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Chinese Marxist Leninism has acquired a primer of sorts for its New Era. That is important to the extent that the move in Chinese Leninism from the era of Reform and Opening Up (e.g., here) to the New Era of Development merits serious refocusing of mass conceptions of the role and objectives of the vanguard party and the leading forces of society in their responsibilities to the masses through the state (e.g., here, and here). It is also important as a means of drawing sharper distinctions between the principles and drivers of the Reform and Opening Up Era and those of the New Era. Those distinctions, then, must also be condensed and circulated in ways that may be useful in the education of the masses and of lower level Party cadres.
The New Era Primer consists of Ten Clarifications 十个明确, extended maxims that condense the core principles around which New Era theory is built. It has recently been circulated in China. Reducing New Era theory to 10 basic elements (the key insights of New Era theory that require clarification, in the sense that they illuminate and expose rather than to undo ambiguity) suggests both the tight connection with the rapidly receding Era of Reform and Opening Up but also the ways in which it moves the Chinese Leninist project in new directions. What follows here are my brief reflections on each of the clarifications (maxims) and their relationship to distilling New Era Leninism in China from out of the receding era of Reform and Opening Up and in the process advancing the development of Chinese Leninism.
1. "Make it clear that the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China" (明确中国特色社会主义最本质的特征是中国共产党领导). This is a concept that is deeply embedded in Chinese legalism, including in its state constitution. But it needs explanation. Where the central focus of the Reform and Opening Up Era was the development of productive forces, that of the New Era is on the development of the Communist Party as the engine of that development. Where economics drove Leninist policy in the Reform and Opening Up Era, the administration of all aspects of production--economic, social, cultural, political--is now at the center. Chinese Leninism in the New Era is more intensely focused on managerialism. And at the core of that administrative centering is the vanguard. The importance of this template is not to be underestimated. It is not merely about the bureaucratization of the Party (though as Deng Xiaoping warned (On the Reform of the System of Party and State Leadership, 1980)) bureaucratism is and remains the great challenge of that project). It is also the central template around which all aspects of institutional life is to be organized. Party centered managerialism--a core of leadership administering its collective) is also central to the structuring of all aspects of Leninist life. Hub and spoke mentality, managed from the center, will mark everything from the development of the structures of the Belt & Road Initiative to Chinese foreign relations generally, tot he organization of all aspects of national life.
And with this shift comes the growing opposition to markets at a fundamental level. Markets and markets driven political-economic models are increasingly understood as -the opposite of and incompatible with a party-at-the-center model. Markets systems are understood as inherently systems of anarchy, of an ordering without a center (contrast chaos which is understood as no center and no order systems). That difference will only grow as the ideology of Chinese Leninism in the New Era becomes increasingly managerial, and the ideology of markets becomes increasingly anarchic (e.g.,ordered without a center). Ironically, liberal democracy will sit somewhere in the middle--its tendencies toward managerialism (administrative bureaucratic systems of compliance and accountability) will continue to grow in tension with the ideological thrust of markets based operational cultures.This first clarification, then, is decisive. It reifies planning, managerialism, objectives based control through core-collective binaries of New Era Leninism against a markets model that is seen as anarchic (though always on the verge of chaos--and thus the use of the chaos term in much Chinese political writing) and directionless, which sees the process of action as an organic systemic process aggregating collective choices with wide spaces for divergence in all aspects of societal interactions. And liberal democracy now sits somewhere between the two. The rest of the nine then follow but all built on the foundation of the first clarification.
Pix Credit here 2. "Clearly uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics" (明确坚持和发展中国特色社会主义). If the Party is at the center, it must be at the center of something. That "something" itself serves as the core from which the Party's actions can be measured, legitimated and from which it derives authority--as long as its actions align with the core purpose. Here New Era theory adds to the core objectives of the Reform and Opening Up period by adding the objective (for this new historical era) of the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. That, in turn, is meant to broaden the objectives of economic modernization,with aligned social, cultural, moral, political, and international reform, and to secure China a prominent place as a driver of global events, theory, and sensibilities. This represents a shift in emphasis but not in objective from the period of Reform and Opening Up.
3. "It is clear that the main contradiction in Chinese society in the new era is the contradiction between the people's growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development" (明确新时代我国社会主要矛盾是人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾). The great marker of the passing of an era and the rise of a new one in Chinese Leninism is generally marked by the recognition of the overcoming of the fundamental contradiction faced by the receding era and to identify the core challenge of the contemporary era (Mao Zedong, On Contradiction, 1937). Thus China has moved from confronting class struggle in its early years of national leadership, to the contradiction of developing productive resources, and now, in the new era, the core challenge involves a better management of the fruits of development to advance all social (not juts economic) forces. The New Era focus on this contradiction now appears to be centered in building socialist ideology of democracy self consciously better aligned with the Leninist political model and stripped of the ideological baggage of forms of expression of liberal democratic practices. And thus the focus on endogenous democracy (consultative democracy) as against exogenous (elections centered) liberal democratic practice. This is probably the most notable change in Chinese Leninism between the receding era and the New Era under the leadership of Xi Jinping. The importance of this shift is fundamental. It is meant to shade all policy and to shape the perspective from which policy is made. The failure to overcome this contradiction, that is to bring to successful conclusion the attainment of the"China Dream" policy, would represent a major setback for the leadership of the Party and slow progress toward the next era.4. "Make it clear that the overall layout of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics is a five-in-one integration of economic construction, political construction, cultural construction, social construction, and ecological civilization construction "(明确中国特色社会主义事业总体布局是经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设、生态文明建设五位一体，战略布局是全面建设社会主义现代化国家、全面深化改革、全面依法治国). Here the comprehensiveness of Party centered managerialism is stressed. The notion is based on the necessary inter-connection between all aspects of organized life. That requires development but also coordination,with each affecting and being affected by the others. The challenge is one of silos, turf protection, and institutional ego, and it is that challenge that is particularly important in the constitution of Party managerialism, though one wholly internal to it. This is a further evolution of Reform and Opening Up policy, now much more comprehensive.The coordination of construction will be no easy task, but is likely to implicate data driven governance and next generation social credit systems.
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5. "Make it clear that the general goal of comprehensively deepening the reform is to improve and develop the socialist system with Chinese characteristics" (明确全面深化改革总目标是完善和发展中国特色社会主义制度). The core principle of vanguard mangerialism requires not just goals but also an ideological pathway. That is notion is bound up in the concept of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The goals of a communist party is achieved through the evolution of socialism through its historical contradictions to the achievement of a communist society. Thus the characteristics of socialism itself must change with the times and the era. And it is for the vanguard to oversee the process, or if it fails to be rectified--sometimes severely. Thus socialism and the socialist path is not to be understood in European or American terms but rather as a transitional phase in a movement toward communism--one that can only be achieved,according to this theory, under the guidance of a communist party (vanguard of leading social forces dedicated toward that end).
6. "It is clear that the general goal of comprehensively promoting the rule of law is to build a socialist rule of law system with Chinese characteristics and a socialist country under the rule of law" (明确全面推进依法治国总目标是建设中国特色社会主义法治体系、建设社会主义法治国家). Here what is new is the increasing focus on detachment and the autonomy of socialist approaches to law and governance (where socialism is understood as described above as a transitional form of pre-communism).
7. "Make it clear that it is necessary to uphold and improve the basic socialist economic system" (明确必须坚持和完善社会主义基本经济制度). This represents both continuity but also substantial potential changes from the core operating principles of Reform and opening Up. A key element of new era change is the relationship between markets and Party managerialism (the first of these ten clarifications). Markets remain essential but not central in the new era. The change suggests that markets are a tool but not a driver of policy. This is an important change and an even more important point of deviation from traditional views of globalization norms. But it also suggests an even more important change--the division of economic policy between national core economic policy (an internally autonomous national market in China) and external spoke economic policy (China's economic participation in globalization outside its national borders)--the so-called 国内国际双循环 (domestic-international dual circulation policy). This will have effects not just within China but also shaping Chinese interests projected through its Belt & Road Initiative, its Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and its work through AIIB.8. "Make it clear that the party's goal of strengthening the army in the new era is to build a people's army that obeys the party's command "(明确党在新时代的强军目标是建设一支听党指挥). This is not new to the New Era, but has roots all the way back to the first modern rectification projects of 1942-45 (延安整风运动). But in the New Era it acquires a somewhat different complexion. That difference is a function of the need to project Chinese military abroad to protect its global production chains, and also respecting the integrity of the territorial claims that Chinese authorities are now pressing more vigorously.
Pix Credit HERE 9. "Make it clear that major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics should serve national rejuvenation, promote human progress, promote the building of a new type of international relations, and promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind" (明确中国特色大国外交要服务民族复兴、促进人类进步，推动建设新型国际关系，推动构建人类命运共同体). This is a key element of New Era ideology and a substantial point of departure from the era of Reform and Opening Up (at least discursively). The development of Chinese Communist Internationalism has been one of the great hallmarks the manifestation of New Era theory. Nonetheless, this Chinese internationalism is not the only manifestation of China's greater presence in the world but also a commitment to reshape that world (at least its norms and perhaps its operations). That implicates much of the traditional agendas of contemporary international law: human rights, trade, development among others.
10. "Clarify the strategic policy of comprehensively and strictly governing the party" (明确全面从严治党的战略方针). This last clarification brings one back to the first clarification, but now projecting internally the implications of the first clarification. If the Party is to be at the center, then the Party must be closer to the ideal--the superior example, of what is to be reflected generally and applied to society more broadly. A disordered party makes for disordered socialism, which makes for a disordered nation. The result is not anarchy (a tightly ordered system with no center); but rather chaos (no order and no center; and the root of all evil in Chinese New Era Leninism). That is the great fear at the heart of Chinese New Era Leninism--or rather the great caution for the new era for the Party. As such it must follow that the Party must be governed more strictly than the state. This then poses the fundamental (and measurable) challenge for the Party in the New Era.
The full text of the Ten Clarifications 十个明确 follows below in the original Chinese and in a crude English translation.
十个明确：习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的核心内容的进一步概括
来源：求是网 作者：是说新语 2021-11-16 21:24:20
2021年11月11日，中国共产党第十九届中央委员会第六次全体会议通过《中共中央关于党的百年奋斗重大成就和历史经验的决议》。
《决议》在党的十九大报告“八个明确”的基础上，用“十个明确”对习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想的核心内容作了进一步概括：
1、明确中国特色社会主义最本质的特征是中国共产党领导，中国特色社会主义制度的最大优势是中国共产党领导，中国共产党是最高政治领导力量，全党必须增强“四个意识”、坚定“四个自信”、做到“两个维护”；
2、明确坚持和发展中国特色社会主义，总任务是实现社会主义现代化和中华民族伟大复兴，在全面建成小康社会的基础上，分两步走在本世纪中叶建成富强民主文明和谐美丽的社会主义现代化强国，以中国式现代化推进中华民族伟大复兴；
3、明确新时代我国社会主要矛盾是人民日益增长的美好生活需要和不平衡不充分的发展之间的矛盾，必须坚持以人民为中心的发展思想，发展全过程人民民主，推动人的全面发展、全体人民共同富裕取得更为明显的实质性进展；
4、明确中国特色社会主义事业总体布局是经济建设、政治建设、文化建设、社会建设、生态文明建设五位一体，战略布局是全面建设社会主义现代化国家、全面深化改革、全面依法治国、全面从严治党四个全面；
5、明确全面深化改革总目标是完善和发展中国特色社会主义制度、推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化；
6、明确全面推进依法治国总目标是建设中国特色社会主义法治体系、建设社会主义法治国家；
7、明确必须坚持和完善社会主义基本经济制度，使市场在资源配置中起决定性作用，更好发挥政府作用，把握新发展阶段，贯彻创新、协调、绿色、开放、共享的新发展理念，加快构建以国内大循环为主体、国内国际双循环相互促进的新发展格局，推动高质量发展，统筹发展和安全；
8、明确党在新时代的强军目标是建设一支听党指挥、能打胜仗、作风优良的人民军队，把人民军队建设成为世界一流军队；
9、明确中国特色大国外交要服务民族复兴、促进人类进步，推动建设新型国际关系，推动构建人类命运共同体；
10、明确全面从严治党的战略方针，提出新时代党的建设总要求，全面推进党的政治建设、思想建设、组织建设、作风建设、纪律建设，把制度建设贯穿其中，深入推进反腐败斗争，落实管党治党政治责任，以伟大自我革命引领伟大社会革命。
这些战略思想和创新理念，是党对中国特色社会主义建设规律认识深化和理论创新的重大成果。
（策划：柴潇凡 审核：李艳玲）
Ten clarifications: a further summary of the core content of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era
Source: Qiushi.com Author: Shishuoxinyu 2021-11-16 21:24:20
On November 11, 2021, the 6th Plenary Session of the 19th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China adopted the "Resolution of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China on the Party's Centenary Achievements and Historical Experience".
The "Resolution" further summarizes the core content of Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era on the basis of the "Eight Clarifications" reported at the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China with "Ten Clarifications":
1. Make it clear that the most essential feature of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China. The greatest advantage of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China. The Communist Party of China is the highest political leadership force. Self-confidence" and achieve "two maintenance";
2. Clearly uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics. The general task is to realize socialist modernization and the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. On the basis of building a moderately prosperous society in all respects, we will build a prosperous, strong, democratic, culturally advanced, harmonious, and beautiful socialism in two steps by the middle of this century. A powerful modern country, promoting the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation with Chinese-style modernization;
3. It is clear that the main contradiction in Chinese society in the new era is the contradiction between the people's growing needs for a better life and unbalanced and inadequate development. We must adhere to the people-centered development philosophy, develop people's democracy throughout the process, and promote the all-round development of people. , to achieve more obvious substantive progress in the common prosperity of all the people;
4. Make it clear that the overall layout of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics is a five-in-one integration of economic construction, political construction, cultural construction, social construction, and ecological civilization construction. Strictly administer the party in four aspects;
5. Make it clear that the general goal of comprehensively deepening the reform is to improve and develop the socialist system with Chinese characteristics, and to promote the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity;
6. It is clear that the general goal of comprehensively promoting the rule of law is to build a socialist rule of law system with Chinese characteristics and a socialist country under the rule of law;
7. Make it clear that it is necessary to uphold and improve the basic socialist economic system, so that the market plays a decisive role in resource allocation, better play the role of the government, grasp the new development stage, implement the new development concepts of innovation, coordination, green, openness and sharing, and accelerate Build a new development pattern with the domestic cycle as the main body and the domestic and international dual cycles promoting each other, promoting high-quality development, and coordinating development and security;
8. Make it clear that the party's goal of strengthening the army in the new era is to build a people's army that obeys the party's command, can win battles, and has a good work style, and build the people's army into a world-class army;
9. Make it clear that major-country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics should serve national rejuvenation, promote human progress, promote the building of a new type of international relations, and promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind;
10. Clarify the strategic policy of comprehensively and strictly governing the party, put forward the general requirements for party building in the new era, comprehensively promote the party's political, ideological, organizational, work style, and discipline building, integrate system development, and further promote anti-corruption struggle, implement the political responsibility of governing the party, and lead the great social revolution with the great self-revolution.
These strategic thoughts and innovative concepts are the major achievements of the Party's deepening understanding of the laws of socialist construction with Chinese characteristics and theoretical innovation.
(Planning: Chai Xiaofan Review: Li Yanling)
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