Current History has just announced publication (September 202) of its annual China and East Asia Issue. There are several quite interesting articles among them. Though most are pay walled, one is available for free download (Yige Dong, "Chinese Feminists Face Paradoxical State Policies"--access here:View Article; Open the PDF).
The table of contents follows below.
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In the complicated ecology that is Malaysian politics two recent events are worthy of some note. First, on 19 November 2022 it was announced that 97 year old and master politician Mahathir Mohamad, long punching well above his weight, had lost a reelection bid, and lost in (as has been typical for him in all his political activity) in spectacular fashion.
“It’s a major surprise that not only has he [Mahathir] lost, but he has lost in a spectacular fashion,” said Al Jazeera’s Florence Looi, reporting from outside Kuala Lumpur. “He has not only lost his seat but has lost his deposit because he has not been able to get more than an eighth of the votes cast. His party has also not managed to win a single seat.” It was the 97-year-old’s first electoral defeat in more than half a century. He was Malaysia’s prime minister for 22 years from 1981 until he announced his shock retirement in 2003. (Mahathir Mohamad: Ex-Malaysia PM loses seat in shock defeat)Second, Mahathir's longtime mentee, frenemy, rival, and ally, Anwar Ibrahim, was sworn in as Malaysia's Prime Minister. "Malaysia's Anwar Ibrahim was sworn in as prime minister on Thursday, capping a three-decade political journey from a protege of veteran leader Mahathir Mohamad to protest leader, a prisoner convicted of sodomy and opposition leader." (Malaysia's Anwar becomes prime minister, ending decades-long wait) Not all is cake and honey. "Anwar's appointment ends five days of unprecedented post-election crisis, but could usher in further instability with his rival, former prime minister Muhyiddin Yassin, challenging him to prove his majority in parliament.
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The titanic struggle between Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir Mohamad has spanned decades. It has brought out both the best and worst of Malaysia's ethno-religious cultural politics. More importantly, it has served as one of the great examples of the weaponization of ideologies of gender and sexual conformity in politics. For much of this time, Anwar Ibrahim remains on the wrong end of the contest, with Mahathir Mohamad emerging more of less triumphant, and a master manipulator of gendered ethno-religious sensibilities with the occasional utilization of the criminal power of the state to drive home his dominance.
Ideologies of gender remain ascendant throughout the world. For my purposes here ideology might best be understood from the perspective of a community as its "articulated forms of social self-consciousness.". . . An ideology of gender might, then, be reduced to a cluster of norms, expectations, understandings and the like, derived from the meaning of sex, where sex is used in its multiple and ambiguous senses. These ideologies are imprinted in the law of all states-modem and ancient, religious and secular. These ideologies become increasingly less visible as societies substitute the language of corruption, psychosis, and ethno-national chauvinism for that of gender. Corruption, especially in the political discourse of religion, has reinvigorated gender discipline in some countries. (Larry Catá Backer, Emasculated Men, Effeminate Law in the United States, Zimbabwe and Malaysia, (2005) 17(1) Yale Journal of Law & Feminism 1-63 (2005), pp. 1-2).
Corruption remains the defining issue in the relationship between them, and between the ruling elites and the people and collective structures of Malaysia, as it has since the end of the 1990s. Anwar has focused on institutional and political corruption. "'We will never compromise on good governance, the anti-corruption drive, judicial independence and the welfare of ordinary Malaysians,' he said before leading chants of "Reformasi" - his rallying cry for reform during years of opposition." (Malaysia's Anwar becomes prime minister, ending decades-long wait). Mahathir refined the art of aligning political and personal corruption with sexual corruption--as that concept is understood through the religious lens in Malaysia. "There is irony here: both Anwar and Mahathir deployed the language and imagery of religion to describe the corruption of the other. Anwar focused on the institutional corruption of Mahathir's government and lost. Mahathir focused on the personal corruption of Anwar and won." (Backer, Emasculated Men, Effeminate Law , p. 42-43).
Nonetheless, the public may weigh the conflicting narratives of corruption differently given context--and the clear evidence that the gap between discourse, performance and political realities were both mutable and strategic. In the 1990s that alignment is understood as political--a metaphor, as well as a physical performance, which when conflated in the body of Anwar produced a spectacularly over the top drag show of a sodomy trial that at the time garnered global attention. Anwar was "sacked in September 1998, detained without trial and then charged with sodomy and corruption." Succeeding decades exposed the gaps, and strategies. By the beginning of the 21st century, the calculus of corruption moved in a different direction. The rest is the stuff of melodrama.
Anwar was freed in 2004 after Malaysia's top court overturned his sodomy conviction, a year after Mahathir stepped down as prime minister after 22 years in power. But Anwar was imprisoned a second time for sodomy in 2015 — in a case he said was aimed at crushing his alliance which was making gains against the UMNO-led government. Yet, he didn't give up. From his prison cell, Anwar made up with Mahathir. . . Mahathir became the world's oldest leader at 92 after the [2018] victory. Anwar was pardoned shortly after and would have succeeded Mahathir, but infighting led to their government's collapse just after 22 months. (From prisoner to prime minister, Malaysia's Anwar had long ride to top)
Yet it may be worth noting that the structures and performance of corruption may remain undiminished--culturally at least.
The use of personal corruption as an intensifier raised the level of Anwar's corruption well above any that could be laid on Mahathir. The intensification effect occurred not only in the court but in the press as well, where the government permitted reporting in a way designed to expose Anwar to the maximum negative effects of the charges. Mahathir might permit cronyism and even profit from it, but the corruption was not personal, and indeed, the form of corruption itself might be gendered male. (Backer, Emasculated Men, Effeminate Law , p. 43)That was two decades ago. The balance appears to have shifted; but has the balancing disappeared? The question is not merely important as a matter of the expression of racism, ethno-chauvinism and religious tolerance in developing diverse states--though that is an important enough reason for attention. It is important as well because those choices will have a significant effect on Malaysia's relations with the rest of the world. Given Malaysia's strategic position for both the Chinese Belt and Road System and the Trans-Pacific Partnership framework (plus the US), those choices will have significance far beyond the borders of that state (eg here, here, and here).
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| AP file photo 1941 (available HERE) |
Public Law 103-308 103d Congress 36 USC 169. Joint Resolution Designating December 7 of each year as "National Pearl Harbor RemembrancePresidents have duly produced the required proclamation in the years since. They do not vary much within the terms of an administration. The 2020 Proclamation of Mr. Trump may be accessed here; compare the text of the 2012 Proclamation of mr. Obama HERE. Governors will usually then order flags flown at half staff (example here), and perhaps increasingly muted commemorations are held as the pool of those wil direct memories shrinks and their memories as well. Generally they follow the language of the Proclamation and explain it to suit the year, though usually in marginally different ways. But then, in how many different ways may one proclaim a day of remembrance for the dead during the course of an event that formally brought the United States into war with the Japanese Empire and thereafter with the German Reich? To what ends a reduction of the event to a (well deserved) commemoration of individual sacrifice quite precisely contextualized within history?
Aug. 23, 1994 Day".
[H.J. Res. 131] Whereas, on December 7, 1941, the Imperial Japanese Navy and Air Force attacked units of the armed forces of the United States stationed at Pearl Harbor, Hawaii; Whereas more than 2,000 citizens of the United States were killed and more than 1,000 citizens of the United States were wounded in the attack on Pearl Harbor; Whereas the attack on Pearl Harbor marked the entry of the United States into World War II; Whereas the veterans of World War II and all other people of the United States commemorate December 7 in remembrance of the attack on Pearl Harbor; and Whereas commemoration of the attack on Pearl Harbor will instill in all people of the United States a greater understanding and appreciation of the selfless sacrifice of the individuals who served in the armed forces of the United States during World War II: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That December 7 of each year is designated as "National Pearl Harbor Remembrance Day" and the President is authorized and requested— (1) to issue annually a proclamation calling on the people of the United States to observe the day with appropriate ceremonies and activities; and (2) to urge all Federal agencies, and interested organizations, groups, and individuals, to fly the flag of the United States at halfstaff each December 7 in honor of the individuals who died as a result of their service at Pearl Harbor. Approved August 23, 1994.
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Our next interview
is with Dr. Prof. Sylvia Pedraza, professor of Sociology and American Culture of the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor). Her research interests include the sociology of immigration, race and Ethnicity in the U.S., as well as the sociology of Cuba's revolution and exodus. We spoke about her experiences growing up that led from her childhood immigration
experiences to sociology at the University of Michigan and how that
shaped her research. She speaks then to the sociology of Cuban
migration, focusing on the five distinct ways of migration out of Cuba,
from the group who left at the time of the revolution (whom she calls
"those who wait") to those who have been leaving now ("those who walk")
literally describing the experiences of Cuban migrants walking from
South America to the U.S. border (See her marvelous book, Political Disaffection in Cuba's Revolution and Exodus (2007)). Lastly she talks about the parallels
and divergences between the experiences of Cuba and of Venezuela and
what sociological research has begun to reveal). It was a truly
fascinating discussion. 
ARIA allocated $1.5 billion for five years for designated programs in the Asia Pacific region. Beyond the expected--a renewed commitment to traditional alliances, a re-commitment to the denuclearization of Korea, and a reaffirmation of support for Taiwanese autonomy--the Act authorized renewed bilateral and multilateral engagement with US partners. Some have suggested that this opens the door to an arrangement between the now effective Trans Pacific Partnership and the United States, something the Trump administration signalled might be plausible as early as October 2018 (e.g., here). A reconstituted TPP would jump start America First in the sense of solidifying a large multilateral trade area within which production chains might be managed in accordance to shared values and insulated, in some respects from competing pressures. But even the threat of a fully reconstituted TPP could put pressure on China's alternative Belt and Road Initiative are least in the sense that it provides potential partners with bargaining leverage and might increase China's costs to assembling its own multilateral trading area.On the very last day of 2018, U.S. President Donald Trump signed into law the Asia Reassurance Initiative Act (ARIA), which according to the White House “establishes a multifaceted strategy to increase U.S. security, economic interests and values in the Indo-Pacific region.”
The act represents an attempt by the U.S. Congress to exercise a degree of oversight over the White House’s implementation of the Asia policy that is articulated in the 2017 National Security Strategy and the 2018 National Defense Strategy documents. (What ARIA Will and Won’t Do for the US in Asia).
“In the past it was said that I put him in prison. Now I have freed him,” Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad said in a press conference on Wednesday afternoon, after Anwar’s release. Anwar was Mahathir’s deputy premier during his first stint as prime minister, before he was sacked in 1998 and later imprisoned for sodomy and corruption. (Bhavan Jaipragas, "‘Now I have freed him,’ says Malaysia’s Mahathir as Anwar walks," South China Morning Post 16 May 2018
Ideologies of gender remain ascendant throughout the world. For my purposes here ideology might best be understood from the perspective of a community as its "articulated forms of social self-consciousness.". . . An ideology of gender might, then, be reduced to a cluster of norms, expectations, understandings and the like, derived from the meaning of sex, where sex is used in its multiple and ambiguous senses.These ideologies are imprinted in the law of all states-modem and ancient, religious and secular.5 These ideologies become increasingly less visible as societies substitute the language of corruption, psychosis, and ethno-national chauvinism for that of gender.6 Corruption, especially in the political discourse of religion, has reinvigorated gender discipline in some countries. (Larry Catá Backer, Emasculated Men, Effeminate Law in the United States, Zimbabwe and Malaysia, Yale Journal of Law & Feminism 17(1):1-63 (2005, pp. )1-2).Further thoughts followed here, here, here, here, here, and here.
The case began two years ago when The Herald, the Roman Catholic Church’s weekly Malaysian publication, filed a suit against the government. The Herald has argued that the word “Allah” predates Islam and is used by Arabic-speaking non-Muslims to refer to God. It filed the suit in order to continue to use the word “Allah” in its Malay language newspaper. The government had issued the ban on the use of “Allah” by non-Muslims in the 1980s, but the law was never enforced. Just in the last few years the government began enforcing the law and confiscating Bibles that contained the word “Allah.” In response to the High Court’s decision, the government appealed the ruling last week. It maintains that “Allah” is an Islamic word and if used by non-Muslims could confuse Muslims into converting to those faiths. Ethan Cole Christian Post, Eight Church Arson Attack After Malaysia's Allah Ruling, Christianity Today, Jan. 12, 2010.
Every religious group has the right -
- (a) to manage its own religious affairs;
- (b) to establish and maintain institutions for religious or charitable purposes; and
- (c) to acquire and own property and hold and administer it in accordance with law.
an element of toleration within a system of privilege (of Islam) and subordination (of all others) is made necessary by the construction of state organization on the basis of a dominant race religious construct—the Malay. Yet, Islam’s privilege is constrained by the constitution itself.361 And a system of conventionally described fundamental rights is specified.362 Moreover, the courts have resisted a constitutional interpretation that would use Article 3 as the engine through which Islamist constitutionalism could be imported. Backer, Larry Catá, Theocratic Constitutionalism: An Introduction to a New Global Legal Ordering, at Section IV.D.1 (referring to article 3(1) that provides "Islam is the religion of the Federation; but other religions may be practised in peace and harmony in any part of the Federation.").In working their way through these provisions, the High Court appears to have adopted a middle course, construing all of the provisions together to derive governing principles. As summarized in a recent report:
High Court judge Datuk Lau Bee Lan also declared that an order by the Home Minister banning the use of the word as illegal, null and void. Lau, in her oral decision today, held that the Herald had the constitutional right to use the word in the magazine to propagate the Christian religion but not Islam. She said that pursuant to Article 11(4) of the Federal Constitution, it is an offence for non-Muslims to use the word 'Allah' to Muslims to propagate the religion. But it is not an offence for non-Muslims to use the word to non-Muslims for the purpose of religion, she added. Pursuant to Articles 11 and 12 of the Federal Constitution, the Herald had the constitutional right to use the word in respect of instruction and education of the congregation in the Christian religion. Article 10 allowed it to use the word in the exercise of its right to freedom of speech and expression, she said. Lau said thus the decision by the Home Minister prohibiting Herald publications from using the word 'Allah' in the magazine was illegal, null and void. She said the minister had also failed to adduce evidence that the use of word would threaten national security and create misunderstanding and confusion among Muslims. Time Leonard and Joseph Masilamany, Court: 'Allah' Not Exclusive to Muslims, Sun to Surf, Dec. 31, 2009.
The court decision is not right and we are planning to hold a major demonstration to protest this," Syed Hassan Syed Ali, secretary general of Malay rights group Pribumi Perkasa told AFP. He and 50 other Malay activists held a small protest over the ruling outside a central mosque Friday. "We fear that the court victory will mean that Christian missionaries will now use the word, confusing (the identity of) Muslims and undermining religious harmony," he said. Federation of Malay Students' Association advisor Reezal Merican said although the court decision had to be respected, the government needed to appeal it. "We want to live in peace with all religions here but the word Allah has traditionally in Malaysia been used to represent the Muslim God, which is different from Christianity, and this must be addressed," he told AFP. Northern Perak state mufti Harussani Zakaria was also critical of the verdict, calling it "an insult to Muslims in this country," according to the influential Malay-language Utusan Malaysia newspaper. Malaysian Muslim Activists Oppose 'Allah' Ruling, AFP, Jan. 1, 2010.
In addition to security provided by police, Muslim non-government organisations have also begun to patrol church areas in the Klang Valley – an area on the west coast that includes the capital Kuala Lumpur – where four churches were targets of arson attacks. Muslim volunteers began patrolling Monday night in two shifts, from 11 pm to 2 am and 4 am until dawn, according to Malaysia’s The Star newspaper. The Muslim NGO’s have committed to be the “eyes and ears” of the government, which has condemned the attacks on churches, to ensure the security of Christian places of worship. Ethan Cole Christian Post, Eight Church Arson Attack After Malaysia's Allah Ruling, Christianity Today, Jan. 12, 2010.
As a nation we struggle to uphold the spirit of unity that our founding fathers envisioned at independence. We must hold fast to Article 11 of the Federal Constitution which guarantees freedom of religion and the right of religious groups to manage their own affairs. In such times the spirit of engagement and dialogue must transcend those voices that would seek to sow discord and enmity across our land. The people of Malaysia must unite against those who exploit race and religion to incite hatred for political gain. We must renew our commitment to religious understanding and religious freedom. This is a time that tests the resolve of all religions for peace and mutual respect. We must remember that the God who we worship is in fact the same God, the Creator and Sustainer of the Universe. With respect to the use of the word Allah, for example, it cannot be disputed that Arabic speaking Muslims, Christians and Jews have collectively prayed to God as Allah throughout the last fourteen centuries. While sensitivities over its usage have arisen in Malaysia, the way to resolve these conflicts is not by burning churches and staging incendiary protests but by reasoned engagement and interreligious dialogue. Anwar Ibrahim, Statement on Church Bombings and Allah Issue, Jan. 10, 2010.
The Malaysian government has refused to release 10,000 Bibles which it seized because they contained the word Allah to refer to God. The government, which is dominated by Muslim Malays, claims that the word Allah is Islamic and that its use in Bibles could upset Muslims. The Roman Catholic Church is challenging the ban in court.Robert Pigott, Malaysia Withholds 'Allah' Bibles, BBC News Online, Nov. 4, 2009. The issue is framed in legal terms, as one involving rights of minorities. "The government has impounded Bibles before, intercepting 5,000 in March as they were imported from Indonesia. . . . The Christian Federation of Malaysia said the religious freedom guaranteed by the Malaysian constitution was meaningless if people were denied Bibles which used their own language. " Id. It is also framed in property terms, as one involving rights to a name, like one can assert rights in a trademark. "Church officials say that although the word Allah originated in Arabic, Malays have used it for centuries to refer generally to God, and Arabic-speaking Christians used it before Islam was founded. " Id.
But, of course, the real issue is one of power and control. Christians long taunted Jews (and some persist to this day) by insisting that there is a necessary substantive distinction between the one "true" and "only" God--a Christian God who is solely worthy of the referent "God" and the false or past notions of Divine Presence whose name was derived from translations of the Hebrew and Aramaic contractions of the Divine Referent in the Old Testament. Consider something as innocuous today as the General Audience (Nuptial Meaning of the Body) Jan. 9, 1980 ("Rereading and analyzing the second narrative of creation, the Yahwist text, we must ask ourselves if the first "man" ('adam), in his original solitude, really "lived" the world as a gift. . . . , Though man was in this situation of original happiness, the Creator himself (God-Yahweh) and then also "man," pointed out that man was alone - instead of stressing the aspect of the world as a subjectively beatifying gift created for man (cf. the first narrative and in particular Gn 26:29)."). Likewise, for some, Allah was a means of distinguishing a false Divine Referent, that of the Muslims, from the true belief whose foundation could only be referred to as "God". Christians, of course, were not the only one who engaged in this sort of linguistic power play. But its symbolic value was powerful. It reduced and distinguished notions of the Divine between religions so that, by extension, each faith could be assured that its own Divine Referent was the only true one, and the purported belief in "God" by others, especially by non-believers, could be distinguished. This is brought out in its sublime subtlety in the Papal Encyclical Nostra Aetate (Paul VI, Declaration on the Relation of the Church to Non-Christian Religions, Oct. 28, 1965) (for example, "The Catholic Church rejects nothing that is true and holy in these religions. She regards with sincere reverence those ways of conduct and of life, those precepts and teachings which, though differing in many aspects from the ones she holds and sets forth, nonetheless often reflect a ray of that Truth which enlightens all men. Indeed, she proclaims, and ever must proclaim Christ "the way, the truth, and the life" (John 14:6), in whom men may find the fullness of religious life, in whom God has reconciled all things to Himself." Id., Para. 2). There is a fine here between beliefs that define a religious community and the appropriate of the descriptors they might share in common with others, but which might, if used in common, suggest an equivalence that is otherwise discouraged as communal-faith destroying.
The fight between Christians and Muslims, then, can be understood as rights not merely to control a Divine Referent, but as as a battle for control over the "accepted" name of that Referent. If Christians, and Jews, began to refer to the Divine Presence by reference to the word "Allah", then Muslims would appear to lose a monopoly of control over a word that powerfully seeks to legitimate their claim of possession to the only true Referent of the Di¡vine and therefore the only true path to a relationship with that Presence. For the Church in Southeast Asia, this is not a new battle. For example, John Paul II used the term in his apostolic blessing on pilgrims from Indonesia in 1995. Address of His Holiness John Paul II to a Group of Pilgrims from Indonesia, July 7, 1995 ("Semoga Allah memberkati Indonesia dengan damaiNya. Semoga Allah memberkati anda sekalian. (May God bless Indonesia with his peace. May God bless you all)." Id.)
The issue, then, though framed in terms of law and rights, is in fact, about the power of religious institutions--and their faith communities, to assert a critical power over language and meaning. To control language and meaning is to control the levers of authentic relations with God. It appears that the Evangelist John might have understood the issues best of all 2000 or so years ago when he wrote:
"In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God, and the Word was God. The same was in the beginning with God." John 1:1-2.The irony here, and the full understanding of these words by the Muslim community, and its translation into the language of law and rights by the state and the Christian community, bespeaks of the glory of the perverse which appears to difficult to resist. Who owns the name of God, or the descriptor, God? It may depend on which community has the power to appropriate the term and limit its use to a particular faith community, and by implication, denying both the use of the term and claims for legitimate connection to the Divine Referent.
This is the FOURTH of a multi-part series exploring the rise of a new form of integrated sovereign investing. The focus will be on the regulatory framework that is being developed in the West and the reality of innovative sovereign investing being implemented in China. A complete version of these materials will be published in the University of Iowa College of Law Journal, Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems. The manuscript of which may be accessed HERE.
This is the THIRD of a multi-part series exploring the rise of a new form of integrated sovereign investing. The focus will be on the regulatory framework that is being developed in the West and the reality of innovative sovereign investing being implemented in China. A complete version of these materials will be published in the University of Iowa College of Law Journal, Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems. The manuscript of which may be accessed HERE.
This is the SECOND of a multi-part series exploring the rise of a new form of integrated sovereign investing. The focus will be on the regulatory framework that is being developed in the West and the reality of innovative sovereign investing being implemented in China. A complete version of these materials will be published in the University of Iowa College of Law Journal, Transnational Law and Contemporary Problems. The manuscript of which may be accessed HERE.
This is the FIRST of a multi-part series exploring the rise of a new form of integrated sovereign investing. The focus will be on the regulatory framework that is being developed in the West and the reality of innovative sovereign investing being implemented in China. A complete version of these materials will be published in the University of Iowa College of Law, the full manuscript of which may be accessed HERE.
Even if we are agreed that Muslims must be committed to change, the question that remains is how we can proceed. Real engagement must be inclusive. We should not start by building a wall around ourselves, setting preconditions, and prejudging groups and parties. These impediments only serve to strengthen old prejudices and further sow suspicion and doubt. If the notion of the universalism of Islam is to mean anything, it would require that its values of justice, compassion and tolerance be practiced everywhere. Can we remain blind to the injustice perpetrated in non-Muslim countries? Should we not also relate to the suffering of other minorities in Muslim countries? And our condemnation against the violation of human rights must transcend race, colour or creed. But we should do well to remember that no nation, no region, and no culture or religion has a monopoly on the values of freedom, justice and human dignity. If we seek to engage in dialogue between Islam and the West that is meaningful, then let it be based on these universal principles that we all share.Anwar Ibrahim, Islam and the West after George Bush, Opening address by Anwar Ibrahim at the L’Institut français des relations internationals Conference-Debate on “Islam and the West after George Bush”, in Paris, Chaired by Michel Camdessus.
Their union, to the extent it lasts, may bring change that would redistribute (and perhaps diffuse) power within Malaysia and reposition the role and effect of the religious parties within the state and in the relation of religion to law in Malaysia).Those losses call into question the future of the country’s race-based coalition, a system in place since independence in which each major ethnic group — Malays, Chinese and Indians — is represented by a political party.
Opposition leaders have vowed to move Malaysia away from the system, with the National Justice Party of Mr. Anwar the loudest proponent of the change. Mr. Anwar, who many see as a possible future prime minister, is barred from holding public office until April because of a conviction for abuse of power in a politically charged trial. But his wife and his daughter won seats in Parliament on Saturday.
He said in an interview that he would not rule out asking a member of his party to resign so he can run in a by-election. “I’m not in a hurry,” said Mr. Anwar, whose party won 32 seats, up from one seat in the last election in 2004. Malaysia's Ruling Coalition Suffers Setback, supra.
Ibrahim starts by reinforcing the character of the political effort as bundled with an idea.
We gather today not only to celebrate an auspicious anniversary, but to hail the triumph of an idea, an idea so sublime that people throughout history were willing to give their lives for it.
Its force was so great that we have to be reminded by Victor Hugo of its strength. This great French writer said: “Greater than the tread of mighty armies is an idea whose time has come.”
On March 8th last year, an idea with the force of a tsunami landed by way of the ballot box in Malaysia.
This idea was that the people are sovereign, that they are the masters of their political destiny. Their destiny is not decided by autocrats or elites; plutocracies and a controlled media; neither the army, the police, nor by corrupt judges.
Their fate is decided by the free exercise of their choice registered through the power of their vote. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,”supra.
He means to suggest that the movement is not merely political but ideological as well. There are echos not merely to Western letters (he references Victor Hugo) but also one of the great masters of the rhetoric of the political idea, Fidel Castro. By referencing ideas rather than programs, ideology rather than personality, Ibrahim suggests the possibility of revolutionary action int he sense of overcoming a larger and better established opponent, but on the basis of principle. See, Larry Catá Backer, 'Las ideas no se matan!', Law at the End of the Day, Dec. 1, 2006. The idea appears simple--the possibilities for change inherent in mass democratic movements. But that requires both the mechanics of legitimate democratic expression and mass movements of people motivated by a singular ideology to act in a disciplined way, at least at the polls.
The program to be generated by the ideology Anwar Ibrahim proposes is simple enough to describe:
We have a comprehensive vision for leading Malaysia and our leadership is rooted in sound economic planning as well as reinstating the principles of democracy, socio-economic justice, equal economic opportunities and religious freedom.
We invest in education. We create jobs and bring foreign investment into our states, and we give everyone an opportunity to benefit from the newly created wealth. From what we earn we share with those less fortunate. And we fought the increase in petrol prices until the BN conceded to reduce the burden it had foisted upon the people. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,”supra.
And he deftly attempts to bridge that violence producing divide between Malay and Malaysian by conflating national unity with a unifying approach to economic policy. He tells his audience in carefully chosen words:
We have started to implement a Malaysian Economic Agenda for the nation that is truly Malaysian. Our aim is to build a prosperous country by establishing a stable and clean business environment that is competitive in the global economy. We believe in free markets, but our pro-growth policies are tempered with a dose of state intervention and an emphasis on good governance and social justice. This would ensure that the poorest segments of society including the Malays and bumiputeras have access to economic opportunities and aid that trickles all the way down instead of disappearing long before it reaches them. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
Ibrahim reminds his audience that the mechanics of popular democracy had been hard won. He then reminds his audience of the electoral gains they have managed over the past year. He suggests possible future victories of a coalition well disciplined enough by ideology to act in concert, and free enough to permit individual expression through the legitimating expression at the polls. This is indeed a delicate act. "Today, a year later, we stand humbled by that expression of people’s sovereignty. In this last year, we have given the people in Selangor, Perak, Penang, Kedah and Kelantan a taste of the kind of government we ought to have when the people are sovereign." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
But clearly, ideas without mass politics remains little more than an academic enterprise. He provides them a measure of hope in the future of their alliance ("The Coalition has grown stronger and our partners have worked in unison to govern in the states. After two by-elections our mandate from the people is stronger than ever." Id.). More importantly, perhaps, Anwar Ibrahim also suggests that electoral corruption is still lurking--requiring greater mass vigilance to preserve that democratic space for popular expression. He effectively reinforces the legitimacy of the alliance by suggesting the corruption of their opponents.
BN’s fear of facing us in another election is most clearly visible in Perak. The illegitimate tactics they employed to attempt a hostile takeover of that State’s government backfired. In so doing they have alienated the public, which has issued strident calls from over 75% of its population for a fresh election. Petrified of an outcome that would swing the balance in our favour, the BN has abused its power and launched an all out attack on our elected representatives, making a mockery of itself and of the institutions of governance. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
This, of course, is classic politics in Malaysia. And corruption--especially the conflation of sexual and political corruption--is a lesson learned long and hard by Anwar Ibrahim himself. See Larry Catá Backer, Democracy Part XIII: Anwar Ibrahim Flees Malaysia's Democracy, Law at the End of the Day, June 29, 2008. Political corruption is merely a doorway to the corruption of the political and economic body. "This government has a dismal track record in disbursing funds – every year according to Morgan Stanley an estimated USD 10 billion is lost to corruption." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra. Anwar Ibrahim will build on corruption to reach from the petty to a suggestion that corruption is itself the symptom of illegitimate power in Malaysia. Corruption thus stands as a bridge between particular action, ideology and legitimacy. It remains an effective tool of party and ideological legitimation within Malaysia on the traditional matrix: religion-politics-sex.
After much anticipation and hype we have a new Commission to fight corruption. But it has already proven its true colours. The MACC is no different from its predecessor, pursuing frivolous attacks against the Pakatan Rakyat whilst ignoring the endless supply of abhorrent corruption taking place in the BN government’s own backyard.
Has the judiciary shown any sign of redress? Do Malaysians feel confident that the scales of justice are more balanced and the dispensation of justice more fair? On the contrary, a superficial attempt to restore credibility to the process of appointing judges has fallen flat. The courts remain cluttered with judges whose records speak volumes as to their lack of impartiality and pervasive influence peddling.
Is the Election Commission a fair and impartial arbiter of elections? Or does it plot and scheme against the people and try to stack the odds in favour of the BN?
We have seen the darkest and most evil abuses of power take place at the hands of the police – an institution that has for many years resisted calls for reform. We condemn the tragedy of Abu Ghraib, and yet in our own prison cells victims are tortured and left to die. How manifestly unjust is it that the people of Malaysia must live in fear of those who are entrusted with their protection?
Those whose responsibility it was to safeguard this nation have failed. Years of their polices have left Malaysia at great risk. A lagging economy is on the brink of recession. Crime runs rampant and our streets are not safe to walk. The education that our children receive is substandard and many of our schools lack funding for basic infrastructure. The police and the judiciary are feared for their ruthlessness and their disdain for justice and human rights. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
Corruption, of course, breeds division. And division produces great stress on rule of law governance. "If we address the crisis of confidence in our judiciary and take real steps to combat corruption, ensure the professionalism of the police and make our villages and streets safe, foreign investors will again find Malaysia an attractive destination. With continued investment in education, infrastructure and health care we can create the jobs we need and emerge from this recession stronger than before." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra. And that in turn serves as another basis for attacking the legitimacy of the corrent holders of power within the state apparatus. "On the issue of justice, there remain two standards in Malaysia – one for those who wield power, and another for those who seek justice and call for the Rule of Law." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
And from political illegitimacy grounded in rule of law and corruption comes the issue of incompetence. Here Anwar Ibrahim suggests the direct connection between legitimacy and corruption, the avoidance of rule of law, and competence. The corrupt do not even have the excuse of competent administration in their favor--and therefore the suggestion of a necessary link between division, competence and the right to govern.
The Umno-dominated BN is caught in a warp of its own making. They talk about reform but cannot walk the talk. This is what a half-century in power does to you. It is unable to reform, immune to change, deaf to criticism.
Billions of dollars of public funds are poured into wasteful projects and the unnecessary purchases of military goods. Exorbitant commissions are paid while the perpetrators of these crimes go unpunished.
While the rest of the world braced for the impact of a deep and difficult recession, the Finance Minister seemed oblivious to the imminent economic challenges. While other nations geared for the calamitous conditions we now face, this man watched from the sidelines. In his most decisive act he issued bailouts for a few corporations using money plucked from the retirement savings of the Malaysian people. The earlier stimulus package has gotten stuck in the quicksand of bureaucracy, causing extraordinary delays in the disbursement of funds. The second one, which arrives belatedly in Parliament this week, may be a case of too little too late. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
The government is encumbered by divisive politics and the underhanded tactics of the ruling party; a party that has placed its own self-preservation ahead of the interests of the people.Religion and race are manipulated by the powers that be to sow divisions in the country and pit Malaysian against Malaysian. Democracy is itself subverted and the rights of the people are trampled and trodden with no respect for the Rule of Law. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
Anwar then contrasts his own efforts to those of the current ruling party. The point is to construct a binary in which the ruling party stands for the negative and the coalition opposing that party stands for its opposite. "With an open hand and good intentions we in Pakatan Rakyat have reached out to our adversaries in government. Our brightest minds have offered solutions to the problems facing Malaysia and we have shared these openly in Parliament. . . . Sadly our efforts have been rebuffed. We have encountered in Umno politicians who are insecure and paranoid, desperate to hang onto power and oblivious of their responsibility to the people." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra. The government is painted as intransigent, unreasonable, and selfish. These are layers of corruption that deepen the sense of the illegitimacy of the government and its ministers. But in the face of such bad conduct, Anwar offers patience and understanding. "We are not surprised by their intransigence. A party that has grown so out of touch with the plight of ordinary Malaysians can easily and without guilt abandon them in this moment of their greatest need." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
And thus the ultimate evidence of corruption--an abandonment of the people themselves, a repudiation of the sovereign popular power and a transformation of the government from a reflection of the popular will to a source of arbitrary personal gain among a group of people with no legitimate connection to the people--or the apparatus of state. To this the opposing coalition presents a stark contrast. Anwar suggests that they "have not allowed these selfish actions to dampen our resolve. Our Menteris Besar and Chief Minister have met to discuss avenues of cooperation among our states and our members of Parliament are vigilant in watching over the Rakyat’s wealth. Pakatan Leaders will soon announce shadow committees to monitor and report on the BN government’s spending and to evaluate the impact of its policies. Our policy committees will articulate more clearly the Pakatan Rakyat position on key areas including land reform, education, youth development and Sabah and Sarawak." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra. He offers a government truer to the principles of mass democracy than those who formally hold office. And now we have come full circle, back to the core principles that define the opposing coalition--and now are understood to define the core principles animating the Malaysian state.
Thus, in a passage that merits close study in the United States for its parallels to the situaiton in the United States after two bailout passages of similar kinds passed by both major political parties, Anwar Ibrahim offers a substitute for the continuing funding of of crony enterprises whose managers are intimately tied to government officials:
If we allow more bailouts for crony companies and look the other way as billions of dollars in economic stimulus are funnelled back to these companies then our nation faces serious peril. It is imperative that with any economic stimulus package, a strong and impartial regimen of oversight and public disclosure also be implemented. . . . We have every reason to believe that unless monitored carefully the money will once again end up in the wrong hands, and the country and the people will suffer the consequences. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
Where the current regime offers arbitrary assertions of government power, of rejection of rule of law, of cronyism in the service of the few, and the exacerbation of racial, religious and ethnic tensions to divide the country and preserve its power, Anwar Ibrahim paints of pictire of the opposing coalition as offering the converse--good governance, unity and adherence to a principled rule of law framework for asserting state power.
Our commitment to good governance is sacrosanct and the signs of its implementation can be seen throughout our states. Contracts are awarded more efficiently and with open tenders. Zero tolerance of corruption has saved us 100s of millions already, while giving small businesses and entrepreneurs the confidence to invest and create jobs knowing that the system works for them. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
And from this implementation of the ideology of the opposing parties good thing will flow to the people, not just ethnic Malays, but others as well. "This has also created an environment more attractive to foreign investment, which in Penang doubled in just one year and in Perak increased to RM 3.4 billion. In Selangor it has reached its highest point in nine years, RM 11.87 billion, creating 30,000 new jobs for Malaysians. . . . The Perak government has provided land titles to deserving families in the state, including Malay, Orang Asli and Chinese, a credit to Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Nizar Jamaluddin’s visionary leadership and his tenacity in defending the rights of the poor and marginalized." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
But all of this will be realized only if the coalition that constitutes the opposition can actually deepen its commitment to political action. But in the context of Malaysian ethno-politics, this deepening cannot be taken for granted. And so Anwar Ibrahim ends his speech with an appeal to the ethnically diverse and traditionally opposing groups that came together for an instant the year before. In that appeal there is a glimpse of the possible outlines of ethno politics in Malaysia. It is one that is meant to offer benefits for all of the participants without sacrificing a fundamental unity within the state. Here is another example of increasing global efforts to suggest an operationalization of 'unity in diversity.' The key is twofold: first reorient the privileged political classifications, abandoning ethnic and religious categories for class categories (rich/poor); and second, ensure that core ethnic privilege is not threatened, especially those of the majority group in its religion and cultural dominance. This is both a bracing and complicated gambit wholly impossible in the United States (the idea of a political program that focused on preserving white European cultural and religious privilege but sensitive to the cultural and ethnic sensitivities of other large sub groups would be politically implausible in the United States), but plausible in Malaysia.
With respect to the first aim, Anwar Ibrahim promises that his "priorities are to create jobs and combat poverty. Housing projects, particularly for lower-income groups will be announced. These developments will be livable and affordable, and we will also identify ways to improve the living standards in existing low-income residential areas." Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra. Anwar Ibrahim thus refocuses the political debate in terms of class issues, avoiding ethnic and religious division.
March 8th restored hope to many who had given up on our government. Throughout the country I meet Malaysians inspired by that day. They envision a future that is more prosperous and a nation more united. With the Pakatan Rakyat they envision a time when schools will be better, where cities and villages will be safer and where good jobs will be plentiful and where honest people can earn a decent living. Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
With respect to the second, Anwar Ibrahim first suggests a sensitivity to avoiding discrimination in the distribution of governmental benefits. For example, "Selangor has invested in the development and infrastructure of schools that cater to all the ethnic communities. In Perak 1,000 hectares of land has been granted to the religious schools (SAR) and to National type Chinese schools." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra. Critically, Anwar Ibrahim walks a tightrope, both hopeful and ambiguous:
To our brothers and sisters in Sabah and Sarawak, I know that this belief and hope for a better tomorrow is hard for you. Your hopes and aspirations have been betrayed many times already. Give us a chance. This Coalition has proven it has much to offer you and that together we can build a better Malaysia.
To the bumiputeras – this nation is our home and in Malaysia our customs and traditions are secure. We believe that the best way to safeguard our values is to reject socially divisive approaches and uphold Constitutional guarantees. In doing so we will work to ensure that you remain pillars of this society and that your contributions in all fields are recognised and your excellence rewarded. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
The trick to the coalition is amalgamation. But this is dangerous stuff. It is only a small step from the carefully crafted ideas of diversity within union and the old American system of civil equality and social hierarchy. Anwar Ibrahim here suggests bumiputera generosity because they can afford generosity in the context of their own social place. Neutrality, in effect, is a sign of generosity of a majority comfortable in its status and sure of its position. There is a certain justice in the notion, but also a cerrtain danger. Consider this from a more exagerated and perhaps older perspective:
The white race deems itself to be the dominant race in this country. And so it is in prestige, in achievements, in education, in wealth and in power. So, I doubt not, it will continue to be for all time if it remains true to its great heritage and holds fast to the principles of constitutional liberty. But in view of the Constitution, in the eye of the law, there is in this country no superior, dominant, ruling class of citizens. There is no caste here. Our Constitution is color-blind, and neither knows nor tolerates classes among citizens. In respect of civil rights, all citizens are equal before the law. The humblest is the peer of the most powerful. The law regards man as man, and takes no account of his surroundings or of his color when his civil rights as guaranteed by the supreme law of the land are involved. Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896) (Harlan, J., dissenting).Harlan's suggestion in Plessy v. Ferguson is a double edged sword. It suggests civil equlaity is the only fundamental basis of political organization. But it also suggests that in a plural society, social stability in the context of civil equality is grounded in a functional social hierarchy in which the majority enjoys a pride of place by virtue of its numbers and its achievements. Thsi presents both a reassurance and a challenge to the Malay majority, one which when subject to any sort of substantial stress might veer back to formal subordination.
And in that amalgamation, of course, religion must be factored into the mix. For Anwar Ibrahim, long associated with religious party politics in Malaysia, this is also a sensitive issue. But Anwar in no fundamentalist. He shares, with the outlook of manyy in the United States, the soft notion of majority power. Islam and Islamic values must be privileged if only because it serves as the fundamental social ordering principle of a large majority fo the citiziens of the state, the way that Christianity serves the same role in the United States. There is an echo of Justice Scalia's reminder of the power of dominant religions in plural society in the language Anwar Ibrahim uses here. See Employment Div. Dept. Human Resources of Oregon v. Smith, 494 U.S. 872 (1990) ("But to say that a nondiscriminatory religious practice exemption is permitted, or even that it is desirable, is not to say that it is constitutionally required, and that the appropriate occasions for its creation can be discerned by the courts. It may fairly be said that leaving accommodation to the political process will place at a relative disadvantage those religious practices that are not widely engaged in; but that unavoidable consequence of democratic government must be preferred to a system in which each conscience is a law unto itself or in which judges weigh the social importance of all laws against the centrality of all religious beliefs.").
Yet that prominence of Islam can be softened by its naturalization within a political culture that is grounded in the religious and ethnic foundations of Malay, Chinese and Indian, in the way that multicultural sensitivty migth soften Christina values frameworks int he United States. More importantly, for Anwar Ibrahim, that amalgamation is tied to the vision of the founders of the Malaysian Federation.
This spirit of togetherness was rediscovered on March 8th and it is a reflection of what our founding fathers envisioned when they secured our independence years ago. It is manifest in businesses and factories where Malaysians work together to build the goods that are exported to countries around the world. It is visible throughout this country in schools where Malays, Chinese, Indian, Dayak and Kadazan students learn side by side.
The spirit lies at the heart of the great civilisations that make up the fabric of this land. Muslims adhere to the Qur’anic injunction, li-ta’arafu, that we must recognise God’s wisdom in understanding our differences and showing compassion and care for all. The Chinese have a saying that conveys a similar message: si hai zhi nie jie xiong di; that within the four seas all men are brothers, a sentiment equally reflected in the Tamil proverb ontre kulam oruvane thevan, one humanity one spirit. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
We move, then, inexorably, from ideas, to implementation, to the corruption of ideology by the current holders of power, to the manifestation of that corruption in the suffering of the people and the perversion of ethnic and religious division and in the need to return to the original vision of the founders. "Greater confidence in the Pakatan Rakyat’s ability to govern is achieved not only through the implementation of sound public policy in the states but also in cementing our cooperation in the form of a Common Agenda." Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra. Thus, unity in diversity provides a mechanism for preserving the Malaysian Federation while avoiding a subordinating Islamization or a mandatory assimilation to the culture and practices of the indigenous Malays who once were synonymous with the nation but can no longer claim that political space. Anwar Ibrahim offers a glance at an approach to the difficulties of pluralist states outside of the West. It suggests both the developing states face a double difficulty--overcoming the hysteria and neurosis of the colonial experience and confronting the difficulties of constructing plural societies. The later requires the newly independent colonial subaltern to give up a substantial amount of power--cultural, religious and political--at the very moment when the colonial experience is overcome and they come to their power. There is irony and tragedy as a consequence, an irony and a tragedy that are sadly under-theorized in the academic literature and rarely confronted by the political class. Anwar Ibrahim has matured into a statesman who is among the few willing to face these realities. His own rise to privilege within the self serving world of dominating subaltern, and his rejection of that privilege, deepening in the context of his own degradation makes his efforts to reach out plausible and credible.
My fellow Malaysians, we are all travellers on the same road, striving towards one dream. This is the road that has not yet been travelled by in the history of our nation. It is long and winding and fraught with the greatest of hazards and impediments. We will be waylaid and abducted from our journey but yet we shall not be strayed.
And no matter what we must keep our faith and our resolve with the greatest of patience and fortitude. By God’s grace we shall succeed. Transkrip Pidato Kebangsaan “Ketuanan Rakyat,” supra.
Anwar Ibrahim walks a perilous tightrope within a Federation that could easily unravel. Whether he will succeed in the long run remains to be seen. And the shape of the new Malaysia is still far too hazy to see clearly. For all that, his optimism is refreshing.
