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| Pix credit here (Ying Yeping (应野平), Wang Huanqing (汪欢清) - An Arduous Journey (1961)) |
I have been thinking through the fundamental role of modernization in Chinese constitutionalism and its proper cognitive framing of constitutional theory (or at least of a theory of the way in which collectives approach cognitively rational self-constituting) ((1) "Modernization (现代化) as the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism" [现代化作为中国宪政的生活世界 ]; (2) Discussion
Draft Posted: "Education as Productive Force and Ideological Apparatus:
A Dialectical Analysis of China's Modernization-Driven Knowledge
System" [作为生产力与意识形态机制的教育:中国现代化驱动型知识体系的辩证分析] ).
I have also been engaging in the quite exciting and insightful project of Tong Zhiwei (童之伟) and his elaboration of a theory of fundamental jurisprudence. In the form of his Right, Power, and Faquanism: A Practical Legal Theory from Contemporary China (Boston, Brill, 2018) Tong develops what may emerge as a new general theory of law. I wanted to start to consider the relation between the way that Tong and I saw the world and its theoretical framing. The product of that exploration, at least the first of what may become a fruitful dialogue, is an essay entitled Faquan-in-Motion: Larry Catá Backer’s (白轲) Modernization and the Lebenswelt of Chinese Constitutionalism Read Through Tong Zhiwei's Faquanism [法权运动中:(Larry Catá Backer中文名:白轲) 现代化与中国宪制的生活世界——通过童之伟的法权主义加以阅读], which follows:
Abstract / Summary — For Policymakers and General Audiences
How does China's legal system actually work on its own terms—and what theories do Chinese scholars themselves use to explain it? This essay brings two independent Chinese intellectual projects into conversation for the first time. The first is Tong Zhiwei's "Faquonism," a comprehensive theory that treats the total field of social interests and property (quan) as the raw material from which law carves recognized rights (for individuals) and powers (for the state), leaving the remainder unsettled. The second is Larry Catá Backer's (白轲) phenomenological-semiotic account of Chinese constitutionalism, which treats "modernization" not as a policy slogan but as the cognitive horizon—the deep, historically layered framework—within which Chinese constitutional language acquires its meaning, periodically recalibrated by the Communist Party's diagnosis of the nation's "principal contradiction."
Reading these two frameworks against each other yields a striking finding: each can, to a significant extent, be restated in the vocabulary of the other. Modernization, translated into Faquonism’s terms, names two things at once: the long historical process by which unsettled interests become legally recognized rights and powers, and the external criterion that periodically fixes what ratio between them counts as appropriate. Conversely, Faquonism’s core category—faquon—functions within legal theory in much the same way that modernization functions one level higher in constitutional discourse: as a master-organizing term (a “metasignifier”) that gives all the surrounding concepts their relational meaning. The two projects share structural common ground: both treat law as historically indexed rather than timelessly fixed; both locate the authority to recalibrate legal meaning in the Party’s periodic diagnosis of national conditions; and both imply that the absorption of popular claims into settled legal form proceeds through structured consultation rather than adversarial litigation.
This mutual translatability reveals a further practical insight: Tong’s own methodology already ties the essence of law to whatever China’s current stage of modernization requires. His theory is not timeless philosophy; it is explicitly calibrated to the Party-state’s developmental agenda. This means that shifts in China’s legal order—between more individual rights and more state power—are best understood as responses to changing official assessments of national development, processed through the consultative machinery of Whole-Process People’s Democracy rather than through courts adjudicating individual rights claims.
Important divergences remain. Faquonism’s conception of justice is distributive—each person receiving exactly the legal share due—yet the Chinese constitutional order actually legitimates itself not through fair allocation but through developmental and civilizational achievement: the Party’s claimed capacity to lead modernization. Both theories also rely on the image of a rationally self-transparent vanguard that surveys and directs the entire system from a position of comprehensive knowledge—an image that none of the available mediating idioms (systems theory, biopolitics, indigenous Chinese rhetoric) can fully accommodate without denying something both Chinese source texts insist upon. The essay identifies these and other unresolved tensions—including Faquonism’s lack of a category for Party-internal normativity—not as theoretical failures but as indicators of what remains genuinely open in our understanding of China’s constitutional order, and where future institutional and conceptual evolution may prove consequential.
摘要——面向政策制定者与普通读者
中国的法律体制究竟按照何种内在逻辑运行?中国学者自身又以何种理论加以解释?本文首次使两个彼此独立的中国理论项目展开对话。第一个是童之伟的"法权主义":一套完整理论,将社会利益与财产的总体场域("权")视为法律从中划定权利(面向个人)与权力(面向国家)的原材料,其余部分则保留为未决状态。第二个是Larry Catá Backer(白轲)对中国宪制的现象学—符号学论述,该论述将“现代化”不是视为政策口号,而是理解为中国宪制语言借以获得意义的认知视域——一个深层的、历史层累而成的框架——由共产党对“主要矛盾”的诊断周期性地加以重新校准。
将两个框架相互对照,可得出一项引人注目的发现:二者在相当程度上可以用对方的词汇加以重述。现代化经由法权主义的术语进行转译,同时命名了两件事情:未决利益被吸收为法律上已确定的权利与权力的长时段历史过程,以及周期性地确定二者之间何种比率被视为“适当”的外部标准。反之,法权主义的核心范畴——“法权”——在法学理论内部发挥的功能,与现代化在更高一层宪制话语中所发挥的功能具有结构同源性:二者均作为赋予周围概念以关系性意义的主组织术语(“元能指”)而运作。两个项目共享结构性的共同基础:二者均将法律视为具有历史索引性而非永恒固定的;二者均将重新校准法律意义的权威定位于党对国情的周期性诊断;二者均暗示民众诉求向已决法律形式的吸收,是通过结构化协商而非对抗式诉讼加以实现的。
这种相互可转译性揭示了一项进一步的实践洞见:童之伟自身的方法论已明确将法的本质与中国当前现代化阶段的要求相联结。其理论并非超越时空的哲学抽象,而是被明确校准于党—国家的发展议程。这意味着,中国法律秩序在个人权利与国家权力之间的消长,最适宜被理解为对国家发展阶段官方诊断变化的回应,其制度路径是全过程人民民主的协商机制,而非法院对个人权利主张的裁判。 重要的分歧依然存在。法权主义的正义观是分配性的——每个人恰好获得其应得的法律份额——然而中国宪制秩序实际上并非通过公平分配来自我正当化,而是通过发展性与文明性的成就:即党声称能够领导现代化的能力。与此同时,两种理论都依赖一个具有理性自我透明性的先锋队形象,该先锋队从全面知情的位置审视并指导整个体系——而现有的任何中介性话语(系统理论、生命政治、中国本土修辞策略)都无法在不否定两个中国源文本所坚持的某些内容的前提下完全容纳这一形象。本文将这些及其他未解张力——包括法权主义缺乏对党的内部规范性的范畴性语汇——不视为理论缺陷,而视为我们对中国宪制秩序的理解中仍然真正开放之处的指标,也是未来制度与概念演进可能具有实质后果的领域。
The text of the draft essay follows below and may be accessed ENGLISH / 中文版本 HERE










