The text of the address follows preceded by brief reflections--reflections about the text, not about the human being who delivered them (this later task will likely consume many others for a long time to time). The transcript may be accessed HERE and was posted by Newsweek.
1. The speech is fairly long for its type. But that was necessary gven its principal function--to memorialize the catalogue of accomplishments as Mr. Trump sees them. Of course this will do little to affect the master narrative of the conseqeunces of the last 4 years--something that was quite apparent in the text of the Inaugural Speech of the 46th President, Mr. Biden (about which ore to be said in a later post). Nonetheless it was a necessary task whatever becomes of that catalogue and its self-referencing assessment.
2. The speech was remarkably short on expressions of thanks. That is to be exprected given the working style of the administration of the 45th President. Not that this working style was unique--it is a style affected by some in the world of business enterprises and well tolerated, especially by those who take their money to finance political campaigns. But here Mr. Trump was not recreating a role as a CEO--which sometimes is expressed in far more Leninist working styles. By the end, as the farewell remarks make clear, there were very few left to thank. And that, perhaps more than anything ought to give Mr. Trump something to think about as he ponders what might have goe wrong in his bid for a second term.
3. A very brief but very necessary reference to the events of 6 January at the Capital was also included. It was as well remarkable for its brevity. Three key words were meant to be highlighted: (1) "horrified"; (2) "assault"; and (3) "political violence." But the expression was not personal. The reference was to "all Americans", which of course included Mr. Trump, but at the same time made the expression somewhat less personal And that is likely not to be overlooked.
4. A large part of what follows, of course, represents the last testament of a President at the end of the ter of office. It is unsurprisingly self-serving (that is the nature of these exercises whatever the character of its author) and displays what one to by now have become accustomed to as the typical discursive tropes used by Mr. Trump when discussing Mr. Trump.
5. Still, even this self-servng catalogue is worth mining. Mr. Trump's greatest achievements represent the greatest challenges to those factions of American political life that are longing for a return to the world as it existed before 2016. To some extent Mr. Trump (but not just Mr. Trump) has made that impossible. The character of multilateralism going forward, the nature and intend of our borders, the practice of principles of free movement of goods, capital, investment, and people remain intractable and the nation divided. The internal reconstruction of the way that the nation's people "see" and "understand " themselves and their relation to each other has been made an even more challenging task a a result of a series of action and reaction that started well before 2016 and will go unresolved for a while longer. Yet its re characterization in this farewell address offers at least a small opening from which some small common ground might be found--in the equities of responsibility sharing, in the responsiveness to popular inclinations, etc. In the passions of the current moment, however, these possibilities will likely to be overlooked. As for the rest, well. . . . .
6. Last, the end, as is common with remarks of this sort, seek to tie the catalogue together around a set of enduring principles. This is ironic in a political space that increasingly views sch principles as disposable, even as they keep the text and change its meaning to suit. But still, it is an important exercise, and the followers of Mr. Trump, at least, would have to be looking for text that makes their position coherent and provides an ideological template that can be used against their political enemies. This, then, is what Mr. Trump appears to be providing. The principles, then, as expected, would also be quite unremarkable--though context adds irony and dissonance to meaning. And it exposes the great tension in American ideological thought--that of uniting a nation under a set of orthodox principles grounded in the centering of diversity and the glory of opposition. It is not for nothing that generations of jurisprudence have tended to look on this and retreat to process. And it is in the breaking of those process principles, of course, that Mr. Trump finally managed to unite the American vanguard.
7. To that end what is likely to be offered by Mr. Trump's political progeny: (1) nationalism; (2) direct democracy (often derided by a contemptuous elite and their supporters as "populism" and so derided undervalued as a threat to their authority; a miscalculation made by Mr. Trump's adherents as well in their essentialisztion of oppositional positions as "socialism"); (3) the rise of a politics of "shared national identity" (this later point likely to be fleshed out in the narrative wars that will ramp up again in the coming months, though this is one several generations in the making). Most importantly, Mr. Trump leaves the nation with the recognition that there is a sizeable element of the population that remain deeply suspicious of those of its elements that seek to deprive them of agency and t remake them along cultural lines that suit. It was useful in the short run, though less so in the long run, to have conflated this suspicion with its worst and most corrupt elements. And the events of 6 January 2021 made that exceedingly easy to cement that alignment (again for a short but critically important while). Yet this merely replicates the error of conflating notions of perfectibility and of the value of innovation as social engineering of the worst sort by a new set of techno-masters. It is the great pity of the start of this century that there appears to be little way out of this binary.
8. The last lesson is the one made inadvertently in the remarks but a lesson nonetheless that ought to be required for every political leader. The great weakness of government--a failure or rather a temptation that appears common across political ideologies--is the tendency to merge the person with the office. Cults of personality are the kryptonite, the poison, of democratic institutions as much as they pose a fatal threat to Marxist Leninist vanguards. As Mr. Trump walks away from office, it is the office he carries away with him. But his enemies as well have invested so much effort in investing the person of Mr. Trump with almost supernatural demonic powers that each loses perspective. People are fungible. The myth of the hero is strong, though in global cultures. And the temptation to incarnate the collective in the body of the leader almost always produces ill effect. And thus the most potent lesson for the incoming President and Vice President (but mostly for their supporters--and those who manage the national narrative and its orthodoxies): the preservation of the institutions of the Republic may well be a function of the efforts undertaken to recognize and reject the indicia of cults of personality. It was a lesson ill learned by the 45th President (and more importantly by Mr. Trump's friends and enemies); perhaps the 46th (his supporters and enemies) will do better.
9. In the end, of course, it must be remembered that this is a house that Mr. Trump and his supporters built. And his legacy will to some extent be a function of the features of that house. As much as people might have been drawn to policies and to the confronting of issues, Mr. Trump almost inevitably became his own worst enemy. But he had a lot of help. And the great future tragedy might be more the way that Mr. Trump has also shaped the character of his enemies --none of whom were left untouched. Mr. Trump's presidency, in retrospect ,appears like the building of a large funeral pyre. Mr. Trump might have meant it for his enemies; but it was his enemies that manged to throw Mr. Trump in instead. Let us hope that in the process of throwing him onto the pyre they have not also been dragged in as well.
My fellow Americans: Four years ago, we launched a great national effort to rebuild our country, to renew its spirit, and to restore the allegiance of this government to its citizens. In short, we embarked on a mission to make America great again -- for all Americans.
As I conclude my term as the 45th President of the United States, I stand before you truly proud of what we have achieved together. We did what we came here to do -- and so much more.
This week, we inaugurate a new administration and pray for its success in keeping America safe and prosperous. We extend our best wishes, and we also want them to have luck -- a very important word.
I'd like to begin by thanking just a few of the amazing people who made our remarkable journey possible.
First, let me express my overwhelming gratitude for the love and support of our spectacular first lady, Melania. Let me also share my deepest appreciation to my daughter Ivanka, my son-in-law Jared, and to Barron, Don, Eric, Tiffany, and Lara. You fill my world with light and with joy.
I also want to thank Vice President Mike Pence, his wonderful wife Karen, and the entire Pence family.
Thank you as well to my Chief of Staff, Mark Meadows; the dedicated members of the White House Staff and the Cabinet; and all the incredible people across our administration who poured out their heart and soul to fight for America.
I also want to take a moment to thank a truly exceptional group of people: the United States Secret Service. My family and I will forever be in your debt. My profound gratitude as well to everyone in the White House Military Office, the teams of Marine One and Air Force One, every member of the Armed Forces, and state and local law enforcement all across our country.
Most of all, I want to thank the American people. To serve as your president has been an honor beyond description. Thank you for this extraordinary privilege. And that's what it is -- a great privilege and a great honor.
We must never forget that while Americans will always have our disagreements, we are a nation of incredible, decent, faithful, and peace-loving citizens who all want our country to thrive and flourish and be very, very successful and good. We are a truly magnificent nation.
All Americans were horrified by the assault on our Capitol. Political violence is an attack on everything we cherish as Americans. It can never be tolerated.
Now more than ever, we must unify around our shared values and rise above the partisan rancor, and forge our common destiny.
Four years ago, I came to Washington as the only true outsider ever to win the presidency. I had not spent my career as a politician, but as a builder looking at open skylines and imagining infinite possibilities. I ran for president because I knew there were towering new summits for America just waiting to be scaled. I knew the potential for our nation was boundless as long as we put America first.
So I left behind my former life and stepped into a very difficult arena, but an arena nevertheless, with all sorts of potential if properly done. America had given me so much, and I wanted to give something back.
Together with millions of hardworking patriots across this land, we built the greatest political movement in the history of our country. We also built the greatest economy in the history of the world. It was about 'America First' because we all wanted to make America great again. We restored the principle that a nation exists to serve its citizens. Our agenda was not about right or left, it wasn't about Republican or Democrat, but about the good of a nation, and that means the whole nation.
With the support and prayers of the American people, we achieved more than anyone thought possible. Nobody thought we could even come close.
We passed the largest package of tax cuts and reforms in American history. We slashed more job-killing regulations than any administration had ever done before. We fixed our broken trade deals, withdrew from the horrible Trans-Pacific Partnership and the impossible Paris Climate Accord, renegotiated the one-sided South Korea deal, and we replaced NAFTA with the groundbreaking USMCA -- that's Mexico and Canada -- a deal that's worked out very, very well.
Also, and very importantly, we imposed historic and monumental tariffs on China; made a great new deal with China. But before the ink was even dry, we and the whole world got hit with the China virus. Our trade relationship was rapidly changing, billions and billions of dollars were pouring into the U.S., but the virus forced us to go in a different direction.
The whole world suffered, but America outperformed other countries economically because of our incredible economy and the economy that we built. Without the foundations and footings, it wouldn't have worked out this way. We wouldn't have some of the best numbers we've ever had.
We also unlocked our energy resources and became the world's number-one producer of oil and natural gas by far. Powered by these policies, we built the greatest economy in the history of the world. We reignited America's job creation and achieved record-low unemployment for African Americans, Hispanic Americans, Asian Americans, women -- almost everyone.
Incomes soared, wages boomed, the American dream was restored, and millions were lifted from poverty in just a few short years. It was a miracle. The stock market set one record after another, with 148 stock market highs during this short period of time, and boosted the retirements and pensions of hardworking citizens all across our nation. 401(k)s are at a level they've never been at before. We've never seen numbers like we've seen, and that's before the pandemic and after the pandemic.
We rebuilt the American manufacturing base, opened up thousands of new factories, and brought back the beautiful phrase: 'Made in the USA.'
To make life better for working families, we doubled the child tax credit and signed the largest-ever expansion of funding for childcare and development. We joined with the private sector to secure commitments to train more than 16 million American workers for the jobs of tomorrow.
When our nation was hit with the terrible pandemic, we produced not one, but two vaccines with record-breaking speed, and more will quickly follow. They said it couldn't be done but we did it. They call it a 'medical miracle,' and that's what they're calling it right now: a 'medical miracle.'
Another administration would have taken 3, 4, 5, maybe even up to 10 years to develop a vaccine. We did in nine months.
We grieve for every life lost, and we pledge in their memory to wipe out this horrible pandemic once and for all.
When the virus took its brutal toll on the world's economy, we launched the fastest economic recovery our country has ever seen. We passed nearly $4 trillion in economic relief, saved or supported over 50 million jobs, and slashed the unemployment rate in half. These are numbers that our country has never seen before.
We created choice and transparency in healthcare, stood up to big pharma in so many ways, but especially in our effort to get favored-nations clauses added, which will give us the lowest prescription drug prices anywhere in the world.
We passed VA Choice, VA Accountability, Right to Try, and landmark criminal justice reform.
We confirmed three new justices of the United States Supreme Court. We appointed nearly 300 federal judges to interpret our Constitution as written.
For years, the American people pleaded with Washington to finally secure the nation's borders. I am pleased to say we answered that plea and achieved the most secure border in U.S. history. We have given our brave border agents and heroic ICE officers the tools they need to do their jobs better than they have ever done before, and to enforce our laws and keep America safe.
We proudly leave the next administration with the strongest and most robust border security measures ever put into place. This includes historic agreements with Mexico, Guatemala, Honduras, and El Salvador, along with more than 450 miles of powerful new wall.
We restored American strength at home and American leadership abroad. The world respects us again. Please don't lose that respect.
We reclaimed our sovereignty by standing up for America at the United Nations and withdrawing from the one-sided global deals that never served our interests. And NATO countries are now paying hundreds of billions of dollars more than when I arrived just a few years ago. It was very unfair. We were paying the cost for the world. Now the world is helping us.
And perhaps most importantly of all, with nearly $3 trillion, we fully rebuilt the American military -- all made in the USA. We launched the first new branch of the United States Armed Forces in 75 years: the Space Force. And last spring, I stood at Kennedy Space Center in Florida and watched as American astronauts returned to space on American rockets for the first time in many, many years.
We revitalized our alliances and rallied the nations of the world to stand up to China like never before.
We obliterated the ISIS caliphate and ended the wretched life of its founder and leader, al Baghdadi. We stood up to the oppressive Iranian regime and killed the world's top terrorist, Iranian butcher Qasem Soleimani.
We recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and recognized Israeli sovereignty over the Golan Heights.
As a result of our bold diplomacy and principled realism, we achieved a series of historic peace deals in the Middle East. Nobody believed it could happen. The Abraham Accords opened the doors to a future of peace and harmony, not violence and bloodshed. It is the dawn of a new Middle East, and we are bringing our soldiers home.
I am especially proud to be the first president in decades who has started no new wars.
Above all, we have reasserted the sacred idea that, in America, the government answers to the people. Our guiding light, our north star, our unwavering conviction has been that we are here to serve the noble everyday citizens of America. Our allegiance is not to the special interests, corporations, or global entities; it's to our children, our citizens, and to our nation itself.
As president, my top priority, my constant concern, has always been the best interests of American workers and American families. I did not seek the easiest course; by far, it was actually the most difficult. I did not seek the path that would get the least criticism. I took on the tough battles, the hardest fights, the most difficult choices because that's what you elected me to do. Your needs were my first and last unyielding focus.
This, I hope, will be our greatest legacy: Together, we put the American people back in charge of our country. We restored self-government. We restored the idea that in America no one is forgotten, because everyone matters and everyone has a voice. We fought for the principle that every citizen is entitled to equal dignity, equal treatment, and equal rights because we are all made equal by God. Everyone is entitled to be treated with respect, to have their voice heard, and to have their government listen. You are loyal to your country, and my administration was always loyal to you.
We worked to build a country in which every citizen could find a great job and support their wonderful families. We fought for the communities where every American could be safe and schools where every child could learn. We promoted a culture where our laws would be upheld, our heroes honored, our history preserved, and law-abiding citizens are never taken for granted. Americans should take tremendous satisfaction in all that we have achieved together. It's incredible.
Now, as I leave the White House, I have been reflecting on the dangers that threaten the priceless inheritance we all share. As the world's most powerful nation, America faces constant threats and challenges from abroad. But the greatest danger we face is a loss of confidence in ourselves, a loss of confidence in our national greatness. A nation is only as strong as its spirit. We are only as dynamic as our pride. We are only as vibrant as the faith that beats in the hearts of our people.
No nation can long thrive that loses faith in its own values, history, and heroes, for these are the very sources of our unity and our vitality.
What has always allowed America to prevail and triumph over the great challenges of the past has been an unyielding and unashamed conviction in the nobility of our country and its unique purpose in history. We must never lose this conviction. We must never forsake our belief in America.
The key to national greatness lies in sustaining and instilling our shared national identity. That means focusing on what we have in common: the heritage that we all share.
At the center of this heritage is also a robust belief in free expression, free speech, and open debate. Only if we forget who we are, and how we got here, could we ever allow political censorship and blacklisting to take place in America. It's not even thinkable. Shutting down free and open debate violates our core values and most enduring traditions.
In America, we don't insist on absolute conformity or enforce rigid orthodoxies and punitive speech codes. We just don't do that. America is not a timid nation of tame souls who need to be sheltered and protected from those with whom we disagree. That's not who we are. It will never be who we are.
For nearly 250 years, in the face of every challenge, Americans have always summoned our unmatched courage, confidence, and fierce independence. These are the miraculous traits that once led millions of everyday citizens to set out across a wild continent and carve out a new life in the great West. It was the same profound love of our God-given freedom that willed our soldiers into battle and our astronauts into space.
As I think back on the past four years, one image rises in my mind above all others. Whenever I traveled all along the motorcade route, there were thousands and thousands of people. They came out with their families so that they could stand as we passed, and proudly wave our great American flag. It never failed to deeply move me. I knew that they did not just come out to show their support of me; they came out to show me their support and love for our country.
This is a republic of proud citizens who are united by our common conviction that America is the greatest nation in all of history. We are, and must always be, a land of hope, of light, and of glory to all the world. This is the precious inheritance that we must safeguard at every single turn.
For the past four years, I have worked to do just that. From a great hall of Muslim leaders in Riyadh to a great square of Polish people in Warsaw; from the floor of the Korean Assembly to the podium at the United Nations General Assembly; and from the Forbidden City in Beijing to the shadow of Mount Rushmore, I fought for you, I fought for your family, I fought for our country. Above all, I fought for America and all it stands for -- and that is safe, strong, proud, and free.
Now, as I prepare to hand power over to a new administration at noon on Wednesday, I want you to know that the movement we started is only just beginning. There's never been anything like it. The belief that a nation must serve its citizens will not dwindle but instead only grow stronger by the day.
As long as the American people hold in their hearts deep and devoted love of country, then there is nothing that this nation cannot achieve. Our communities will flourish. Our people will be prosperous. Our traditions will be cherished. Our faith will be strong. And our future will be brighter than ever before.
I go from this majestic place with a loyal and joyful heart, an optimistic spirit, and a supreme confidence that for our country and for our children, the best is yet to come.
Thank you, and farewell. God bless you. God bless the United States of America.
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