The Situation in Hong Kong on the University Front--CUHK Vice-Chancellor and President Professor Rocky S. Tuan's Open Letter 中大校長段崇智教授公開信

(Pix caption: "University students use umbrella to practice self-defence technique to prevent possible violent during clashes at Chinese University of Hong Kong in Sha Tin on Tuesday" Credit AP posted as Hong Kong police are blasted for 'tackling' a student during a school strike in support of anti-government movement)

The situation in Hong Kong has evolved dramatically since it began its current phase in June 2019.  What started out as a very large mass  protests against the decisions of senior Hong Kong functionaries, undertaken with the knowledge of the central government, has now become mired in a complex and fluid expression of popular discontent that has spilled out along many fronts.  That discontent has veered into violence and has been met by violence. At the same time, both the central authorities and the various protest factions have sought to both reach out to and blame the "black hand" of foreign  interest in the situation of Hong Kong (our discussion here).  More than that, of course, some states have sought to change their own state's positions with respect to Chinese relations on the basis of the way the situation in Hong Kong  develops (see, e.g., here). And it has brought into play international norms and actors as well (e.g., here).

The result has been a tremendously large spectacle amplified by the press and social media outlets, all of which has captured global attention. The recent actions by the National Basketball Association, the Chinese state, and a variety of famous people  all seeking to manage a narrative suitable to its needs, and the resulting acts of resistance, have played out in ways that have suggested the intimate connection between local Hong Kong issues, global trade, and their alignment to apparently fundamentally  irreconcilable political-economic models (e.g., here; here; here and here).  That has certainly been the case in the context of China U.S. relations, at least form the perspective of the US Congress (e.g., here).

All of this has been well covered and requires little commentary.Far less noticed, and worthy of substantial analysis, is the role of the university, and university stakeholders (particularly administration and faculty stakeholders) in shaping and responding to the evolving situation in Hong Kong.  It is not for nothing that the university remains a central actor.  Many people drawn to the protesting groups are or have strong ties the  Hong Kong universities and their networks. Faculty has sought to engage in the situation in Hong Kong (e.g. here and here).  

But perhaps most important, the central authorities have made clear, almost from the beginning, that they lay the blame, at least in part, on the university for the situation in Hong Kong.  We have drawn attention to this in earlier commentary.

"Therefore, I feel that school education and family education must have a correct guidance. We must strengthen the patriotism education and national education of Hong Kong youth, and let them understand their country and themselves comprehensively, deeply and objectively from an early age. The nation, understand its own history and culture. The whole society should care about the healthy growth of young people and create a good, harmonious, stable and rule of law environment for the healthy growth of young people. The youth of Hong Kong are also young people of China. The youth of Hong Kong is the future of Hong Kong and the future of the country. The Central Government is always paying attention to the growth of young people in Hong Kong.  (Statement by the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office of the State Council Official Views of Current State of Affairs in Hong Kong [国务院港澳办新闻发言人介绍对当前香港事态的看法]).

University students and alumni have focused on the university as a front in the controversy. It was reported on 18 October that "Thousands of University of Hong Kong graduates have passed a resolution calling for Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor, an HKU alumna, to resign as varsity chancellor, saying she has – in her own words – “caused unforgivable havoc” to the city." University of Hong Kong graduates vote by landslide in support of resolution calling on city leader Carrie Lam to resign as varsity chancellor. But it does remain a battle front: "A group of 45, made up of pro-Beijing figures and a former senior official, said the resolution violated HKU’s statutes on the convocation and called for the “offending part” on Lam’s responsibility for the crisis to be removed."

University administrations have not remained silent. They have also responded, especially as the character of the interactions have become more violent and also less restrained on the part of officials and protestors. That response is well worth considering for the way in which it suggests the social and political role of the university, as well as the evolution of its sense of obligation to stakeholders and the ways in which it must manifest its mission. One gets a sense of the current state of that response, as well as its evolving nature, in the "Open Letter" circulated by Chinese University of Hong Kong Vice Chancellor and resident Professor Rocky S. Tuan 段崇智, to the CUHK community on 18 October 2019.  That "Open Letter" follows below in Chinese and English along with my own brief comments. Whatever one thinks of this position and approach, one thing is quite clear: the way that universities view the scope of their mission to their students and as social actors, at least this one and at least in Hong Kong, appears to be changing.  And that also be be a consequence of the evolving situation in Hong Kong.

The Open Letter is noteworthy in several respects. 

First, it asserts the responsibility of the university for the well being of its students int he course of the protests.  It does so without denying the Hong Kong Authorities' power to maintain order and civil peace ("The University is expected to make best use of its status, standing, and influence to ensure a fair treatment of the related issues and the students affected" "各方都期望大學憑藉其公信力、影響力，讓有關事件及受影響同學得到最公平的處理。"). 

Second, in this sense, the University seeks to serve as a Western style human rights defender against violations by the state authorities of their own self imposed legal constraints ("I cannot over-emphasize that, irrespective of why our students were arrested, the police should ensure that the rights of the arrested must not be infringed upon during arrest and detention" "我在此嚴正指出，無論同學因何事被捕，警方必須確保在拘捕及扣留過程中，被捕人士應有的權利不被剝削。").

Third, the university has used its own networks to provide resources for students who seek to complain against disciplinary breeches by state (usually police) officials ("To responsibly deal with the above cases, the University had promptly elicited help from volunteer alumni lawyers, especially those with experience in gender equality and human rights issues.  We hope that with such legal assistance and consent of the students concerned, each case can be properly documented and submitted to the relevant authorities as a formal complaint and representation so as to facilitate prompt, fair and open investigations"; "為嚴肅處理以上同學的個案，大學即時聯繫了義務校友律師，特別是在處理性別平等及人權問題方面有豐富經驗的律師協助同學。我們希望在律師的協助下，每個個案的詳細情形都可以以書面陳述撰寫出來，在同學的同意下，讓大學可以協助將個案呈交相關機構作出正式申訴及陳述，並促請相關機構盡快作出公平、公開、公正的調查。").

Fourth, as an influential human rights defender and protector of its student stakeholders, the university has a duty to intervene directly with the highest level state authorities to ensure that the rule of law mechanisms that the state authorities have imposed on themselves are implemented.  This lobbying and oversight responsibility is not merely technical but reflects the political responsibilities of the university in Hong Kong ("In view of the gravity of the matter, I will write to the Chief Executive to exhort her to initiate independent investigation of the 20 or so cases involving CUHK students outside existing mechanisms.  This will hopefully reaffirm the rule of law and restore public confidence"; "基於事件的嚴重性，我會去信行政長官，希望行政長官考慮針對現時大學已掌握初步資料的約20宗個案，在現有機制以外作出嚴正跟進，讓法治精神得以彰顯，讓信心得以重建。").

Fifth, the university has a obligation to protect the territorial integrity of its learning and congregation spaces against  state abuses. ("At the meeting last week, concern over the unjustified presence of police discharging duties on campus was voiced time and again.  Within the property boundary of our University campus, we will do everything we can to safeguard the legal rights of all our members."; "在上星期的會面中，很多同學都向我表達對於警察進入校園的關注。在校園範圍內，大學會盡一切努力維護每一位成員的合法權益。一般情況下，如警察欲進入校園，保安處會先向警方查詢到校原因，了解警方是執行法庭搜查令，或是在涉案人士同意下作出調查，或有合理懷疑相信有涉嫌犯罪人士在某處所內。").

Sixth, the university can serve as a space within which mass line politics can be ordered and effectively communicated to the authorities, but with thew understanding that the authorities have a duty to both hear and respond fairly in order to preserve their own legitimacy, even within the context of the political-economic model of One Country Two Systems. But that also requires a shift back to the pacific expression of ideas and desires and the avoidance of violence that could be viewed as a threat to the state rather than a demand for dialogue.

It is my belief and deep conviction that sincere, direct and honest dialogue will lead us out of the present impasse, but strong polarization will never bring compromise. Reconciliation of the schism can only be approached and reached with sincerity and honesty. The success of Hong Kong depends on the rule of law and Hong Kong people being united behind it. The negative sentiments in society have reached an alarmingly critical point. The escalating violence and acts of destruction must stop. The government must act fast to come up with feasible strategies to solve the problems in order to rekindle hope for the younger generations who are the future of Hong Kong. 香港的成功有賴香港人的團結及法治精神。現時社會上的負面情緒已達臨界點，不斷升級的暴力及破壞行為必須停止，政府必須盡快、盡力提出可行方案解決社會上各種問題，方可以為這一代的年青人──香港的未來，重燃希望。

Seventh, the university is seeking both to play a role in managing the situation in Hong Kong.  At the same time, that insertion is necessary because both its primary stakeholders and those governments which ultimately will decide on the role of the university within the evolving political-economic model in Hong Kong both insist.  The university is attempting to steer a between these two camps in ways that preserves to itself a set of core values that they hope will be preserved once the situation in Hong Kong is resolved.  It is not clear that strategy will be successful.  But it is also clear that there is virtually no other path left to the university.  To its students it urges caution but embraces the role of protector and middle tier parens patriae. To the state, and both of its governments, it attempts to serve as a super ego (e.g., "we will hold you to your own rules to preserve the rule of law ideology central to your legitimacy"). But students may well reject the proffer as too little and too late (though they will accept the help as it comes).  And the central authorities may well have already made up their minds, and it is therefore only a matter of determining the sort of conduct that will prove useful in determining whether a university (and its faculty) will eventually find themselves on a blacklist or a redlist. But that is a story for an essay of a completely distinct character (see, e.g., Blacklists and Social Credit Regimes in China: Paper and PowerPoints).  

__________

(The English version of this letter follows the Chinese one.)

各位中大同學、同事、校友：

執筆之時，心中有很多思緒尚未止息。上周四（10月10日）跟同學及校友接近四小時的會面當中，外界可以從媒體看到很多失控畫面，我和我的團隊成員，以及在場的每一位同學、校友，無不感受到繃緊的情緒。面對比以往更洶湧的群情及激烈的指罵，延續真正的對話及交流實不容易。我感受最深刻的，是討論會完結後，我與一些被捕同學兩個多小時的閉門交談。在大家都放下戒備的情況下，我看到同學無助的眼神，哭訴他們親身所受的身心痛楚，懇求大學保護他們。我亦坦誠告訴同學我的心底話，承認大學在此史無前例社會挑戰下的不足之處，以及大學必須肩負的多方責任。在這兩小時，彼此終於能夠打開心扉，表達最真摯的感受。同學的每一句說話都打進我的心坎裏，讓我非常的痛心及難過。

對於部份同學就其被捕後的經歷，向我表達的強烈訴求，大學必須負起尋求真相及公道的責任，讓公義得以彰顯。每一位同學，無論他們持何種立場及價值觀，無論他們曾否犯錯，都是中大的學生。作為師長，我們必須教導同學為自己的言行負責任 ; 而大學出於關愛，亦須為同學爭取應有的權益，不會隨便放棄任何一位同學。上周四的討論會之後，我收到逾800封來自各方的電郵及書面意見，看到不同傳媒對事件的解讀及分析，也知悉同學、同事及校友的聯署。在如此大量紛紜的意見中有一個共通點：各方都期望大學憑藉其公信力、影響力，讓有關事件及受影響同學得到最公平的處理。

被捕同學的情況及跟進

我們自上周五起，立即逐一再聯絡被捕的逾30位同學，詳細了解他們在被捕後遇到的種種情況。大部分同學表示，在被捕後要求與律師或家人聯絡不果，最終在數小時甚至長達78小時後才能打電話，有同學因而被逼在沒有律師陪同下錄口供。據其中一名同學描述，其家人到警署要求會面不得要領，結果同學在被拘留的48小時沒有機會打電話及不能與正在警署苦候的家人見面。不少同學指出，在拘留期間警員不允許他們睡覺或躺臥休息，亦有同學反映得不到所需的醫療協助，例如哮喘病發的同學要等候6小時後方能就醫，有同學因頭部受創要求就醫，18小時後方被送往急症室。較為嚴重的情況，不止一位同學表示在錄口供或扣留期間曾被警員掌摑，以及有兩位同學表示在搜身前獲告知不需脫衣，卻在搜身房內被同性警員強逼脫下所有衣物。以上都是同學親自提出的指控。

在我們逐一個別跟進的被捕同學中，共有約20位同學表示在拘留期間曾經遭遇上述其中一種或多種不同程度的不合理對待，顯示這些絕非單一事件，從人道待遇角度來看，情況嚴重，而涉及身體傷害的情況，更加不能接受。對於同學親述他們被捕後經歷的身心創傷，我感到難過及悲憤。我在此嚴正指出，無論同學因何事被捕，警方必須確保在拘捕及扣留過程中，被捕人士應有的權利不被剝削。執法人員須達到高標準及要求，審慎和公正執法，這也是公眾的合理期望。對於已經發生的事件，在查明細節後，警方必須有清晰的交待和恰當的處理。

為嚴肅處理以上同學的個案，大學即時聯繫了義務校友律師，特別是在處理性別平等及人權問題方面有豐富經驗的律師協助同學。我們希望在律師的協助下，每個個案的詳細情形都可以以書面陳述撰寫出來，在同學的同意下，讓大學可以協助將個案呈交相關機構作出正式申訴及陳述，並促請相關機構盡快作出公平、公開、公正的調查。事實上，大學已直接聯絡了監警會，他們極度關注同學的個案，並承諾會就個別個案派出觀察員，出席所有投訴警察課與投訴人的會面和現場搜證，以確保過程公平公正。我在此呼籲受影響同學爭取你們應有的權利，我和我的同事非常願意與律師一起陪同同學到相關機構作出投訴，保障你們的法律權益及要求嚴正處理。

我理解很多中大成員及社會人士都非常關注吳同學的個案，我們亦同樣非常關注，並與吳同學保持緊密聯繫，提供協助。我們理解她正面對很大的心理壓力，而她在公開場合或訪問中所描述的經歷，其實已具備相當的細節，我在此促請投訴警察課就已公開的細節立即展開調查，並由監警會作出監察，此事刻不容緩。我亦在此強烈呼籲各方停止對任何人作出恐嚇或騷擾行為，甚或阻嚇受害人求助。

遺憾的是，目前為止我們所接觸的同學，都因為對警方有不安情緒或對投訴警察課及監警會的制度失去信心等而尚未願意踏出這一步。我感到無奈之餘，亦明白同學及公眾對現有機制的不信任，並非一朝一夕形成的。基於事件的嚴重性，我會去信行政長官，希望行政長官考慮針對現時大學已掌握初步資料的約20宗個案，在現有機制以外作出嚴正跟進，讓法治精神得以彰顯，讓信心得以重建。事實上，過去兩個月來，社會上有強烈聲音，要求政府成立獨立調查委員會，查找警民衝突以至整個事件的真相。政府應該正視這個聲音，因為只有真相才可以為所有人帶來最公平的結果。

保護大學的成員，大學責無旁貸。同時，在大學成員甚至社會大眾都期望我們主持公道的時候，我身為校長，必須謹慎運用大學的公信力，絕對不能倉卒行事，讓校園變成爭辯的戰場，甚至讓本來已經受創傷的人，因為某些惡意攻擊而受二次傷害。對於部分警務人員涉嫌不當使用暴力或違反人權，經查證後須予以譴責。

校園保安措施

在上星期的會面中，很多同學都向我表達對於警察進入校園的關注。在校園範圍內，大學會盡一切努力維護每一位成員的合法權益。一般情況下，如警察欲進入校園，保安處會先向警方查詢到校原因，了解警方是執行法庭搜查令，或是在涉案人士同意下作出調查，或有合理懷疑相信有涉嫌犯罪人士在某處所內。希望大家明白，大學有法律責任配合警方調查工作，但大學會先向警察了解進校的具體資料，包括調查目的及地點等。大學亦會在警察在校園範圍內調查或搜查期間，盡可能安排大學人員陪同有關人士，並在合法、合理的情況下知會相關單位；同時亦會按需要聯絡律師到場協助（大學已為此安排24小時法律支援），確保員生的法律權益受到保障。

大學會加強前線保安人員的訓練及警覺性。在這段期間，大學已加派了人手處理大量校園發生的不同事件。

加強緊急應變支援

我在上星期與同學及校友會面時提到，受到社會環境的影響，這幾個月來大學發生了大大小小的事件，令不同成員都受到很大的困擾。在這個非常時期，不同的成員都期望大學有更多的支援，我很感謝各位曾經出心出力的同學、同事及校友，同事們需要處理很多前線的問題，但他們不怕辛苦，願意付出更多時間與同學溝通，疏導負面情緒並制止不當的行為及紛爭。

大學一直設有由我領導的危機處理小組，負責制訂應對不同事件的對策。由於現時社會狀況急速變化，在聽取各方意見之後，我決定深化危機處理小組的工作，以更迅速地應對突發情況，加強不同單位的協調及決策。大學將會成立一個跨部門的迅速應變專責工作組(Rapid Response Task Force)，就五大支援範疇成立分組，跟進不同的工作並向我匯報，亦會邀請學生代表及校友加入 :

1. 文化共融分組 (culturalis@cuhk.edu.hk) （召集人: 吳基培副校長）
2. 學業支援分組 (academicss@cuhk.edu.hk) （召集人: 余蕙卿教務長）
3. 校園安全、保安及法律事宜分組 (csslms@cuhk.edu.hk) （召集人: 吳樹培副校長）
4. 學生支援及心理健康分組 (ssws@cuhk.edu.hk) （召集人: 吳基培副校長）
5. 溝通與協調分組 (caes@cuhk.edu.hk) （召集人: 吳樹培副校長）

讓信、望、愛帶領我們前行

過去幾個月的社會及校園風波，對我們各人都是一個學習的過程。我深信對話是解開矛盾的出路，強硬對立不能換來妥協，真心坦誠方能修補撕裂。香港的成功有賴香港人的團結及法治精神。現時社會上的負面情緒已達臨界點，不斷升級的暴力及破壞行為必須停止，政府必須盡快、盡力提出可行方案解決社會上各種問題，方可以為這一代的年青人──香港的未來，重燃希望。

不管前路多艱難，大學會堅守傳播知識、服務社會、培育品德的使命，讓校園成為自由探索真理的地方，不會放棄教導同學博文約禮的精神。假如校園失去了團結、失去了開放包容、理性及互相尊重之心，失去了盼望和信任，失去了愛，又怎可以再為大家遮風擋雨？

我在香港出生及長大，香港是我摯愛的家鄉。獅子山下的精神，正正是我成長的家庭，以及千千萬萬家庭的寫照：刻苦耐勞、勤奮拚搏、靈活應變、自強不息。所有香港人，不論政治立場，都是同舟人，有很多共通之處。我衷心希望真相可以帶來和解，可以重建香港寶貴的精神財富。

香港中文大學校長

段崇智

Dear Students, Colleagues and Alumni,

My heart is heavy and unsettled as I pen this personal letter. The chaotic scenes from the media images of my meeting a week ago (10 October) with CUHK students and alumni must have shocked many.  My team and I, and every student and alumni member present at the meeting, felt the tensions and heightened emotions first-hand.  In fact, the proceedings had gotten so out of control that a meaningful dialogue became totally impossible.  At the end of the large, chaotic meeting, I had a further two-plus-hour of closed-door conversation with a smaller gathering of students, including some who were arrested for alleged offences related to the recent social unrest.  We all managed to put aside our differences, and carried on an open dialogue.  I was able to see personally and up close the pain and suffering of the students, how they were driven to a state of hopelessness, and why they had turned to the University for help.  I directly related to these students of CUHK my honest feelings and my thoughts.  I fully recognized that in the face of such unprecedented challenges to our community, the University might not have done enough for our students, even though we owe our responsibilities to many different stakeholders.  During these emotional two-plus hours, I heard loud and clear every word uttered by our students, which brought me no small share of sadness and regret.

Some of the students related their personal experiences while in police custody, and implored the University to take up the responsibility of the search for truth and fairness, to see to it that justice is done.  Every student, regardless of his/her political stance, values or personal beliefs, and whether or not he/she might have done something wrong, is a family member of CUHK.  In teaching students to accept responsibility for their own action, the University shall also help them assert their rights.  Since the meeting last Thursday, I have received over 800 e-mails and written opinions from many different stakeholders.  I saw how the evening’s event had been interpreted, analyzed and evaluated by different media, and in various signed petitions from students, colleagues and alumni.  Out of this myriad of opinions one thing is clear: The University is expected to make best use of its status, standing, and influence to ensure a fair treatment of the related issues and the students affected.

Follow-up actions on the students arrested

Since last Friday, we have contacted each and everyone of the more than 30 students arrested to find out what they had gone through after their arrests and during detention.  Most of them said their requests for timely communicating with their lawyers or families were unsuccessful, and they could only make their first (and only) phone-call from a few hours to as long as 78 hours after their arrests.  In some cases the students were made to give police statement in the absence of a lawyer.  One of the students said that, even when his family had arrived at the police station where he was held, they could not see him.  He was not permitted a phone call or a meeting with his family in the same station during the 48 hours while he was detained.  Some students pointed out that they were not permitted to sleep or lie down to rest.  Some other students said they were not given the medication they needed, and a student with asthma had to wait for six hours to be treated.  According to another student who suffered a head injury, despite his request to go to the hospital, he was only sent to the accident and emergency ward after 18 hours in detention.  More seriously, more than one students said they were slapped in the face while giving a statement or during detention, and two students said they were forced to strip naked by a police officer of the same sex in the search room despite having been told of no such need for strip search.  The above are all serious allegations made by our students of CUHK.  

Among the cases that came to our attention, about 20 students said they had received one or more of the above unreasonable treatments in varying degrees of severity.  These are not isolated incidents but serious allegations from a human rights point of view.  They are all the more unacceptable if bodily harm was inflicted.  Upon hearing from the students themselves what physical and mental pains they had suffered, I felt sad and anguished.  I cannot over-emphasize that, irrespective of why our students were arrested, the police should ensure that the rights of the arrested must not be infringed upon during arrest and detention.  The public rightly expect from law enforcement agencies nothing less than the upholding of the highest standards and the practice of cautiousness and judiciousness by its personnel.  The police are also expected to ensure proper handling of the matter and keep the public informed after a thorough investigation.

To responsibly deal with the above cases, the University had promptly elicited help from volunteer alumni lawyers, especially those with experience in gender equality and human rights issues.  We hope that with such legal assistance and consent of the students concerned, each case can be properly documented and submitted to the relevant authorities as a formal complaint and representation so as to facilitate prompt, fair and open investigations.  In fact, the University has contacted the Independent Police Complaint Council (IPCC) directly, which was very receptive to our request and promised to send observers to all the meetings between the Complaints Against Police Office (CAPO) and the complainants and to conduct on-site evidence gathering in a fair and just manner.  I hereby call upon our students affected that you should exercise your rights.  My colleagues and I are willing to accompany you and your lawyers to file complaints at the relevant authorities so as to protect your legal rights and demand proper and judicious handling of your cases.  

I understand that many members of the University and the public share with us a deep concern for the case of one of our own students, Miss Ng.  We are in close contact with Miss Ng, offering our help.  We understand that she is under enormous pressure, and has disclosed at public appearances or interviews many facts and details of her experience.  I hereby urge the CAPO to take prompt action to investigate her case based on the publicly available evidence, preferably in conjunction with IPCC scrutiny.  Time is of the essence here.  I also strongly urge all to desist from doing any act of intimidation, harassment or obstructing any victim to seek help.

Regrettably, those students we have contacted so far are not yet willing to take the first step due to their anxiety towards the police or distrust of the CAPO and the IPCC.  While I feel frustrated by this state of affairs, I understand that the mistrust of existing mechanisms among students and the public does not begin today.  In view of the gravity of the matter, I will write to the Chief Executive to exhort her to initiate independent investigation of the 20 or so cases involving CUHK students outside existing mechanisms.  This will hopefully reaffirm the rule of law and restore public confidence.  As a matter of fact, demands for the government to establish an independent commission of inquiry to try to get to the root cause of police-civilian conflicts or related matters have grown louder and louder in the past few months.  The government must constructively address such demands, for only the truth can bring justice to all.

Protecting members of the University is a responsibility we cannot abdicate.  At the same time, when judiciousness is expected of us by members of the University as well as the general public, as Vice-Chancellor and President I must exercise prudence when the credibility of the University is capitalized, and must not jump to unsubstantiated conclusions. Otherwise, the campus is likely to be turned into a dispute-driven battlefield, and insult will be added to injury for those who have already been hurt by additional malicious attacks. Any proven case of improper use of force or violations of human rights by certain police officers must be condemned. 

Safety measures on campus

At the meeting last week, concern over the unjustified presence of police discharging duties on campus was voiced time and again.  Within the property boundary of our University campus, we will do everything we can to safeguard the legal rights of all our members.  Upon the request of the police to enter our campus, the University Security Office will normally require them to give reasons for doing so, whether it is for executing court orders (such as a search or arrest warrant), conducting investigation with the consent of those involved in a crime, or if they are under reasonable suspicion that the perpetrator of a crime is present on the premises.  I hope the University community will appreciate that we are duty-bound to cooperate with law enforcement agencies in any criminal investigation.  But the University will first obtain from the police the relevant information such as the purpose and location of their investigation before granting them entry.  The University will also arrange our staff to accompany any concerned parties during the investigation or search by police on campus, and to notify the relevant units when it is lawful and reasonable to do so.  If needed, lawyers can be arranged to assist with the students and staff so as to safeguard their legal rights (24-hour legal assistance has been in place).

The University will strengthen the training and alertness of our frontline security personnel.  The University has also deployed more personnel to deal with the increased number of various types of incidents on campus.

Strengthening emergency responses

During my meeting with the students and alumni last week, I commented on the distress caused to members of the University due to the social unrest and its repercussions on campus life in the last few months.  In these difficult times, many members of the CUHK expect more support from the University.  I am grateful to students, colleagues and alumni for their dedicated efforts.  Our colleagues on the frontline have committed a great deal of their time and energy to engage the students, boost their morale, and prevent disputes and improper conduct.  

The crisis management group that I chair has been responsible for the formulation and implementation of policies and emergency measures.  In view of the rapidly changing circumstances and after hearing from the stakeholders, I have decided to take the work of the group one step further in order to ensure even more timely responses to emergencies with better coordination and decision-making.  The University will set up a cross-functional Rapid Response Task Force with subgroups in five areas of support.  These subgroups will have student and alumni representatives and report directly to me.  They are:

(1)   Cultural Inclusion Subgroup (culturalis@cuhk.edu.hk )

Convenor: Prof. Dennis Ng, Pro-Vice-Chancellor 

(2)   Academic Support Subgroup (academicss@cuhk.edu.hk )

Convenor: Ms. Kitty Yu, Registrar

(3)   Campus Safety, Security and Legal Matters Subgroup (csslms@cuhk.edu.hk )

Convenor: Mr. Eric Ng, Vice-President (Administration)

(4)   Student Support and Well-being Subgroup (ssws@cuhk.edu.hk )

Convenor: Prof. Dennis Ng, Pro-Vice-Chancellor

(5)   Communications and Engagement Subgroup (caes@cuhk.edu.hk )

Convenor: Mr. Eric Ng, Vice-President (Administration)

Let trust, hope and compassion be our guide

The troubling events in society and on campus in the past few months have been a tough, learning process for us all.  It is my belief and deep conviction that sincere, direct and honest dialogue will lead us out of the present impasse, but strong polarization will never bring compromise.  Reconciliation of the schism can only be approached and reached with sincerity and honesty.  The success of Hong Kong depends on the rule of law and Hong Kong people being united behind it.  The negative sentiments in society have reached an alarmingly critical point.  The escalating violence and acts of destruction must stop.  The government must act fast to come up with feasible strategies to solve the problems in order to rekindle hope for the younger generations who are the future of Hong Kong.

The University fully recognizes that we face a bumpy road ahead. Nevertheless, we will faithfully abide by our mission: to disseminate knowledge, serve the society, and cultivate virtue.  We will maintain the campus as a place where the search for truth can be freely pursued and where students are nurtured in the spirit of “Through learning and temperance to virtue”, the motto of the University passed down by our Founding Fathers.  To remain a haven for all, we must not lose sight of unity, openness, inclusivity, reason, and mutual respect, and be continually inspired by the virtues of trust, hope, and compassion. 

I am a native son, born and raised in Hong Kong, my beloved home.  I grew up in a loving, hard-working family that lived under the Lion Rock, like hundreds of thousands of families in Hong Kong: we sweated and toiled, we worked and played, we learned and adapted, we constantly reinvented ourselves, and always believing in a better tomorrow.  Regardless of political persuasions, all of us in Hong Kong are in the same boat and have a whole lot more in common than being different.  I sincerely hope that truth will bring reconciliation.  I very earnestly look forward to the moment when the precious and beautiful spiritual wealth of Hong Kong will be rekindled with brightness and vigour.

Rocky S. Tuan

Vice-Chancellor and President

The Chinese University of Hong Kong