranian
regime for its genocidal aims. You’ve passed tough sanctions against Iran.
History will salute you America!
President Obama has said that the United States is
determined to prevent Iran from developing nuclear weapons. The president
successfully led the Security Council at the U.N. to adopt sanctions against
Iran. You in Congress passed even tougher sanctions.
Now these words and deeds are vitally important, yet the Ayatollah regime
briefly suspended its nuclear program only once, in 2003, when it feared the
possibility of military action. In that same year, Moammar Gaddafi gave up his
nuclear weapons program, and for the same reason. The more Iran believes that
all options are on the table, the less the chance of confrontation. And this is
why I ask you to continue to send an unequivocal message that America will
never permit Iran to develop nuclear weapons.
Now as for Israel, if history has taught the Jewish people anything, it is that we must take calls for our destruction seriously. We are a nation that rose from the ashes of the Holocaust. When we say "never again," we mean never again. Israel always reserves -- Israel always reserves the right to defend itself.
My friends, while Israel will be ever-vigilant in its
defense, we’ll never give up our quest for peace. I guess we’ll give it up when
we achieve it. Because we want peace. Because we need peace. Now, we’ve
achieved historic peace agreements with Egypt and Jordan, and these have held
up for decades.
I remember what it was like before we had peace. I was nearly killed in a
firefight inside the Suez Canal -- I mean that literally -- inside the Suez
Canal. And I was going down to the bottom with a 40-pound pack -- ammunition
pack -- on my back, and somebody reached out to grab me. And they’re still
looking for the guy who did such a stupid thing. I was nearly killed there. And
I remember battling terrorists along both banks of the Jordan. Too many
Israelis have lost loved ones, and I know their grief. I lost my brother. So no
one in Israel wants a return to those terrible days.
The peace with Egypt and Jordan has long served as an anchor of stability and
peace in the heart of the Middle East. And this peace -- this peace should be
bolstered by economic and political support to all those who remain committed
to peace. The peace agreements between Israel and Egypt and Israel and Jordan
are vital, but they’re not enough. We must also find a way to forge a lasting
peace with the Palestinians.
Two years ago, I publicly committed to a solution of two states for two peoples
-- a Palestinian state alongside a Jewish state. I’m willing to make painful
compromises to achieve this historic peace. As the leader of Israel, it’s my
responsibility to lead my people to peace. Now, this is not easy for me. It’s
not easy, because I recognize that in a genuine peace, we’ll be required to
give up parts of the ancestral Jewish homeland. And you have to understand
this: In Judea and Samaria, the Jewish people are not foreign occupiers.
We’re not the British in India. We’re not the Belgians in
the Congo. This is the land of our forefathers, the land of Israel, to which
Abraham brought the idea of one god, where David set out to confront Goliath,
and where Isaiah saw his vision of eternal peace. No distortion of history --
and boy am I reading a lot of distortions of history lately, old and new -- no
distortion of history could deny the 4,000-year-old bond between the Jewish
people and the Jewish land.
But there is another truth. The Palestinians share this small land with us. We
seek a peace in which they’ll be neither Israel’s subjects nor its citizens.
They should enjoy a national life of dignity as a free, viable and independent
people living in their own state. They should enjoy a prosperous economy, where
their creativity and initiative can flourish.
Now, we’ve already seen the beginnings of what is possible. In the last two
years, the Palestinians have begun to build a better life for themselves. By
the way, Prime Minister Fayyad has led this effort on their part, and I -- I
wish him a speedy recovery from his recent operation.
We’ve helped -- on our side, we’ve helped the Palestinian
economic growth by removing hundreds of barriers and roadblocks to the free
flow of goods and people, and the results have been nothing short of
remarkable. The Palestinian economy is booming; it’s growing by more than 10
percent a year. And Palestinian cities -- they look very different today than
what they looked just a few years -- a few years ago. They have shopping malls,
movie theaters, restaurants, banks. They even have e-businesses, but you can’t
see that when you visit them. That’s what they have. It’s a great change. And
all of this is happening without peace. So imagine what could happen with
peace.
Peace would herald a new day for both our peoples, and it could also make the
dream of a broader Arab-Israeli peace a realistic possibility. So now, here’s
the question. You’ve got to ask it: If the benefits of peace with the
Palestinians are so clear, why has peace eluded us? Because all six Israeli
prime ministers since the signing of the Oslo Accords agreed to establish a
Palestinian state, myself included; so why has peace not been achieved? Because
so far, the Palestinians have been unwilling to accept a Palestinian state if
it meant accepting a Jewish state alongside it.
You see, our conflict has never been about the establishment of a Palestinian state; it’s always been about the existence of the Jewish state. This is what this conflict is about. In 1947, the U.N. voted to partition the land into a Jewish state and an Arab state. The Jews said yes; the Palestinians said no.
In recent years, the Palestinians twice refused generous offers by Israeli prime ministers to establish a Palestinian state on virtually all the territory won by Israel in the Six Day War. They were simply unwilling to end the conflict. And I regret to say this: They continue to educate their children to hate. They continue to name public squares after terrorists. And worst of all, they continue to perpetuate the fantasy that Israel will one day be flooded by the descendants of Palestinian refugees. My friends, this must come to an end.
President Abbas must do what I have done. I stood before my people -- and I told you, it wasn’t easy for me -- I stood before my people and I said, “I will accept a Palestinian state.” It’s time for President Abbas to stand before his people and say, “I will accept a Jewish state.” Those six words will change history. They’ll make it clear to the Palestinians that this conflict must come to an end; that they’re not building a Palestinian state to continue the conflict with Israel, but to end it.
And those six words will convince the people of Israel that
they have a true partner for peace.
With such a partner, the Palestinian -- or rather the Israeli people will be
prepared to make a far-reaching compromise. I will be prepared to make a
far-reaching compromise. This compromise must reflect the dramatic demographic
changes that have occurred since 1967. The vast majority of the 650,000
Israelis who live beyond the 1967 lines reside in neighborhoods and suburbs of
Jerusalem and Greater Tel Aviv.
Now these areas are densely populated, but they’re geographically quite small.
And under any realistic peace agreement, these areas, as well as other places
of critical strategic and national importance, we’d -- be incorporated into the
final borders of Israel.
The status of the settlements will be decided only in
negotiations, but we must also be honest. So I’m saying today something that
should be said publicly by all those who are serious about peace. In any real
peace agreement, in any peace agreement that ends the conflict, some
settlements will end up beyond Israel’s borders. Now the precise delineation of
those borders must be negotiated. We’ll be generous about the size of the
future Palestinian state. But as
President Obama said, the border will be different than the one that
existed on June 4th, 1967. Israel will not return to the indefensible
boundaries of 1967.
So I want to be very clear on this point. Israel will be generous on the size
of a Palestinian state but will be very firm on where we put the border with
it. This is an important principle, shouldn’t be lost.
We recognize that a Palestinian state must be big enough to be viable, to be independent, to be prosperous. All of you -- and the president too -- have referred to Israel as the homeland of the Jewish people, just as you’ve been talking about a future Palestinian state as the homeland of the Palestinian people. Well, Jews from around the world have a right to immigrate to the one and only Jewish state, and Palestinians from around the world should have a right to immigrate, if they so choose, to a Palestinian state. And here is what this means. It means that the Palestinian refugee problem will be resolved outside the borders of Israel. You know, everybody knows this. It’s time to say it. It’s important.
And as for Jerusalem, only a democratic Israel has protected the freedom of worship for all faiths in the city. Throughout the millennial history of the Jewish capital, the only time that Jews, Christians and Moslems could worship freely, could have unfettered access to their holy sites has been during Israel’s sovereignty over Jerusalem. Jerusalem must never again be divided. Jerusalem must remain the united capital of Israel. I know this is a difficult issue for Palestinians. But I believe that, with creativity and with good will, a solution can be found.
So this is the peace I plan to forge with a Palestinian
partner committed to peace. But you know very well that in the Middle East, the
only peace that will hold is the peace you can defend. So peace must be
anchored in security.
In recent years, Israel withdrew from south Lebanon and from Gaza. We thought
we’d get peace. That’s not what we got. We got 12,000 rockets fired from those
areas on our cities, on our children, by Hezbollah and Hamas. The U.N.
peacekeepers in Lebanon, they failed to prevent the smuggling of this weaponry.
The European observers in Gaza, they evaporated overnight. So if Israel simply
walked out of the territories, the flow of weapons into a future Palestinian
state would be unchecked, and missiles fired from it could reach virtually
every home in Israel in less than a minute.
I want you to think about that, too. Imagine there’s a siren going on now and we have less than 60 seconds to find shelter from an incoming rocket. Would you live that way? Do you think anybody can live that way? Well, we’re not going to live that way either.
The truth is that Israel needs unique security arrangements because of its unique size. It’s one of the smallest countries in the world. Mr. Vice President, I’ll grant you this: It’s bigger than Delaware.It’s even bigger than Rhode Island. But that’s about it. Israel under 1967 lines would be half the width of the Washington Beltway.
Now, here’s a bit of nostalgia. I came to Washington 30 years ago as a young diplomat. It took me a while, but I finally figured it out: there is an America beyond the Beltway. But Israel under 1967 lines would be only nine miles wide. So much for strategic depth. So it’s therefore vital -- absolutely vital -- that a Palestinian state be fully demilitarized, and it’s vital -- absolutely vital -- that Israel maintain a long-term military presence along the Jordan River.
Solid security arrangements on the ground are necessary not
only to protect the peace; they’re necessary to protect Israel in case the
peace unravels, because in our unstable region, no one can guarantee that our
peace partners today will be there tomorrow. And my friends, when I say
"tomorrow," I don’t mean some distant time in the future; I mean tomorrow.
Peace can only be achieved around the negotiating table. The Palestinian
attempt to impose a settlement through the United Nations will not bring peace.
It should be forcefully opposed by all those who want to see this conflict end.
I appreciate the president’s clear position on these -- on this issue.
Peace cannot be imposed. It must be negotiated. But peace can only be negotiated with partners committed to peace, and Hamas is not a partner for peace. Hamas -- Hamas remains committed to Israel’s destruction and to terrorism. They have a charter. That charter not only calls for the obliteration of Israel, it says: Kill the Jews everywhere you find them.
Hamas’ leader condemned the killing of Osama bin Laden and
praised him as a holy warrior. Now, again, I want to make this clear: Israel is
prepared to sit down today and negotiate peace with the Palestinian Authority.
I believe we can fashion a brilliant future for our children. But Israel will
not negotiate with a Palestinian government backed by the Palestinian version
of al-Qaeda. That we will not do.
So I say to President Abbas: Tear up your pact with Hamas! Sit down and
negotiate. Make peace with the Jewish state. And if you do, I promise you this:
Israel will not be the last country to welcome a Palestinian state as a new
member of the United Nations; it will be the first to do so.
My friends, the momentous trials over the last century and the unfolding events
of this century attest to the decisive role of the United States in defending
peace and advancing freedom. Providence entrusted the United States to be the
guardian of liberty. All people who cherish freedom owe a profound debt of
gratitude to your great nation. Among the most grateful nations is my nation,
the people of Israel, who have fought for their liberty and survival against
impossible odds in ancient and modern times alike.
I speak on behalf of the Jewish people and the Jewish state when I say to you, representatives of America: Thank you. Thank you. Thank you for your unwavering support for Israel. Thank you for ensuring that the flame of freedom burns bright throughout the world.
May God bless all of you, and may God forever bless the United States of America.
Binyamin Netanyahu, First Speech to a Joint Session of Congress
delivered 10 July 1996, Washington, D.C.
If I could only get the Knesset to vote like this.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice-President, members of Congress,
This is not the first time that a Prime Minister of Israel addresses a joint meeting of Congress. My immediate predecessor, Shimon Peres, addressed this body -- and before him, the late Yitzhak Rabin, who was tragically cut down by a despicable, savage assassin. We are grateful that Israeli democracy has proved resilient enough to overcome this barbaric act, but we shall always carry with us the pain of this tragedy.
I recognize, Mr. Speaker, that the great honor you have bestowed on me is not personal. It is a tribute to the unshakable fact that the unique relationship between Israel and the United States transcends politics and parties, governments and diplomacy. It is a relationship between two peoples who share a total commitment to the spirit of democracy, and infinite dedication to freedom.
We have a common vision of how societies should be governed, of how civilization should be advanced. We both believe in eternal values, we both believe in the Almighty. We both follow traditions hallowed by time and experience.
We admire America not only for its dynamism, and for its power, and for its wealth. We admire America for its moral force. As Jews and as Israelis, we are proud that this moral force is derived from the Bible and the precepts of morality that the Jewish people have given the world.
Of course, Israel and the United States also have common interests. But our bonds go well beyond such interests. In the 19th century, citizens of all free states viewed France as the great guardian of liberty. In the 20th century, every free person looks to America as the champion of freedom.
Yesterday my wife and I spent a very moving hour at Arlington Cemetery, and we saw there the evidence of the price you paid for that freedom -- in the lives of your best and brightest young men. And it's a toll that is exacted from you -- from all of us, but from you, these very days.
I think it was the terrible misfortune of the Jewish people that, in the first half of this century, the United States had not yet assumed its pivotal role in the world. And it has been our great fortune that, in the second half of this century, with the miraculous renewal of Jewish nationhood, the United States became the preeminent power in the world.
You, the people of America, offered the fledgling Jewish state succor and support. You stood by us time and time again, against the forces of tyranny and totalitarianism. I know that I speak for every Israeli and every Jew throughout the world when I say to you today: Thank you, people of America.
Perhaps our most demanding joint effort has been the endless quest to achieve peace and stability for Israel and its Arab neighbors. American presidents have joined successive Israeli governments in an untiring effort to attain this peace.
The first historic breakthrough was led by Prime Minister Begin and Presidents Carter and Sadat at Camp David. The most recent success was our pact with Jordan under the auspices of President Clinton. These efforts, I believe, are clear proof of our intentions and our direction. We want peace. We want peace with all our neighbors. We have no quarrel with them which cannot be resolved by peaceful means. Nor, I must say, do we have a quarrel with Islam. We reject the thesis of an inevitable clash of civilizations. We do not subscribe to the idea that Islam has replaced Communism as the new rival of the West, because our conflict is specific. It is with those militant fanatics who pervert the central tenets of a great faith towards violence and world domination. Our hand is stretched in peace to all who would grasp it. We don't care about their religion. We don't care about their national identity. We don't care about their ideological belief. We care about peace, and our hand is stretched out to peace.
Every Israeli wants peace. I don't think there is a people who has yearned, prayed and sacrificed more for peace than we have. There is not a family in Israel that has not suffered the unbearable agony of war and, directly or indirectly, the excruciating, ever-lasting pain of grief. The mandate we have received from the people of Israel is to continue the search for an end to wars and an end to grief. I promise you: We are going to live up to this mandate. We will continue the quest for peace, and, to this end, we are ready to resume negotiations with the Palestinian Authority on the implementation of our Interim Agreement.
I want to say something about agreements. Some of you speak Latin, or at least studied Latin. Pacta sunt servanta -- we believe agreements are made to be kept. This is our policy, and we expect the Palestinian side to abide by its commitments. On this basis, we will be prepared to begin final status negotiations as well. We are ready to engage Syria and Lebanon in meaningful negotiations. We seek to broaden the circle of peace to the whole Arab world and the rest of the countries of the Middle East.
But I want to make it clear that we want a peace that will last. We must have a peace based on security for all. We cannot, and I might say we dare not, forget that more men, women and children have lost their lives to terrorist attacks in the last three years, than in the entire previous decade.
I know that the representatives of the United States sitting here, the people of the United States, are now becoming tragically familiar with this experience. You've experienced it in places as far afield as New York's World Trade Center, and most recently in Dhahran. And I notice also the recent torching of Afro-American churches in America, which, I must tell you, strike a familiar, chilling note among Jews.
But I want to try and put the Israeli experience in perspective. One has to imagine, to do so, such attacks occurring time and time again in every city and in every corner of this great country.
So, what we are saying here today is as simple as it is elementary. Peace means the absence of violence. Peace means not fearing for your children every time they board a bus. Peace means walking the streets of your town without the fearful shriek of Katyusha rockets overhead.
We just visited with the wife of a friend of mine, the deputy-mayor of Kiryat Shmona, who was walking the streets of Kiryat Shmona when the fearful shriek of a rocket over her head burned her car, nearly burned her, and she was miraculously saved and she is alive and she is getting better. But peace means that this doesn't happen, because peace without personal safety is a contradiction in terms. It is a hoax. It will not stand.
What we are facing in the Middle East today is a broad front of terror throughout the area. Its common goal is to remove any Western, and primarily any American, presence in the Middle East. It seeks to break our will, to shatter our resolve, to make us yield.
I believe the terrorists must understand that we will not yield, however grave and fearful the challenge. Neither Israel nor any other democracy, and certainly not the United States, must ever bend to terrorism. We must fight it resolutely, endlessly, tirelessly, we must fight it together, until we remove this malignancy from the face of the earth.
For too long, the standards of peace used throughout the world have not been applied to the Middle East. Violence and despotism have been excused and not challenged. Respect for human freedoms has not been on the agenda. It's been on the agenda everywhere else. Everywhere else: in Latin America, in the former Soviet Union, in South Africa, and that effort has been led by successive American administrations and by this house.
I think it's time to demand a peace based on norms and standards. It is not enough to talk about peace in abstraction. We must talk about the content of peace. It is time, I believe, for a code of conduct for building a lasting Middle East peace.
Such a peace must be based on three pillars, the three pillars of peace.
Security is the first pillar. There is no substitute for it. To succeed, the quest for peace must be accompanied by a quest for security.
Demanding an end to terrorist attacks as a prerequisite for peace does not give the terrorists veto power over the peace process. Because nearly all of the terrorist acts directed against us are perpetrated by known organizations whose activities can be curbed, if not altogether stopped, by our negotiating partners.
This means that our negotiating partners, and indeed all the regimes of the region, must make a strategic choice -- either follow the option of terror as an instrument of policy, of diplomacy, or follow the option of peace. They cannot have it both ways.
This choice means that the Palestinian Authority must live up to the obligations it has solemnly undertaken to prevent terrorist attacks against Israel. This choice also means that Syria must cease its policy of enabling proxy attacks against Israeli cities, and undertake to eliminate threats from Hezbollah and other Syrian-based groups. This means that the fight against terror cannot be episodic. It cannot be conditional. It cannot be whimsical. It cannot be optional. It must become the mainstay of a relationship of trust between Israel and its Arab partners.
The second pillar of peace is reciprocity. This means an unshakable commitment to the peaceful resolution of disputes, including the border disputes between Israel and its neighbors.
The signing of a peace treaty should be the beginning of a relationship of reciprocal respect, recognition and the fulfillment of mutual obligations. It should not trigger round after round of hostile diplomacy. Peace should not be the pursuit of war by other means. A peace without pacification, a peace without normalization, a peace in which Israel is repeatedly brought under attack, is not a true peace.
Reciprocity means that every line in every agreement turns into a sinew of reconciliation. Reciprocity means that an agreement must be kept by both sides. Reciprocity is the glue of mutual commitments, that upholds agreements. This is the second pillar of peace.
The third pillar of lasting peace is democracy and human rights. I am not revealing a secret to the members of this chamber, when I say that modern democracies do not initiate aggression. This has been the central lesson of the twentieth century. States that respect the human rights of their citizens are not likely to provoke hostile action against their neighbors. No one knows better than the United States, the world's greatest democracy, that the best guarantor against military adventurism is accountable, democratic government.
The world has witnessed the bitter results of policies without standards in the case of Saddam Hussein. Unless we want more Saddams to rise, we must apply the standards of democracy and human rights in the Middle East. I believe that every Muslim and every Christian and every Jew in the region is entitled to nothing less. I don't think we should accept the idea that the Middle East is the latest, or the last, isolated sanctuary that will be democracy-free for all time except for the presence of Israel.
I realize that this is a process. It may be a long-term process. But I think we should begin it. It is time for the states of the Middle East to put the issues of human rights and democratization on their agenda.
Democratization means accepting a free press and the right of a legal opposition to organize and express itself. It's very important for the opposition to be able to express itself, Mr. Speaker. I've just learned and will accord that same right, as you know. This is democracy. To be able to disagree, to express our disagreements, and sometimes to agree after disagreements. It means tolerance. And it means an inherent shift away from aggression toward the recognition of the mutual right to differ.
I'll admit, the Middle East as a whole has not yet effected this basic shift -- this change from autocracy to democracy. But this does not mean that we cannot have peace in this region, peace with non-democratic regimes. I believe we can. It's a fact that we've had such peace arrangements.
But such peace arrangements, as we can now arrive at, can only be characterized as a defensible peace, in which we must retain assets essential to the defense of our country and sufficient to deter aggression.
Until this democratization becomes a mainstay of the region, the proper course for the democratic world, led by the United States, is to strengthen the only democracy in the Middle East, Israel, and to encourage moves to pluralism and greater freedom in the Arab world.
I want to make something clear. We do not want peace merely in our time. We want peace for all time. To the members of "Peace Now": we do not just want peace now. We want peace now, and later, we want peace for generations. There is no divide. That desire is heartfelt. It should be a point of unity, not of disunity.
This is why we must make the pursuit of human rights and democracy a cornerstone of our quest.
These, then, are the three pillars of peace -- peace, reciprocity and the strengthening of democracy.
I believe that a peace based on these three pillars can be advanced. Yet I, ladies and gentlemen, would be remiss if I did not refer to a major challenge facing all of us.
I have touched on the problem of the Middle East that is largely undemocratic, and part of it is strongly anti-democratic. Specifically, it is being radicalized and terrorized by a number of unreconstructed dictatorships whose governmental creed is based on tyranny and intimidation.
The most dangerous of these regimes is Iran, that has wed a cruel despotism to a fanatic militancy. If this regime, or its despotic neighbor Iraq, were to acquire nuclear weapons, this could presage catastrophic consequences, not only for my country, and not only for the Middle East, but for all mankind.
I believe the international community must reinvigorate its efforts to isolate these regimes, and prevent them from acquiring atomic power. The United States and Israel have been at the forefront of this effort, but we can and must do much more. Europe and the countries of Asia must be made to understand that it is folly, nothing short of folly, to pursue short-time material gain while creating a long-term existential danger for all of us.
Only the United States can lead this vital international effort to stop the nuclearization of terrorist states. But the deadline for attaining this goal is getting extremely close.
In our own generation, we have witnessed how the United States averted, by its wisdom, tenacity, and determination, the dangerous expansion of a totalitarian superpower equipped with nuclear weapons. The policy it used for that purpose was deterrence. Now, we see the rise of a similar threat -- similar, and in many ways more dangerous -- against which deterrence by itself may not be sufficient. Deterrence must now be reinforced with prevention -- immediate and effective prevention.
We are confident that America, once again, will not fail to take the lead in protecting our free civilization from this ultimate horror. But, ladies and gentlemen, time is running out. We have to act -- responsibly, in a united front, internationally. This is not a slogan. This is not over-dramatization. This is the life of our children and our grandchildren. And I believe there is no greater, more noble, more responsible force than the united front of democracy, led by the world's greatest democracy, the United States. We can overcome this challenge. We can beat it successfully.
Let me now say a word about a subject that has been on your mind and ours, and that subject is the city of Jerusalem.
Countless words have been written about that city on the hill, which represents the universal hope for justice and peace. I live in that city on the hill. And in my boyhood, I knew that city, when it was divided into enemy camps, with coils of barbed wire stretched through its heart.
Since 1967, under Israeli sovereignty, united Jerusalem has, for the first time in two thousand years, become the city of peace. For the first time, the holy places have been open to worshippers from all three great faiths. For the first time, no group in the city or among its pilgrims has been persecuted or denied free expression. For the first time, a single sovereign authority has afforded security and protection to members of every nationality who sought to come to pray there.
There have been efforts to re-divide this city by those who claim that peace can come through division -- that it can be secured through multiple sovereignties, multiple laws and multiple police forces.
This is a groundless and dangerous assumption, which impels me to declare today: There will never be such a re-division of Jerusalem.
Never.
We shall not allow a Berlin Wall to be erected inside Jerusalem. We will not drive out anyone, but neither shall we be driven out of any quarter, any neighborhood, any street of our eternal capital.
Finally, permit me briefly to remark on our future economic relationship. The United States has given Israel -- how can I tell it to this body? The United States has given Israel, apart from political and military support, munificent and magnificent assistance in the economic sphere. With America's help, Israel has grown to be a powerful, modern state. I believe that we can now say that Israel has reached childhood's end, that it has matured enough to begin approaching a state of self-reliance.
We are committed to turning Israel's economy into a free market of goods and ideas, which is the only way to bring ourselves to true economic independence. This means free enterprise, privatization, open capital markets, an end to cartels, lower taxes, deregulation. You know, there's not a Hebrew word for deregulation. By the time this term of office in Israel is over, there will be a Hebrew word for deregulation.
But may I say something that unites all of us across the political divide: I'm committed to reducing the size of government, and I'm quoting Speaker Gingrich, quoting President Clinton, saying that the era of big government is over. It's over in Israel too.
I believe that a market economy is the only way to effectively absorb immigrants and realize the dream of the ages -- the ingathering of the Jewish exiles. To succeed, we must uphold the market economy as the imperative of the future. It's a crucial pre-requisite for the building of the promised land.
We are deeply grateful for all we have received from the United States, for all that we have received from this chamber, from this body. But I believe there can be no greater tribute to America's long-standing economic aid to Israel than for us to be able to say: We are going to achieve economic independence. We are going to do it. In the next four years, we will begin the long-term process of gradually reducing the level of your generous economic assistance to Israel. I am convinced that our economic policies will lay the foundation for total self-reliance and great economic strength.
In our Hebrew Scriptures, which spread from Jerusalem to all of mankind, there is a verse: "God will give strength to His people; God will bless His people with peace." This is the original, inspired source for the truth that peace derives from strength.
In the coming years, we intend to strengthen the Jewish people in its land. We intend to build an Israel of reciprocal dialogue and peace with each and every one of our neighbors. We will not uproot anyone, nor shall we be uprooted. We shall insist on the right of Jews to live anywhere in the Land, just as we insist on this right for Jews in any other place in the world. We will build an Israel of self-reliance. We will build an Israel with an undivided and indivisible city of hope at its heart. We will build a peace founded on justice and strength, and amity for all men and women of good will.
And I know the American people will join us in making every effort to make our dream a reality, as I know the American people will join us in prayer: "God will give strength to His people; God will bless His people with peace."
Thank you very much.
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