Larry Catá Backer's comments on current issues in transnational law and policy. These essays focus on the constitution of regulatory communities (political, economic, and religious) as they manage their constituencies and the conflicts between them. The context is globalization. This is an academic field-free zone: expect to travel "without documents" through the sometimes strongly guarded boundaries of international relations, constitutional, international, comparative, and corporate law.
Thursday, April 18, 2024
"Moment of Truth on Ukraine and Israel Both countries urgently need U.S. aid to defend themselves against brazen adversaries that seek their annihilation," President Joe Biden, Opinion/Commentary (Wall Street Journal 17 April 2024)
Sitting U.S. Presidents have the luxury of getting their message out in a large variety of ways. Writing Opinion pieces in newspapers, and especially news organs known to be quite free with their criticism of a President's administration, is not among the top "go to" vehicles for the dissemination of Presidential views.
But these are not ordinary times. Discipline within the once fairly stable universe of two leading parties surrounded by a sometimes very loud cluster of smaller issue or ideologically zealot faction to theory political left and right have given way to fracture within the principal parties themselves. In Both cases these zealot/ideological faction appear to embrace agit-prop modalities refined by both European fascist and Marxist-Leninist cells before 1939 with the purpose of effecting "soft" revolution (then certainly, the agendas of the current crop might be out of reach for many). The leadership of these principal political organs then appear to have embraced a strategically pragmatic stance that amplifies the ability of zealot/ideological factions to better reach their goals if only by thwarting the business of government for the rest of a population (whose ignorance and correction appears to be one of the many goals of these groups and their comrades embedded within other influential social organs).
And so one appears to approach a moment when the United States appears more willing to run from its international commitments and (old) values than to meet them--the most short term politically palatable option for big party leaders as wary of their counterparts as they are of the zealot/ideological factions within their own organs.
For the sitting U.S. President, this presents a conundrum--as it does for the population that may have little interest in re-education, or of being led by zealot/ideological factions that appear to embrace the sensibilities of pre-Russian revolution Soviets (for a sympathetic consideration here: Antonio Negri, 'Soviet: Within and Beyond the "Short Century"' (2017) 116(4) South Atlantic Quarterly 835-849). Te conundrum--how does one break the cycle of disproportionate power relationships among and within fractured political organs incapable of returning to something like a stable equilibrium more in accord with the expectations of American liberal democracy?
One answer appears to be to reach out to and through the organs of opposition when matters touch on issues of fundamental importance to the Republic. One of those issues involve the geopolitical position of the United States and its duty as the leading forces of liberal democracy established at the cost of millions of American lives and those of U.S. allies on which a political moral order was established (imperfectly to be sure) and which continues to muddle through toward aspirational goals that are true to itself and the moral-political social order it established and to which it owes the highest duty. The leadership core of American liberal democracy, along with those of its closest allies, has determined that the situations in Ukraine and Israel represent fundamental challenges to that order, its vision, including that of equality under law in a diverse rules based international order (such as it is now and such as it aspires to).
And so one finds President Biden appealing both to the people and to their elected representatives (at least those who continue to represent their constituents rather than their fidelity to ideologies the interpretation and application of which they have usurped) in the form of an "Opinion/Commentary of the Wall Street Journal. Whatever one thinks of either its text, its form, or the specifics of its objectives, the text reminds one of the importance of fidelity to core values and the institutions through which that may be realized.
Both countries urgently need U.S. aid to defend themselves against brazen adversaries that seek their annihilation.
By
Joe Biden
ET
Volodymyr Zelensky shakes hands with Benjamin Netanyahu in New York, Sept. 19, 2023.Photo: UKRAINIAN PRESIDENTIAL PRESS SERVICE/AFP via Getty Images
Iran
launched an unprecedented attack against Israel this weekend, with a
barrage of missiles and drones. Around the same time, some 1,500 miles
north, Russia continued its bombardment of Ukraine, which has
intensified dramatically in the last month.
Both
Ukraine and Israel defended themselves against these attacks, holding
the line and protecting their citizens. And both did it with critical
help from the U.S.
Now
is not the time to abandon our friends. The House must pass urgent
national-security legislation for Ukraine and Israel, as well as
desperately needed humanitarian aid for Palestinians in Gaza.
In
this third year of Russia’s war, Ukraine continues to defy the odds.
Against a much larger military, the Ukrainians regained more than half
the territory that Russia occupied after its 2022 invasion. They’ve
struck the Russian navy time and again, winning important victories in
the Black Sea. And they’ve developed innovative weapons, especially
drones, to counter Russian forces. Theirs is a fighting force with the
will and the skill to win.
Meanwhile,
as we saw this weekend, Israel’s military has the technology and
training to defend the country against even an attack of unprecedented
scope and ferocity.
But
while both countries can capably defend their own sovereignty, they
depend on American assistance, including weaponry, to do it. And this is
a pivotal moment.
Vladimir Putin
is ramping up his onslaught with help from his friends. China is
providing Russia with microelectronics and other equipment that is
critical for defense production. Iran is sending hundreds of drones;
North Korea is providing artillery and ballistic missiles. Ukraine,
facing ammunition shortfalls, is losing hold of territory it had
regained.
After
years of backing Hezbollah, Hamas and other proxies in their attacks on
Israel, including Hamas’s brutal attack on Oct. 7, Iran launched a
direct attack of its own—hoping to penetrate Israel’s air defense,
including David’s Sling and the Iron Dome, which saved countless lives
this weekend.
Both
Ukraine and Israel are under attack by brazen adversaries that seek
their annihilation. Mr. Putin wants to subjugate the people of Ukraine
and absorb their nation into a new Russian empire. The government of
Iran wants to destroy Israel forever—wiping the world’s only Jewish
state off the map.
America
must never accept either outcome—not only because we stand up for our
friends, but because our security is on the line, too.
If
Russia triumphs, Mr. Putin’s forces will move closer than ever to our
North Atlantic Treaty Organization allies. “An attack on one is an
attack on all” means that if Mr. Putin invades a NATO ally, we will come
to its aid—as our NATO allies did for us after the Sept. 11 attacks. We
should surge support to Ukraine now, to stop Mr. Putin from encroaching
on our NATO allies and ensure that he doesn’t draw U.S. troops into a
future war in Europe.
Likewise,
if Iran succeeds in significantly escalating its assault on Israel, the
U.S. could be drawn in. Israel is our strongest partner in the Middle
East; it’s unthinkable that we would stand by if its defenses were
weakened and Iran was able to carry out the destruction it intended this
weekend. We can make that outcome less likely by replenishing Israel’s
air defenses and providing military aid now, so its defenses can remain
fully stocked and ready.
If
Congress passes military aid for Ukraine and Israel, we won’t write
blank checks. We’d send military equipment from our own stockpiles, then
use the money authorized by Congress to replenish those stockpiles—by
buying from American suppliers. That includes Patriot missiles made in
Arizona, Javelin missiles made in Alabama, and artillery shells made in
Pennsylvania, Ohio and Texas. We’d be investing in America’s industrial
base, buying American products made by American workers, supporting jobs
in nearly 40 states, and strengthening our own national security. We’d
help our friends while helping ourselves.
I’ve
been clear about my concerns over the safety of civilians in Gaza amid
the war with Hamas, but this aid package is focused on Israel’s
long-term defensive needs to ensure it can maintain its military edge
against Iran or any other adversary. Importantly, this bill has funding
that will allow us to continue delivering urgent humanitarian aid for
the people of Gaza as well as others who have felt the impact of
conflicts around the world.
It’s a strong and sensible plan. It shouldn’t be held hostage any longer by a small group of extreme Republican House members.
Mr.
Putin has tried relentlessly to break the will of the Ukrainian people.
He has failed. Now he’s trying to break the will of the West. We cannot
let him succeed.
There are moments in history that call for leadership and courage. This is one of them.
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