Thursday, August 29, 2024

Necessary Narrative Tropes; Readouts of the Coming Together of Wang Yi and Jack Sullivan in Beijing

 

Pix credit here

 

Pix credit here
The history of the theater of US Chinese gatherings from the beginning of the administration of President Biden in 2021 started off as absurdist theater and has since moved to burlesque in all of its senses. That seems to suit the times, and the strategic interests. While clarity respecting these choices presumably pervades the hallways of the foreign ministries (and the security apparatus) of each state, it remains deeply mysterious, in a sort of serialized television drama. At the same time, the history of the interactions continues to assert its power over subsequent meetings in ways that move the necessary scripting of burlesque into something that s constrained by th dead hand of the past reanimated--a zombie burlesque.

Yet that is precisely the source of its power to shape and be shaped by the constraints and conventions of the narrative field within which each side must operate. It is in the small spaces of clarity that may open within the larger necessary spectacle of the narrative exaggeration at the comic core of burlesque that one might find something of interest. A variety of different audiences are partially sated, the consumers  of this theater are treated to the satisfaction of their expectations, news organs are given something "juicy" to fill their feeds, and hopefully, embedded somewhere, something useful  has been sent and received from both sides.

It is with that on mind that the meeting of Jake Sullivan, representing the state apparatus of the United States and Wang Yi, representing the state apparatus of the Peoples Republic of China, provides a necessary theater, a display of the necessary tropes that shape the form of the dialogue that might be understood as effectively pre-scripting the event, and then also the very small inter-spaces where something of significance might be gleaned. 

To that end one might enjoy the visuals of that meeting--at least the part recorded for public consumption, and ne might study the so-called read outs of the event prepared to reflect each f their perspectives. Both follow below. One acquires a substantial amount of enlightenment from (1) what is said; (2) what is left unsaid; and (3) the textual tone;  (4) the effective use of visuals; and (5) the sum of the differences in perspective that this produces.

Tuesday, August 27, 2024

"Mingde Strategic Dialogue on 'Chinese Modernization and the Future of the World Order' (2024) - International Leading Academics Visit China

 


 Wang Wen and the Chongyang Institute for Financial Studies at Renmin University of China (RDCY) have organized what promises to be a quite interesting set of events, the  "Mingde Strategic Dialogue on 'Chinese Modernization and the Future of the World Order' (2024) - International Leading Academics Visit China. There is much to learn and discuss.

The Press Release for the event (A delegation of US and European strategic academics is coming to China) follows below in the original Chinese and in a crude English translation, along with an explanatory essay, 当我们谈“美国战略界来中国”,我们谈些什么?[When we talk about "American strategic community coming to China", what do we talk about?].

 

Monday, August 26, 2024

Current History (Sept 2024 Issue)--The China and East Asia Annual Issue


 

 

 I am delighted to pass along the announcement of the publication of the September 2024 issue of  Current History, the century-old international affairs journal. This is the journal's annual China and East Asia issue

Contents:

The Quest for ‘Common Prosperity’ in China

Xian Huang (Rutgers University)

In recent years, the party-state has built a basic social welfare system. But an economic slowdown and an aging population are making it more difficult to reduce inequality.


A New Kind of Tinderbox on the Korean Peninsula

Nan Kim (University of Wisconsin–Milwaukee)

As North and South Korea forge rival military alliances in the wake of failed summits, long-held visions of reunification are being cast aside.


Ferociously Cute: Indonesian Politics after Jokowi

Doreen Lee (Northeastern University)

A perennial candidate notorious for alleged dictatorship-era rights abuses softened his image and struck a dynastic alliance with the popular incumbent in pursuit of the presidency.


Japan’s Complicated Presence in Southeast Asia

Karl Ian Uy Cheng Chua (University of the Philippines–Diliman)

Food, manga, and other cultural products, along with traditional diplomacy, serve as forms of soft power that have burnished the regional image of a former enemy.


The Politics of Indigenous Exclusion in Australia and New Zealand

Dominic O’Sullivan (Charles Sturt University)

Political backlashes and electoral setbacks have stymied efforts to realize equality for Indigenous citizens through institutional and constitutional reforms.


PERSPECTIVE

In the Name of the King: Law and Democracy in Thailand

Tyrell Haberkorn (University of Wisconsin–Madison)

Five years after the end of the latest spell of military rule, a law shielding the king from criticism stifles activism and the transition to full democracy.


BOOKS

Philippine Traces of US Imperial Violence

Lisandro E. Claudio (University of California, Berkeley)

A 1906 massacre on Mindanao ranks among the worst American colonial atrocities. Yet local views of US power today are more favorable than might be expected.


…………….


Current History publishes nine times per year. Each month’s issue focuses on a single region or topic—including annual issues on Africa, China and East Asia, Russia and Eurasia, the Middle East, Latin America, South Asia, Europe, and Global Trends, plus special issues on topics

such as Human–Nonhuman Relations, Learning from the Pandemic, and Climate Transformations.


Essays relating to China and East Asia available online in Current History’s archives include:


Chinese Feminists Face Paradoxical State Policies by Yige Dong

The Abe Assassination and Japan’s Nexus of Religion and Politics by Levi McLaughlin

Desinicizing Taiwan: The Making of a Democratic National Identity by Ming-sho Ho
The Politics of Parasite in South Korea by Myungji Yang

Party-State Capitalism in China by Margaret Pearson, Meg Rithmire, and Kellee S. Tsai
Indonesia’s Economic Futures: Who Will Pay? By Doreen Lee

Did China’s Public Health Reforms Leave It Prepared for COVID-19? by Katherine Mason
The Lose-Lose Trade War by Xiangfeng Yang

Japan’s Model of Immigration Without Immigrants by Erin Aeran Chung

The Power and Limits of Populism in the Philippines by Nicole Curato

A New President Aims to Change South Korea’s Course by David C. Kang

Migrant Workers’ Fight for Rights in China by Anita Chan

The Misconceived One-Child Policy Lives On by Mei Fong

China’s Embryonic Public Sphere by Sebastian Veg

Is Vietnam on the Verge of Change? by Jonathan London
China’s Bold Economic Statecraft by Gregory T. Chin

The Paradox of Chinese Civil Society by Elizabeth J. Perry

History’s Unfinished Business in East Asia by Rana Mitter

The Evolving Tactics of China’s Green Movement by Judith Shapiro

China’s Post-Socialist Inequality by Martin King Whyte

Japan’s Post-Catastrophe Politics by Steven Vogel

The China-US Relationship Goes Global by Kenneth Lieberthal

America’s Place in the Asian Century by Kishore Mahbubani

Sunday, August 25, 2024

Qiushi Essays, Volume 16 (2024): Including Text of the Editorial Introduction, 全面准确理解《决定》的思想指引 [Comprehensively and accurately understand the ideological guidance of the "Decision"] and "Continue to advance the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics pioneered by Comrade Deng Xiaoping" [把邓小平同志开创的中国特色社会主义伟大事业不断推向前进]

 


 

 In the latest issue of Qiushi (No. 16/2024) are some interesting articles. As usual their selection tends to point to issues of interest or, in some cases, approaches to challenges and guidance for cadres and high level individuals throughout the State and social apparatus.This issue again highlights efforts around the output of the 3rd Plenum, as memorialized in its Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Further Comprehensively Deepening Reform and Promoting Chinese Style Modernization [中共中央关于进一步全面深化改革 推进中国式现代化的决定]; but also as it has been glossed since the meeting (see also here, here, here, and here).

The Editorial Introduction, 全面准确理解《决定》的思想指引 /本刊编辑部 [Comprehensively and accurately understand the ideological guidance of the "Decision" / Editorial Department of this Journal] (which follows in full below) sets the tone for the issue:

党的二十届三中全会是在以中国式现代化全面推进强国建设、民族复兴伟业的关键时期召开的一次十分重要的会议。[The Third Plenary Session of the 20th CPC Central Committee was a very important meeting held at a critical period of comprehensively promoting the construction of a strong country and the great cause of national rejuvenation with Chinese-style modernization.]

The Editorial Introduction also offers its own gloss on the Resolution. But that gloss is prelude to a more authoritative gloss.

The leading essay was a republication of Xi Jinping's "Four Urgent Needs" ( (迫切需要) ) gloss (in Qiushi here)  on the 3rd Plenum Decision/Resolution which has been circulating since the third week of July 2024 (discussed The 3rd Plenum Official Gloss--习近平:关于《中共中央关于进一步全面深化改革、推进中国式现代化的决定》的说明 [Xi Jinping: Explanation on the "Decision of the CPC Central Committee on Further Comprehensively Deepening Reforms and Promoting Chinese-style Modernization"]; see also here). The gloss is particularly useful for focusing on the key elements of interpretation of the far longer document and perhaps more so for providing some means of directing discretionary decision making by thpse tasked with on the ground implementation from the center to the streets.

It is extremely useful to read  the essay by Xi Jinping alongside that of the CPC Party History and Literature Research Institute [中共中央党史和文献研究院] entitled "Continue to advance the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics pioneered by Comrade Deng Xiaoping" [把邓小平同志开创的中国特色社会主义伟大事业不断推向前进] which also follows below. The essay is particularly important for its efforts to more formally connect the passing Era of Reform and Opening Up with the New Era. The object is both to emphasize a seamless forward movement and an intimate connection between the foundational era of socialist modernization in its contemporary form and its expression in the current historical era and in the shadow of the current general contradiction against which policy is directed. It is particularly interesting for the way n which Deng Xiaoping is constructed as a historical figure within Chinese socialist historicism. "中国共产党的历史就是一部不断推进马克思主义中国化时代化的历史。[The history of the Communist Party of China is a history of continuously advancing the sinicization and modernization of Marxism.]

History and continuity, then, contribute to the fundamental dialectical principle of Leninist evolution of social progress toward its alignment of Marxist ideals and practice sometime in the future. There are now two strong markers along that Socialist path--Deng Xiaoping and Xi Jinping who serve as avatarars of the particular place and time of the nation. 

在改革开放和社会主义现代化建设新时期,邓小平同志成为党的第二代中央领导集体的核心,为开创中国特色社会主义作出了历史性贡献。[In the new era of reform and opening up and socialist modernization, Comrade Deng Xiaoping became the core of the second generation of the Party’s central leadership and made historic contributions to the creation of socialism with Chinese characteristics.]

And then the connection:  "Comrade Deng Xiaoping said: "Marx had the language of his time, and we have the language of our time. Each era has its own language, and the new era always has a new language." In the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era is the "new language" of our Chinese Communists." [邓小平同志说过:“马克思有他那个时代的语言,我们有我们时代的语言。一个时代有一个时代的语言,新时代总有新语言。”在中国特色社会主义新时代,习近平新时代中国特色社会主义思想就是我们中国共产党人的“新语言”。]

The (1) Table of Contents (with links to articles (in Chinese) along with the Chinese and English text of (2) 全面准确理解《决定》的思想指引 /本刊编辑部 [Comprehensively and accurately understand the ideological guidance of the "Decision" / Editorial Department of this Journal] ; and (3) "Continue to push forward the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics pioneered by Comrade Deng Xiaoping" [把邓小平同志开创的中国特色社会主义伟大事业不断推向前进] follow below.

 

Saturday, August 24, 2024

张玉卓 深化国资国企改革 [Zhang Yuzhuo, Deepen the reform of state-owned assets and state-owned enterprises]

 

Pix Credit Here

 State owned or controlled enterprises play a crucial role in the new era's further refinement of socialist modernization under the principles of new quality development. They were an important element of the recently concluded 3rd Plenum (see here, here, here). It comes as no surprise, then, that  Zhang Yuzhuo [张玉卓], the chairman of the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission of the State Council, a member of the 20th Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party and formerly Chairman of China Petrochemical Corporation, should write a well publicized essay outlining the ideological framework around which the further reform of Chinese SOEs will be undertaken. That essay,  深化国资国企改革 [ Deepen the reform of state-owned assets and state-owned enterprises] follows below in the original Chinese and in aa crude English translation.  

There are no surprises; the discourse is meant to underline the central importance of the SOE in the realization of a markets-aided approach to the new quality development of productive forces that are  expressed in Chinese style (socialist) modernization. Zhang reminds his readers :

深化国资国企改革,对于巩固公有制主体地位、更好发挥国有经济战略支撑作用、确保党长期执政和国家长治久安具有十分重要的意义。[Deepening the reform of state-owned assets and state-owned enterprises is of great significance for consolidating the dominant position of public ownership, better playing the strategic support role of the state-owned economy, and ensuring the long-term rule of the Party and long-term stability of the country.] (深化国资国企改革 )
The problems of reform lies, in part, in the contradictions that new quality productivity is meant to overcome. The essence of that problem is the relationship of people to technology to productivity. To improve production it is necessary to overcome people, enhancing them with technology based tools in a tech smart environment.   How that is to be accomplished remains to be seen.

 当前,新一轮科技革命和产业变革深入发展,科技创新深刻重塑生产力基本要素,新质生产力已经在实践中形成并展示出对高质量发展的强劲推动力、支撑力。[At present, a new round of scientific and technological revolution and industrial transformation is developing in depth, and scientific and technological innovation has profoundly reshaped the basic elements of productivity. New productivity has been formed in practice and demonstrated strong driving force and support for high-quality development ]* * *

关键核心技术受制于人的状况尚未根本扭转,对可能产生颠覆性影响的未来技术、未来产业布局还相对滞后。[The situation in which key core technologies are restricted by people has not been fundamentally reversed, and the layout of future technologies and future industries that may have a disruptive impact is still relatively lagging behind.] ((深化国资国企改革 ))

The rest follows along traditional lines.

 

Friday, August 23, 2024

Avatars, Icons, and Adversaries--Full Text of Vice President's Harris's Remarks at the Democratic National Convention

 

Pix Credit here

 Vice President Harris has accepted her party's nomination to stand for election for the upcoming presidential elections. That is hardly news, the transition from President Biden's abandoned presidential campaign to the Vice President's endorsement by Party leaders thereafter has been well reported, and it would have been scandalous if the Vice President had not secured the nomination. 

That brought the events of the Democratic Party convention to its high point--the speech of the Vice President formally accepting the nomination. The text of the speech follows (via the New York Times) and is well worth a read. 

The speech is quite interesting as semiotics--that is a an expression of self creation for a community the embrace of the meaning of that self-creation  carries with it important political consequences--at least for the community. In a sense, though, the Vice President was not so much engaging in an act of self-creation as a form of re-invention. That was clearly not the point--as much as her political opponents might be tempted to use the speech strategically in that sense. Instead, it might be more useful--from a semiotic perspective--to understand the speech in the usual sense of seeking to create an avatar.  That is, a political candidate, running on the principle of democratic representation, must effectively undertake a process of reverse incarnation. That is the candidate must transform themselves from a carnate human being into a representative of something larger--of the polity that the candidate seeks to represent. The candidate, then, becomes not merely an avatar but also an icon. Where a divinity might take on human form--an incarnation from generalized representation to a specific human representation; the political candidate must seek to do this in reverse--to manifest themselves not as a single human but as a human whose humanity (or in the current parlance, whose "story") is representative of a larger, aggregated manifestation of the human condition, its aspirations, character and the like.

Pix credit here
It is worth considering the difference in this context. An avatar might be understood as the embodiment of the abstract, sometimes a divinity or divine essence (from the Sanskrit avatarana), sometimes of the soul or manifestation resident elsewhere. Since the 19th century in the West it has come to mean a ""concrete embodiment of something abstract." In one sense, and as a discursive trope now common in the United States, personal storytelling is a popular form of creating avatars.  The avatar--the storyteller--incarnates the lessons and history that preceded them in time and place and space.  They are the sum of that story and its manifestation in their acts and outlook.  Every person, then, is the sum of their story; and their story is a manifestation of the aggregation of their history and their lessons that can be drawn from and through the conscious perceptions of rationalizing tastes of the community into which the story is projected. The avatar, then, is at once a personal incarnation, but also one that is given sense by its connection to the expectations and emphasis of the community into which the story is projected. It is not the story that is important--but rather its manifestation in its physical form.

Pix credit here
An icon, might be understood as a specific form of avatar.  A closer consideration reveals its difference. Its etymology underscores both its richness as a concept as its difference from that of the avatar. The term derives form Greek eikon "likeness, image, portrait; image in a mirror; a semblance, phantom image;" in philosophy, "an image in the mind." If the concept of the avatar focuses on the personification of the realities built into the story manifested in the concrete form of the person, the concept of the icon focuses on the concepts behind the concrete image which represents it in material form. When one beholds an avatar one embraces the material as the embodiment of the immaterial; when one beholds the icon one embraces the immaterial through the concrete image which serves merely as a doorway to the immaterial. It is in those sense, in the 21st century that one can speak to avatars in the virtual realms of cyberspace and understand them as the manifestation of the person they now represent. In contrast, one understands the icon as the pictorial representation of the thing or action desired--file, program, web page, or command. It is not the image that is important--but rather the abstraction it represents. An icon sometimes embeds history--like the floppy disk icon that represents the function of saving data on a medium largely no longer in use. In this sense, the icon can retain skeuomorphic elements that imitate (mimesis) connecting symbol to archetype.

All political figures are both avatar and icon, and the Vice President's speech serves as an excellent example of the semiotics of the avatar and the icon in the political field.  The effort is not unique to the Vice President; indeed, its interest here is in the way it is invoked rather than that it has been invoked. The Vice President constructs her avatar as a composite of her upbringing and family life. These are semiotic objects (that she grew up as she did and within the overlapping identities which she invokes) that become signs--that is that signify both belonging and that serve to align her person (who she is as an individual) within the broad symbolism and significations of the context from out of which she emerges. These are not just personal stories but personifications of aggregated stories  that are meant to be both defining and a manifestation of significance, of who and what is meant to be represented by and through the avatar. a Here the tropes are grounded in identity and class. Avatars, though, are also objects. And they must be activated or moved around the space into which they are projected in the way that simulated avatars engage within their virtual worlds. The icon represents the programing or coded instructions that are written into the avatar and that projects the avatar's character and sensibilities toward tasks. Here the Vice President identifies the icon and its objectives--to bring to further fulfillment the coded operational objectives already developed from the Clinton Administration and acquiring its current instructions and goals in the new era of the Obama Administration, a set of coding for which the Biden Administration served as a faithful caretaker (see eg here and here). 

These are avatars and icons that draw their power from the fundamental nature of representative government--the candidate is both themselves and the incarnation of the represented.  To mediate there must be both a "self" and an abstracted self that represents the electorate (or at least enough of them to get elected). Likewise, they must construct themselves as icons--in the cyber sense; as the image that one activates to rune a program and reach certain goals (that was in effect the construction that Mr. Obama produced for the Vice President in his speech; see American Narrative Mimetics--"America’s ready for a better story": Former President Obama's Remarks at the Democratic National Convention). The Vice President is both the incarnation of the story of the ideal current ideal of the aggregated polity (her story) and a command function which when activated will move the nation forward along the lines of the program described.  The Vice President's self, then, is rationalized and projected through the perception of the self within its icon and avatar.

But every avatar must have its adversary. The adversary is the foundation of oppositions, the dialectics of which are the essence of the binary dialectics of good-bad; light-shadow etc.  One recalls the etymological origins of the term from Latin oppositus "standing against, The adversary is itself the incarnation--the avatar--pf opposition, that representaiton of what stands in the way, what blocks the path. The Great Adversary (etymology  from Greek Satanas, from Hebrew satan "adversary, one who plots against another," from satan "to show enmity to, oppose, plot against." Mr. Biden's remarks for example (Remarks by President Biden During Keynote Address at the Democratic National Committee Convention | Chicago, IL) illustrate the was that these fundamental rationalizations of collective perception are transposed into the performance of politics. 

And perhaps it is in this sense of the semiotics of opposition that one might understand the profound effect of the fundamental essence of opposition which sharpens the dialectics of political discourse, that shapes the mutuality of oppositional storytelling and the constitution of avatar and icon. It is in the shadow of the adversary that the profundity of the avatar and the command of the icon can be more clearly exposed ("Be sober, be vigilant; because your adversary the devil, as a roaring lion, walketh about, seeking whom he may devour" 1 Peter 5:8). The adversary is the inverted mimetic of the avatar and the inverse of the icon's pathway.  AT the same time the Great Adversary is itself avatar and icon, a representation of a threatening other. The better defined the adversary, the clearer the adversary's narrative, the more precisely drawn the avatar and the ore clearly articulated the icon's representation.  The greater the adversary the more profound the opposing avatar and its icon. The way forward, as the Vice President and Former President Obama noted, requires the overcoming of the adversary, removing the opposition that blocks the path. The process of overcoming opposition, semiotically, reproduces purification rituals that once, long again, relied on the tropes of burning away impurity ("Thou hast trodden down all them that err from thy statutes: for their deceit is falsehood. Thou puttest away all the wicked of the earth like dross: therefore I love thy testimonies." Psalms 119:118-119)

Mimesis, though, produces an echoing effect.  The construction of the Great Adversary also requires its avatar and its icon. For the Vice President that incarnation of opposition--of standing in the way, is incarnated in the person of Former President Trump, to which a portion of the Vice President's remarks were directed. He is the avatar and a central element in the construction of a Great Adversary against which the greatness of the opposing avatar and icon can be sketched. This is not new to the Vice President--and carries over from the years long effort at constructing from out of the person of the Former President Trump both the avatar of negative-destructive opposition and the icon of the pathways to the dissolution of the Republic. And here the mimesis, Former President Trump applies the same measure to the Vice President with the polarities reversed. The discursive forms remain the same however, In this way collective discourse is possible around a shared set of meaning tropes. The contest is over the application of these fundamental tropes to the two candidates for office. 

And always in the background is the Stan in Job--the oppositional force that accuses and opposes, that tests and doubts, against which all things are judged. An oppositional force the principal responsibility of which is indeed to test and oppose. The object is rectification, which serves as the essence of the Vice President's remarks, and the foundation of discursive elements of the campaign that is to follow, one that acquires its discursive power when read against the discursive elements of the opposing collective for which the Vice President is cast in the role of adversary.