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A year ago the leaders of Israel and the Palestinian Authority both thought it was in their respective best interests to perform in that seraglio reserved for states, whose harem ( حَرِيمٌ,), that place traditionally reserved in Muslim households for reserved for such wives, concubines, and female servants of political authority, has been erected on the banks of the East River in New York. I considered the semiotic state of the "Jewish Question" it continued to raise in my reflections on the texts of those performances (Cognitive Rifts and the Politics of Global Solidarity: The Remarks of Mr Abbas and Mr Netanyahu to the United Nations).
It appears that the global taste for seraglio entertainment continues unabated. This is especially the case when the leaders of Israel and the Palestinian Authority perform, if only because it becomes a communal dance-a-thon in which all potentates gathered for the performances can themselves perform for the wider audience of press organs, who in turn are expected to package these multi-level performances into appropriated projected bits of agit prop theater. Last year the dominant theme was cognitive rifts.
And, indeed, one might approach these conflicts as a manifestation, in physical form, of the cognitive ruptures that is manifested in conflict. The intensity of that conflict, quite violent in both cases, signifies not merely a fundamental incompatibility of perceiving the world and the role and expectations of the relationships of key actors within it, but also of the intensification of that dissonance a critical element of the character of which is the conviction that the fundamental starting points for perception are unalterable and require the obliteration of the other. Perhaps it does. But if that the case then these conflicts merely manifest in physical form the more fundamental semiotic contests on which the resolution both the Jewish and the Ukrainian question depends, one way or another.
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The cognitive rift and its consequences/justification schemata in the Ukrainian context have been considered in earlier posts (eg here, here, here, here, and here). In the context of the Jewish presence in Israel (it is assumed, without much discussion, that what will be a State of Palestine must be or will be free of Jews--another cognitive baseline that might require exploration elsewhere), these fundamental cognitive rifts serve as the essence of the remarks of given by Mr. Abbas (first) and then by Mr. Netanyahu at the United Nations this week.(Cognitive Rifts and the Politics of Global Solidarity: The Remarks of Mr Abbas and Mr Netanyahu to the United Nations).
This year the rift is taken for granted and it is time for the inmates to choose a side--and to do so as theatrically as possible given the constraints of the asylum they ave built for themselves. For the agit-prop this year the Palestinian Authority choose the "we are good children willing to do as you say" theme; the Israeli's chose to do an interpretive dance around a theme inviting the participants to have sexual relations with themselves. And in the sidelines all of the usual actors, and those with rising ambitions watched from the corners of in the (virtual) smokey dance den in the Harem and cabaled amongst themselves about the way to best deal with the naughty Jew and the now innocent Arab habituating lands in what had once been, after the Jewish Kingdom had been conquered, Pagan and then Christian Roman Palestine (nothing is simple in an area as ancient as this). Tony Blair is running around hoping to be a bureaucratic Lawrence of Arabia for Gaza, others plan for the Miami Beachification of the place, and still others, who have barely brushed off the offal stench of their own engagements with substantial population movements and territorial shifts, are busy lecturing smaller states about the evils of both.
Still the speeches are worth the effort, as long as one understands them for what they are-necessary performances for bloated sacks of power too lazy or disinterested in solving a problem that by its persistence has been of substantial value to them in their own internal politics. The rest is just posturing and advancing sometimes in quite spectacular ways the personal ambitions and careers of those meddlesome individuals who are making a living out of righteousness on all sides in a context in which to meddle is a positive global virtue at least in this state of the historical development of the harem politics of global engagement. . . . . or perhaps this is our version of the Ottoman "Sultanate of Women." And that makes for great television drama: One of the performers danced to a less than full house; the other "star" danced from her own palace in exile to a full house of people whose bodies were there, at least. And for both it is the Harem, and its seraglio, rather than the actors themselves, that serve as the most important object element of this year's performance. And in this style of the agit prop of this century, it is not a close reading of the text that is as important as the snippets woven into the agit prop that is propelled from out of those performances onto the spaces of mass agitation which recursively will provide all the cover the elites need for doing what they intend--one way or another. It isn't that the dancing in the harem is unimportant, quite the reverse, but its purpose is other than what may appear on or as its text--con-text and memory clips are its foundation and instrument. And yet, what the Russians appear to have been teaching the world (again) is that the contest is as likely to be decided on the ground as in the theater designed for the avoidance of what became unavoidable. Both Presidents Abbas and Netanyahu know this, and the rest follows--including the constitution and deployment of the necessary justificatory tropes--the "bad" Jew, the freedom fighter, the hierarchy of oppression, the vectors of terror, etc. Faith may be blind but it enjoys a good performance in any form.
The text of both speeches follow below with links to original sources on line.
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English Translation (Original: Arabic)
Statement of H.E. President Mahmoud Abbas
President of the State of Palestine
Before the 80th Session of the United Nations General Assembly
New York, 25 September 2025
H. E. Annalena Baerbock, President of the General Assembly,
H.E. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations,
Excellencies, distinguished Heads of State and delegations,
Peace, mercy, and blessings of God be upon you,
I speak to you today after nearly two years in which our Palestinian people in the Gaza Strip
have been facing a war of genocide, destruction, starvation, and displacement waged by
the Israeli occupation forces. This war has killed and wounded more than 220,000
Palestinians, the majority of them children, women, and elderly civilians, displaced
hundreds of thousands, prevented the delivery of food and medicine, and starved two
million Palestinians.
A suffocating siege has been imposed on an entire people, destroying more than 80% of
homes, schools, hospitals, churches, mosques, and infrastructure. What Israel is carrying
out is not just aggression—it is a war crime and a crime against humanity, witnessed and
documented, and it will be recorded in history books and in the conscience of humanity as
one of the most horrific chapters of human tragedy in the 20th and 21st centuries.
In the West Bank, including East Jerusalem, the capital of the State of Palestine, the
extremist Israeli government continues implementing colonial policies through illegal
settlement expansion and annexation projects, the latest being the construction plan in E1,
which aims to divide the West Bank, isolate occupied Jerusalem from its surroundings, and
destroy the two-state solution, in blatant violation of international law and relevant UN
Security Council resolutions, foremost among them Resolution 2334.
This is in addition to the Israeli Prime Minister’s announcement of his so-called “Greater
Israel” plan, which we categorically reject and condemn, as it even includes expansion into
sovereign Arab States. We also condemn the recent brutal attack against the fraternal State
of Qatar, which we consider a dangerous escalation and a flagrant violation of international
law requiring decisive intervention and deterrent measures against such expansionist
schemes.
With official encouragement and growing impunity, settler terrorism is escalating: settlers
burn homes and fields, uproot trees, attack villages, assault unarmed Palestinian civilians,
and even kill them in broad daylight under the protection of the Israeli occupation army.
Holy places—Muslim and Christian alike—in Jerusalem, Hebron and the rest of the West
Bank, and Gaza Strip have not been spared from assaults and violations, targeting
mosques, churches, and cemeteries in a blatant transgression of the legal and historical
status quo and in clear violation of international law.
Despite all that our people have suffered, we reject what Hamas carried out on October
7th—acts that targeted Israeli civilians and took them as hostages—because such actions
do not represent the Palestinian people nor their just struggle for freedom and
independence.
We have affirmed—and will continue to affirm—that Gaza is an integral part of the State of
Palestine, and that we are ready to assume full responsibility for governance and security
there. Hamas will have no role in governance, and it, along with other factions, must hand
over their weapons to the Palestinian National Authority within the framework of building
the institutions of one state, one law, and one legitimate security force. We reiterate that we
do not want a militarized state.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Our wounds are deep, our catastrophe immense. Seven million Palestinians still endure
the trauma of the Nakba and displacement since 1948. Our people in the West Bank,
including East Jerusalem, and in Gaza continue to suffer decades of occupation and
aggression: killings, arrests, settlement expansion, theft of land and resources, without
deterrent or accountability.
For decades our people have endured oppression and dispossession, while the occupier is
shielded and empowered instead of protection for the people languishing occupation.
Their right to self-determination, freedom, dignity, independence, and sovereignty over the
land of the State of Palestine occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem, continues to
be denied.
More than a thousand UN resolutions remain unimplemented. Numerous initiatives and
efforts have failed to bring an end to this tragic situation being endured by the Palestinian
people under occupation.
In 1993, we signed a peace agreement. We fulfilled all our obligations: we recognized the
State of Israel, Israel recognized the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole
legitimate representative of the Palestinian people, we restructured our institutions,
amended our National Charter, renounced violence and terrorism, adopted the culture of
peace, and worked tirelessly to build modern Palestinian state institutions to live side by
side in peace and security with Israel. Yet Israel failed to honor its commitments and
deliberately undermined the signed agreements.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Just three days ago, we gathered in the high-level International Conference in New York, co-
chaired by France and the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, with broad international participation
and unified positions reflecting a genuine global will to end this historic conflict through
recognition of the State of Palestine, ending the occupation, and restoring hope to both
Palestinians and Israelis.
Here, on behalf of the Palestinian people, I extend our deepest appreciation and gratitude
to all the States that have recently recognized the State of Palestine and those preparing to
do so soon. We call upon all States that have not yet recognized Palestine to do so, and we
call for support for Palestine’s full UN membership. It must be recalled that we already
recognized Israel’s right to exist in 1988 and again in 1993, and we continue to do so.
In this regard, we thank France, the United Kingdom, Canada, Australia, Belgium, Portugal,
Luxembourg, Malta, Monaco, San Marino and Andorra for their recognition. We also thank
the 149 States that previously recognized Palestine. Our people will never forget this noble
stance.
We also highly commend the crucial leadership of the conference’s co-chairs, Saudi Arabia
and France, as well as the United Kingdom, and thank all States that chaired working
groups, participated, and continue to participate in the Global Alliance for the
Implementation of the Two-State Solution. Our gratitude also goes to all States supporting
our efforts to stop genocide, end the occupation, and achieve peace.
We deeply value the peoples and organizations worldwide that have demonstrated in
solidarity with the Palestinian people’s right to freedom and independence and for an end
to the war, destruction, and starvation. We reject any conflation between solidarity with
Palestine and antisemitism, which we categorically reject, based on our values and
principles.
In light of the International Peace Conference’s outcomes, we reiterate our call today
before the General Assembly for the following:
1. The immediate and permanent cessation of the war in Gaza.
2. The unconditional delivery of humanitarian aid through UN agencies, including
UNRWA, and an end to the use of starvation as a weapon of war. We thank all sister and
friendly states and organizations sending aid to our people.
3. The release of all hostages and prisoners on both sides.
4. The full withdrawal of Israeli occupation forces from Gaza, rejection of
displacement schemes, cessation of settlement activity and settler terrorism, halting the
theft of Palestinian land and property under annexation schemes, and stopping violations
of the historical and legal status of holy sites—all unilateral actions that undermine the
two-State solution in Gaza, the West Bank, including in Jerusalem.
5. The State of Palestine assuming full responsibilities, beginning with the Gaza
Administration Committee, chaired by a minister in the Palestinian government, to manage
Gaza temporarily and link it to the West Bank, with Arab and international support to
protect civilians in Gaza, and support for Palestinian security forces under UN auspices—
not as a substitute to them.
6. Guaranteeing that our people in Gaza remain in their land without displacement,
and implementing the recovery and reconstruction plan in both Gaza and the West Bank.
7. The release of Palestinian tax revenues illegally withheld by Israel, lifting of barriers,
and ending the economic siege imposed on Palestinian towns, villages, and refugee
camps.
8. Support for our national reform efforts, and holding presidential and parliamentary
elections within one year after the war’s end. Practical steps have begun, including the
formation of a temporary constitutional drafting committee to complete its work within
three months, transitioning from authority to State. We want a modern democratic State
committed to international law, rule of law, pluralism, peaceful transfer of power, and
empowering women and youth. We will develop the educational curricula in accordance
with UNESCO standards within two years, and we have established a unified social welfare
system, abolishing the previous system of payments to the families of prisoners and
martyrs, which is now ready for auditing.
9. We declare our readiness to work with President Donald Trump, with Saudi Arabia,
France, the United Nations, and all partners to implement the peace plan adopted at the
September 22 conference, paving the way to a just peace and comprehensive regional
cooperation.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
We say it clearly today: there will be no peace without justice, and no justice without
Palestine’s liberation.
We want to live in freedom, security, and peace like all other peoples of the earth—in an
independent, sovereign state on the 1967 borders with East Jerusalem as its capital, living
in peace with our neighbors. We want a modern, civil state, free of violence, weapons, and
extremism, respectful of law and human rights, investing in people, development,
technology, and education—not in wars and conflicts.
The time has come for the international community to grant justice to the Palestinian
people, so they may achieve their legitimate rights and break free from occupation. Our
people must no longer remain captive to the whims of Israeli politics that continue to deny
our basic rights and perpetuate oppression, injustice, and aggression.
We will continue along our path, pursuing peaceful, legal, and diplomatic struggle until we
secure our rights.
Finally, we say to our sons and daughters in the homeland, our refugees, and in the
diaspora: however deep our wounds, however long our suffering, they will not break our will
to live and remain. The dawn of freedom will rise, and the flag of Palestine will fly high in our
skies, symbolizing dignity, resilience, and liberation from occupation.
Palestine is ours, and Jerusalem is the jewel of our hearts and our eternal capital. We will
not abandon our homeland, we will not leave our land. Our people will remain rooted like
the olive tree, firm as rock, rising from beneath the rubble to rebuild anew, sending from
their blessed land messages of hope, the voice of truth, and bridges of just peace to the
peoples of our region and the world at large.
Peace, mercy, and blessings of God be upon you.
----------------------------------------------------------
رئيس دولة فلسطين
أمام
ة الثمانين للجمعية العامة لألمم المتحدةالدور
نيويورك،25أيلول/سبتمبر2025
----------------------------------------------------------
1
سعادة أنالينا بيربوك رئيس الجمعية العامة،
غويترش أنطونيو معاليلألمم العام األمين
المتحدة،
أصحاب الفخامة والسمو ورؤساء الوفود،
السالم عليكم ورحمة هللا وبركاته،
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2ِ
ابة ِ عامينأتحدث ُ إليكم ُ اليومَ، بعد َ مرور ِ قُر َ
ة َ حربيواجه ُ فيها شعبُنا الفلسطيني ُ في قطاع ِغز
ٍ وتجويع ٍوتهجير ٍتشنُها ٍ وتدمير ٍ جماعية إبادةُ
قواتائيلي، قتلت ْ وجرحت ْ خالَلهااالحتالل ِ اإلسر
ِ فلسطيني، ألف وعشرين مائتين َ من أكثر
ِ والشيوخ ِ العُزّل، َ األطفال ِ والنساء من غالبيتُهم ِ
َ المواد ْ وصول ومنعت ِ اآلالف، ْ مئات وشرّدت
تجويع ِمليوني ْ في وتسببت ِ والطبية، الغذائية
فلسطيني.
----------------------------------------------------------
3
ٍ بأكمِله،
ً على شعب ً خانقا اْ حصار وفرضتْ
من
ْ أكثر ودمرت80ِالبيوت ِ من بالمائة
ِ
ِ والمساجد
ِ والكنائس ِ والمستشفيات والمدارس
افق ِ والبنية ِ التحتية.والمر
ائيل ُ ليس َ مجرد َ عدوانٍ، بلإن ّ ما تقوم ُ به إسر ٌ
ِ مُوثقة
َ اإلنسانية ٌ ضد ٍ
وجريمة ُ حرب جريمة ُ
ِ وصحف
ُ التاريخ كتب وستسجلُها ومرصودة،
ِ
ِ المأساة
ِ فصول ِ أكثر ِ
العالمي ِكأحد الضمير
اإلنسانية ِ فظاعة ً في القرنين ِ العشرين ِ والحادي
والعشرين.
----------------------------------------------------------
4
وفي الضفة ِ الغربية، بما فيها القدس ُ الشرقية، ُ
الحكومة
تَمضي ِ فلسطينَ، ُ دولة عاصمة
ِ سياساتِها
تنفيذ ُ في ُ
المتطرفة ائيليةاإلسر
االستعمارية،غير
االستيطاني التوسع عبر
القانوني،ووضع ِمشاريع َ لضم ِالمستوطنات، كان
ها خطة البناء ِ في (آخرE1 َ)
التي تقسم ُ الضفة ْ
الغربية َ إلى قسمين، وتعزل ُ القدس َ المحتلة َ عن ٍ
محيطِها، وتقوض ُ خيار َ حل ِ الدولتين، في انتهاك ِ
ات ِ مجلس ِ األمن ِ ذاتارصارخ ٍ للقانون ِ الدولي ِولقر
الصلة، وعلى
ُارأسِها القرر2334.
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5ِ
اءِ الوزر
ِ رئيس إعالن ً على عالوة هذا
ى"ائيل الكبرائيلي عن خطة ِ ما يُسميه ِ "إسراإلسر
والتي
َ استنكار، أشد هاونستنكُر نرفضُها التي
تشمل ُ التوسع َ في دول ٍعربية ٍذات ِ سيادة، فضال
َ الشقيقة
ِ قطر دولة ِ على ِ الغاشم ِ الهجوم عن
ِةه ُ تصعيدا ً في غاية ِ الخطوروالذي نُدينه ونعتبر ً
ُ تدخال
ِ الدولي ِويتطلب ً للقانون ً صارخا وانتهاكا ِ
المخططات
ِ هذِه ً لمثل ادعةٍ ر اءاتً وإجر حاسما
التوسعية.
----------------------------------------------------------
6
يتنامى
ايدة،ٍ متز ٍ وتسهيالت ٍ رسمي وبدعم َ
َ البيوت
يَحرقون الذين ُ
المستوطنين، هابإر
ى،والحقول، ويقتلعون َ األشجار، ويهاجمون َ القر
ويعتدون َ على المدنيين َ الفلسطينييَن العُزّل، بل
ويقتلونَهَِ حماية ِ تحت وضح ِالنهار في م
ِجيش
االحتاللائيلي.اإلسر
----------------------------------------------------------
7ُ
ُ الدينية
ِ األماكن تسلم لم ِ ذلك، جانب إلىِ
اإلسالمية ُ والمسيحية ُ في القدسوالخليلوباقي
أنحاء
ِة َ من االعتداءاتالضفة ِ الغربية ِ وقطاع ِغز
ِ
واالنتهاكات، التي طالت ْ حرمة َ المساجد ِ والكنائس ِ
الوضع
ٍ على ٍ سافر تعد في والمقابر، ٍ
ٍ صريحة
مخالفة وفي التاريخي
ِوالقانوني ِالقائم،
ألحكام ِ القانون ِ الدولي.
----------------------------------------------------------
8
َغم َ كل ِّ ما عاناه شعبُنا، فإننا نرفض ُ ماور ْ
قامت ْ به حركة ُ حماس في السابع ِمن أكتوبر من
ائيليين، وأخذِهمأعمال ٍ استهدفت ِ المدنيين َ اإلسر َ
ُ الشعب
تمثل َ ال ِ
األفعال َّ هذه ألن هائن،ر ِ
ْ أجل ِ الحرية
َ من العادل نضالَه َ وال الفلسطيني
واالستقالل.
----------------------------------------------------------
9
وقْد أكدّنا–ُوسنظل ُ نؤكد–َةأن ّ قطاع َ غز
َ
أ ُ من ْ دولة ِ فلسطين، وأننا مستعدونء ٌ ال يتجزجز
ِ الحكم ِواألمن ِفيه،
ِ عن ِ كامل ِ المسؤولية لتحُّمل
ُ
ولن ْ يكون َ لحماس َ دور ٌ في الحكم، حيث ُ يتوجب ِ
هِا من َ الفصائل ِ تسليم ُ سالحِها للسلطةعليها وغير ِ
الوطنية ِ الفلسطينية ِ في إطار ِ عملية ِ التوجُّه ِ لبناء
مؤسسات ِ الدولة ِ الواحدة، والقانون ِ الواحد، وقوات ِ
االمنعيالشرة
ِالواحدة، مجددين َ التأكيد َ على أننا
ال نريد ُ دولة ً مسلحة.
----------------------------------------------------------
10
السيدات ُ والسادة،ُ
ال َ سبعةة، وال يزاحُنا عميقة، وكارثتُنا كبيرجرِ
ماليين من َ الفلسطينيين يعيشون َ ويالت ِالنكبة
والتهجير ِ منذ ُ العام1948ال َ شعبُنا في، وال يز
الضفة ِ الغربية ِ بما فيها القُدس الشرقية، وقطاع ِ
ة، يعيش ُ مآسي العدوان ِ واالحتاللغزائيلياالسر
ات السنين.منذ ُ عشرِ
سنوات ٌ يعيشُها شعبُنا تحت َ االحتالل ِ والقتل ِ
ِ األموال
ِ وسرقة ِ واالستيطان واالعتقاالت
----------------------------------------------------------
----------------------------------------------------------
11ٍ
ادعة ً دون َ رالت مستمروالممتلكات ِ واألرضِ، والز
أو حسيب.ِ
سنوات ٌ من القهر ِ والحرمان ِ وحماية ِ المحتل َ
ِ الشعب ِالواقع ِتحت ْ حماية ً من بدال وتمكينِه
االحتالل، والمزيد ِ من االنتهاكات ِ لحقوق ِ شعبِنا ِ
امةه ِفي الحرية ِ والكرالفلسطيني ِفي تقرير ِ مصير َ
ِ فلسطين ِ دولة أرض ِ على ِ والسيادة واالستقالل
ُ العام ِ منذ المحتلة1967 ُالقدس فيها بما ،
الشرقية.
----------------------------------------------------------
12ِ
ار ٍ في األمم ِ المتحدةأكثر ُ من ْ ألف ِ قر، لم ينفذ
أي واحد ٍ منها،ِاتوالعديد ِ من َ الجهود ِ والمبادر
ِ
الدولية، دون َ الوصول ِ إلى نهاية ٍ لهذا الوضع َ
المأساوي ِالذي يعيشه ُ الشعب ُ الفلسطيني ُ تحت
نير ِ االحتالل.
----------------------------------------------------------
13
وفي عام1993، وقّعنا اتفاق َ سالمٍ، والتزْمنا ْ
واعترفت
ائيل،ِ إسر بدولة واعترْفنا ِ بنوده، بكل ً
عياائيل ُ بمنظمة ِ التحرير ِ الفلسطينية ممثال ً شرإسر َ
هيكلة
وأعدْنا الفلسطيني، ً للشعب ووحيدا َ
مؤسساتِنا، وعَدَّلنْا ميثاقَنا الوطني، ونبذْنا العنف ٍ
هاب، واعتمدْنا ثقافة َ السالم، وبذلْنا كل َّ جُهدواإلر ُ
لبناء ِ مؤسسات ِ دولة ٍ فلسطينية ٍ عصريةٍ، تعيش َّ
ائيل، ولكنجنبا ً إلى جنب ٍفي أمن ٍوسالم ٍ مع إسر ْ
وعَملِت
ِ الموقعةِ، ْ باالتفاقيات َ تلتزم َ لم ائيلإسر
بشكل ٍ ممنهج ٍ على تقويضِها.
----------------------------------------------------------
14
السيدات والسادة،ٍ
مؤتمر
في اجتمْعنا ٍ فقط، ِ أيام َ ثالثة قبل ِ
دولي ٍرفيع ِالمستوى في نيويورك، تحت َ الرئاسة
ِ السعودية،
ِ العربية والمملكة ِ لفرنسا المشتركة
ْ عن
ٍ عبّرت َ موحدة بحضور
ٍدولي ٍواسع ٍومواقف
ِ
اعالصر
ٍ لهذا حد ٍ لوضع ٍ حقيقية ٍ دولية ادةإر
فلسطين،
بدولة افَ االعتر عبر التاريخي،َ
وإنهاءِاالحتالل، وإعادة ِ األمل ِ للشعبينالفلسطيني
ائيلي.واإلسر
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15ِ
ِ الشعب
َ باسم ْ أُعبر أن هاهنا وأود
ِ لجميع
ِ والعرفان ِ التقدير ْ بالغ الفلسطيني ِعن َ
ا ً بدولة ِ فلسطين، وتلكالدول ِ التي اعترفت ْ مؤخر َ
اف َ في وقت ٍ قريب، ونحث ُ جميعالتي تنوي االعتر ِ
الدولالتي لم تعترف ْ أن ْ تقوم َ بذلك، ونطالب
بدعم حصول فلسطين على العضوية الكاملة في
األمم المتحدة. علما بأننا سبق وأن اعترفنا بحق
ائيل في الوجود فيإسر1988و1993والزلنا
تعترف بها.
----------------------------------------------------------
16ً
كال
نشكر الصدد، هذا وفيفرنسا، من
اليا، وبلجيكا، والبرتغال،وبريطانيا، وكندا، وأستر
ولوكسمبورغ، ومالطا، وموناكو،وسان مارينو،
اف.ا والدنمارك على هذا االعتروأندور
والشكر ُ لجميع الدول ِ الـ149التي اعترفت
سابقا ً بدولة فلسطين،شعبُنا لن ْ ينسى لكم هذا
الموقف َ النبيل.
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17
كماالكبير
بالدور نشيدَلرئاسةالم
ِؤتمر،
َ وفرنسا،
َ السعودية َ العربية المملكةوكذلك
بريطانيا،ِ التي
ِ الدول ٌ لجميع ُ موصول والشكر
ْ
شاركت
َ التي ِ وتلك ِ العمل ْ مجموعات أستتر
وتشارك ُ في التحالف ِ الدولي ِمن ْ أجل ِ السالم. كما
نشكر الدول التي تساند جهودنا لوقف اإلبادة
الجماعية وإنهاء االحتالل وتحقيق السالم.
----------------------------------------------------------
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18ُ
ونُقّدرَِ والمنظمات ِ حول عاليا ً جميع َ الشعوب ِ
ِ الشعب ً لحقوق ْ دعما تظاهرت ِ التي العالم ِ
الفلسطيني ِفي الحرية ِ واالستقالل، ولوقف ِ الحرب
والتدمير ِ والتجويع.ونرفض الخلط بين التضامن
مع القضية الفلسطينية ومسألة معاداة السامية،
والتي نرفضها انطالقا ً من قيمنا ومبادئنا.
----------------------------------------------------------
19
المؤتمر َ عن صدر بما ِ ترحيبِنا إطار وفي
الدولي للسالم، نجدد ُ اليوم َ أمام الجمعية العامة
تأكيدَنا على ما يلي:
1)ة.ي ِوالدائم ِ للحرب ِ في غزة ُ الوقف ِ الفورضرور
2)ْإدخال ُ المساعدات ِ اإلنسانية ِ دون َ شروط من ُ
خالل ِ منظمات ِ األمم ِ المتحدة بما فيها وكالة
األونرواِ كسالح. ِ التجويع ُ استخدام ووقف ، ِ
َ والمنظمات الدول الصدد، هذا ُ في ونشكر
الشقيقة َ والصديقة ِ التي تُرسل ُ المساعدات.
----------------------------------------------------------
20
3)َمن ىِ واألسر هائنِ الر ْ جميع ُ عن اجاإلفر
الجانبين.
4)ة،ِ غز ْ قطاع ِ من ُ لالحتالل ُ
الكامل االنسحاب ِ
ورفض ُ مخططات ِ التهجير ِ ووقف ُ االستيطان ِ
هاب ِالمستوطنين َ وسرقة ِ األرض ِ والممتلكاتوإر
ووقف
ِ الضم، َ مسميات ِ تحت الفلسطينية ِ
الوضع
ِ على االعتداءات
ِ المقدسِة
األماكن التاريخي ِوالقانوني ِفي ِ
وجميعُها أعمال ٌ أحادية ٌ تقوض ُ حل الدولتين
ة والضفِة والقدس.في غز
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21
5)ًتولي دولة ِ فلسطين َ مسؤولياتِها كاملة، بدءا ٌ
أسُها وزيرة، التي يرباللجنة ِ اإلدارية ِ لقطاع ِ غز ِ
ة ِ شؤون ِ القطاعفي الحكومِة الفلسطينية، إلدار ُ
ة ٍ مؤقتة، والربط ُ مع الضفة ِ الغربية، وكللفتر
ذلك بدعم ٍ عربي ٍودولي ٍلحماية ِ المدنيين َ في ِ
َ مظلة
ِ تحت ِ الفلسطينية ُ القوات ودعم ة،غز
األمم ِ المتحدة، وال يكون ُ بديال ً عنها.
6)َة َ في أرضِهم دونضمان ُ بقاء ِ سكان ِ قطاع ِ غز
تهجير، وتنفيذ ُ خطِة التعافي إعادة ِ اإلعمار ِ في
ة َ والضفة.كل ٍ من ْ غز
----------------------------------------------------------
22
7)ائب ِ الفلسطينية ِ التياج ُ عن ْ أموال ِ الضراإلفر
ُ الحواجز
ورفع َ حق، ُ دون ائيلإسر ُهاتحتجز
ىِ والقر
المدن ِ عن ِ
االقتصادي والحصار
والمخيمات ِ الفلسطينية.
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23
8)ُاءوإجر اإلصالح، في الوطنية ُ جهودنِا دعم
االنتخابات ِ الرئاسية ِ والبرلمانية خالل عام بعد ُ
اءات العمليةِ الحرب، وقد بدأت ْ اإلجر انتهاء
بتكليف ِ لجنة ِ صياغة ِ الدستور ِ المؤقت ِ التي َ
تُنهي أعمالَها خالل ثالثة شهور، لالنتقال ِ من ً
اطيةً ديمقر
دولة نريد إننا ِ للدولة. السلطة ِ
ِ الدولي ِوبسيادة
ُ بالقانون تلتزم عصرية،
للسلطة
ِ السلمي ِ واالنتقال ِ والتعددية القانون
أة ِ والشباب.وتحرص ُ على تمكين ِ المر
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24
9)استعدادنا نعلنلالرئيس
األمريكي لعمل مع
امب، ومع المملكة العربية السعوديةدونالد تر
وفرنسا واألمم المتحدة وجميع الشركاء، لتنفيذ
خطة السالم التي أقرت في المؤتمر المنعقد
في22سبتمبر الماضي، بما يفتح الطريق
نحو سالم عادل وتعاون إقليمي شامل.
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25
السيدات والسادة،
نقولُها اليوم َ بوضوح: لن ْ يتحقق َ السالم، ما ْ
لَم ْ تَتَحقق ْ العدالة، ولن ْ تكون َ هناك َ عدالة ٌ ما لم
تتحرر ْ فلسطين.
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26ِ
ٍ كبقية
ٍ وسالم ٍ وأمن َ بحرية ْ نعيش ُ أن نريد
شعوب ِ األرض، في دولة ٍ مستقلة ٍ ذات ِ سيادة ٍ علىِ
حدود1967، وعاصمتُها القدس ُ الشرقية، في
اننِا. نريد ُ دولة ً مدنية ً عصرية،أمن ٍ وسالم ٍ مع َ جير ُ
تحترم
ِ والتطرف، ِ والسالح َ العنف ً من خالية ِ
القانون َ وحقوق َ اإلنسان، وتستثمر ُ في اإلنسان
الحروب
في ال والتعليم، ِ والتكنولوجيا والتنمية
اعات.والنز
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27ُ
وقد آن األوان ُ ألن ْ يُنصف َ المجتمع ُ الدولي
الشعب َ الفلسطيني، لينال َ حقوقَه المشروعة َ في ِ
اجً لمز
هينةر يبقى وال َ االحتالل، ِ من الخالص
حقوقَنا
ُ علينا تنكر التي ائيلية،ِ اإلسر السياسة
األساسية َ وتُواصل ُ الظلم َ والقهر َ والعدوان.َ
نحن ُ ماضون َ في طريقنِا، وسنواصل ُ النضال ِ
ِ نيل
ْ أجل َ من َ
والدبلوماسي َ والقانوني السلمي
حقوقنا.
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28
وفي الختام نقول ُ ألبنائنِا وبناتنا في الوطن،
اح َ مهما نزفت،وفي المنافي والشتات: إن َّ الجر
وإن َّ المعاناة َ مهما طالت، فإنها لن ْ تكسر َ فينا
ُ الحرية،
ُ فجر سيبزغ ِ
والبقاء. َ الحياة ادةإر ً
اوسيرفرف ُ علم ُ فلسطين َ عاليا ً في سمائِنا، رمز
امة ِ والصمود ِ والتحرر ِ من ْ نير ِ االحتالل.للكر
----------------------------------------------------------
29
وعاصمتُنا
ُ قلوبِنا ّةُ در والقدس ُ لنا، فلسطين
األبدية، لن ْ نغادر َ وطننا، ولن ْ نرحل َ عن ْ أرضِنا،
ا ً كالزيتون، ثابتا ً كالصخر،وسيبقى شعُبنا متجذر َ
ينهض ُ من تحت ِ الركام ِ ليبني َ من ْ جديد، ويرسل
من أرضِه ِ المباركة ِ رسائل َ األمل، وصوت َ الحق،
وجسور َ السالم ِ العادل، لشعوب ِ منطقتِنا وللعالم
ة.بِأسر
والسالم عليكم ورحمة هللا وبركاته.
27 September 2024
"Mr. President, Ladies and gentlemen, I didn’t intend to come here this year. My country is
at war, fighting for its life.
But after I heard the lies and slanders leveled at my country by many of the speakers at this
podium, I decided to come here and set the record straight. I decided to come here to
speak for my people.
To speak for my country, to speak for the truth. And here’s the truth: Israel seeks peace.
Israel yearns for peace. Israel has made peace and will make peace again. Yet we face
savage enemies who seek our annihilation, and we must defend ourselves against them.
These savage murderers, our enemies, seek not only to destroy us, but they seek to destroy
our common civilization and return all of us to a dark age of tyranny and terror. When I
spoke here last year, I said we face the same timeless choice that Moses put before the
people of Israel thousands of years ago, as we were about to enter the Promised Land.
Moses told us that our actions would determine whether we bequeath to future
generations a blessing or a curse.
And that is the choice we face today: the curse of Iran’s unremitting aggression or the
blessing of a historic reconciliation between Arab and Jew. In the days that followed that
speech, the blessing I spoke of came into sharper focus.
A normalization deal between Saudi Arabia and Israel seemed closer than ever. But then
came the curse of October 7th. Thousands of Iranian-backed Hamas terrorists from Gaza
burst into Israel in pickup trucks and on motorcycles, and they committed unimaginable
atrocities.
They savagely murdered 1,200 people. They raped and mutilated women. They beheaded
men. They burned babies alive. They burned entire families alive—babies, children,
parents, grandparents. It seems reminiscent of the Nazi Holocaust.
Hamas kidnapped 251 people from dozens of different countries, dragging them into the
dungeons of Gaza. Israel has brought home 154 of these hostages, including 117 who
returned alive. I want to assure you, we will not rest until the remaining hostages are
brought home too, and some of their family members are here with us today. I ask you to
stand up.
2
With us is Eli Shtivi, whose son Idan was abducted from the Nova music festival. That was
his crime—a music festival. And these murderous monsters took him. Koby Samerano,
whose son Jonathan was murdered, and his corpse was taken into the dungeons, into the
terror tunnels of Gaza—a corpse held hostage.
Salem Alatrash, whose brother Mohammad, a brave Arab Israeli soldier, was murdered. His
body, too, was taken to Gaza. And so was the body of Ifat Haiman’s daughter, Inbar, who
was brutally murdered at that same music festival.
With us is Sharon Sharabi, whose brother Yossi was murdered, and who prays for his older
brother Eli, who is still held hostage in Gaza. And with us too is Yizhar Lifshitz from Kibbutz
Nir Oz, a kibbutz that was wiped out by the terrorists.
Thankfully, we achieved the release of his mother, Yocheved, but his father, Oded, is still
languishing in the underground terrorist hell of Hamas. I again promise you, we will return
your loved ones home. We will not spare that effort until this holy mission is accomplished.
Ladies and gentlemen, the curse of October 7th began when Hamas invaded Israel from
Gaza, but it didn’t end there. Israel was soon forced to defend itself on six more war fronts
organized by Iran. On October 8th, Hezbollah attacked us from Lebanon. Since then, they
have fired over 8,000 rockets at our towns and cities, at our civilians, at our children. Two
weeks later, the Iran-backed Houthis in Yemen launched drones and missiles at Israel, the
first of 250 such attacks, including one yesterday aimed at Tel Aviv. Iran’s Shiite militias in
Syria and Iraq have targeted Israel dozens of times over the past year as well.
Fueled by Iran, Palestinian terrorists in Judea and Samaria perpetrated scores of attacks
there and throughout Israel. And last April, for the first time ever, Iran directly attacked
Israel from its own territory.
Firing 300 drones, cruise missiles, and ballistic missiles at us. I have a message for the
tyrants of Tehran: If you strike us, we will strike you. There is no place—there is no place in
Iran—that the long arm of Israel cannot reach. And that’s true of the entire Middle East.
Far from being lambs led to the slaughter, Israel’s soldiers have fought back with incredible
courage and with heroic sacrifice. And I have another message for this assembly and for
the world outside this hall: We are winning.
Ladies and gentlemen, as Israel defends itself against Iran in this seven-front war, the lines
separating the blessing and the curse could not be more clear. This is the map I presented
here last year. It’s a map of a blessing.
It shows Israel and its Arab partners forming a land bridge connecting Asia and Europe.
Between the Indian Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, across this bridge, we will lay rail
3
lines, energy pipelines, and fiber optic cables, and this will serve the betterment of 2 billion
people.
Now look at this second map. It’s a map of a curse. It’s a map of an arc of terror that Iran
has created and imposed from the Indian Ocean to the Mediterranean. Iran’s malignant arc
has shut down international waterways.
It cuts off trade, it destroys nations from within, and inflicts misery on millions. On the one
hand, a bright blessing—a future of hope. On the other hand, a dark future of despair. And if
you think this dark map is only a curse for Israel, then you should think again.
Because Iran’s aggression, if it’s not checked, will endanger every single country in the
Middle East, and many, many countries in the rest of the world, because Iran seeks to
impose its radicalism well beyond the Middle East.
That’s why it funds terror networks on five continents. That’s why it builds ballistic missiles
for nuclear warheads to threaten the entire world. For too long, the world has appeased
Iran. It turned a blind eye to its internal repression. It turned a blind eye to its external
aggression. Well, that appeasement must end. And that appeasement must end now.
Nations of the world should support the brave people of Iran who want to rid themselves of
this evil regime. Responsible governments should not only support Israel in rolling back
Iran’s aggression, but they should join Israel. They should join Israel in stopping Iran’s
nuclear weapons program.
In this body and the Security Council, we’re going to have a deliberation in a few months.
And I call on the Security Council to snap back UN Security Council sanctions against Iran
because we must all do everything in our power to ensure that Iran never gets nuclear
weapons. For decades, I’ve been warning the world against Iran’s nuclear program. Our
actions delayed this program by perhaps a decade, but we haven’t stopped it. We’ve
delayed it, but we haven’t stopped it. Iran now seeks to weaponize its nuclear program. For
the sake of the peace and security of all your countries.
For the sake of the peace and security of the entire world, we must not let that happen. And
I assure you, Israel will do everything in its power to make sure it doesn’t happen.
So, ladies and gentlemen, the question before us is simple: Which of these two maps that I
showed you will shape our future? Will it be the blessings of peace and prosperity for Israel,
our Arab partners, and the rest of the world?
Or will it be the curse in which Iran and its proxies spread carnage and chaos everywhere?
Israel has already made its choice. We’ve decided to advance the blessing. We’re building
4
a partnership for peace with our Arab neighbors while fighting the forces of terror that
threaten that peace.
For nearly a year, the brave men and women of the IDF have been systematically crushing
Hamas’s terror army that once ruled Gaza. On October 7th, the day of that invasion into
Israel, that terror army numbered nearly 40,000 terrorists. It was armed with more than
15,000 rockets. It had 350 miles of terror tunnels—an underground network bigger than the
New York subway system—which they used to wreak havoc above and below ground.
A year later, the IDF has killed or captured more than half of these terrorists, destroyed over
90% of their rocket arsenal, and eliminated the key segments of their terror tunnel network.
In measured military operations, we destroyed nearly all of Hamas’s terror battalions—23
out of 24 battalions. Now, to complete our victory, we are focused on mopping up Hamas’s
remaining fighting capabilities.
We are taking out senior terrorist commanders and destroying remaining terrorist
infrastructure. But all the while, we remain focused on our sacred mission: bringing our
hostages home, and we will not stop until that mission is complete.
Now, ladies and gentlemen, even with Hamas’s greatly diminished military capability, the
terrorists still exercise some governing power in Gaza by stealing the food that we enable
aid agencies to bring into Gaza.
Hamas steals the food, and then they hike the prices. They feed their bellies, and then they
fill their coffers with money they extort from their own people. They sell the stolen food at
exorbitant prices, and that’s how they stay in power. Well, this too has to end, and we’re
working to bring it to an end.
And the reason is simple: because if Hamas stays in power, it will regroup, rearm, and
attack Israel again and again and again, as it has vowed to do. So, Hamas has got to go.
Just imagine, for those who say Hamas has to stay, it has to be part of a post-war Gaza—
imagine, in a post-war situation after World War II, allowing the defeated Nazis in 1945 to
rebuild Germany? It’s inconceivable. It’s ridiculous. It didn’t happen then, and it’s not going
to happen now.
This is why Israel will reject any role for Hamas in a post-war Gaza. We don’t seek to
resettle Gaza. What we seek is a demilitarized and de-radicalized Gaza. Only then can we
ensure that this round of fighting will be the last round of fighting.
We are ready to work with regional and other partners to support a local civilian
administration in Gaza, committed to peaceful coexistence.
5
As for the hostages, I have a message for the Hamas captors: Let them go. Let them go. All
of them. Those alive today must be returned alive, and the remains of those whom you
brutally killed must be returned to their families. Those families here with us today and
others in Israel deserve to have a resting place for their loved ones. A place where they can
grieve and remember them.
Ladies and gentlemen, this war can come to an end now. All that has to happen is for
Hamas to surrender, lay down its arms, and release all the hostages. But if they don’t, we
will fight until we achieve victory. Total victory. There is no substitute for it.
Israel must also defeat Hezbollah in Lebanon. Hezbollah is the quintessential terror
organization in the world today.
It has tentacles that span all continents. It has murdered more Americans and more
Frenchmen than any group except Bin Laden. It’s murdered the citizens of many countries
represented in this room. And it has attacked Israel viciously over the last 20 years.
In the last year, completely unprovoked, a day after the Hamas massacre on October 7th,
Hezbollah began attacks against Israel, which forced more than 60,000 Israelis on our
northern border to leave their homes, becoming refugees in their own land.
Hezbollah turned vibrant towns in the north of Israel into ghost towns. So I want you to
think about this in equivalent American terms. Just imagine if terrorists turned El Paso and
San Diego into ghost towns.
Then ask yourself: How long would the American government tolerate that? A day, a week,
a month? I doubt they would tolerate it even for a single day.
Yet Israel has been tolerating this intolerable situation for nearly a year. Well, I’ve come
here today to say enough is enough.
We won’t rest until our citizens can return safely to their homes. We will not accept a terror
army perched on our northern border, able to perpetrate another October 7th-style
massacre.
For 18 years, Hezbollah brazenly refused to implement UN Security Council Resolution
1701, which requires it to move its forces away from our borders. Instead, Hezbollah
moved right up to our border. They secretly dug terror tunnels to infiltrate our communities
and indiscriminately fired thousands of rockets into our towns and villages.
They fire these rockets and missiles not from military sites—they do that too—but they fire
those rockets and missiles after they place them in schools, in hospitals, in apartment
6
buildings, and in the private homes of the citizens of Lebanon. They endanger their own
people. They put a missile in every kitchen.
A rocket in every garage. I said to the people of Lebanon this week: Get out of the death trap
that Hezbollah has put you in. Don’t let Nasrallah drag Lebanon into the abyss. We’re not at
war with you. We’re at war with Hezbollah, which has hijacked your country and threatens
to destroy ours.
As long as Hezbollah chooses the path of war, Israel has no choice. And Israel has every
right to remove this threat and return our citizens to their homes safely, and that’s exactly
what we’re doing.
Just this week, the IDF destroyed large percentages of Hezbollah’s rockets, which were
built with Iran’s funding for three decades. We took out senior military commanders who
not only shed Israeli blood but American and French blood as well.
And then we took out their replacements. And then the replacements of their
replacements. And we’ll continue degrading Hezbollah until all our objectives are met.
Ladies and gentlemen, we’re committed to removing the curse of terrorism that threatens
all civilized societies. But to truly realize the blessing of a new Middle East, we must
continue the path we paved with the Abraham Accords four years ago. Above all, this
means achieving a historic peace agreement between Israel and Saudi Arabia.
And having seen the blessings that we’ve already brought with the Abraham Accords, the
millions of Israelis who have already flown back and forth across the Arabian Peninsula
over the skies of Saudi Arabia to the Gulf countries, the trade, the tourism, the joint
ventures, the peace—I say to you, what blessings such a peace with Saudi Arabia would
bring.
It would be a boon to the security and economy of our two countries. It would boost trade
and tourism across the region. It would help transform the Middle East into a global
juggernaut.
Our two countries could cooperate on energy, water, agriculture, artificial intelligence, and
many, many other fields. Such a peace, I am sure, would be a true pivot of history. It would
usher in a historic reconciliation between the Arab world and Israel, between Islam and
Judaism, between Mecca and Jerusalem.
While Israel is committed to achieving such a peace, Iran and its terror proxies are
committed to scuttling it. That’s why one of the best ways to foil Iran’s nefarious designs is
to achieve the peace.
7
Such a peace would be the foundation for an even broader Abrahamic alliance, and that
alliance would include the United States, Israel’s current Arab peace partners, Saudi
Arabia, and others who choose the blessing of peace.
It would advance security and prosperity across the Middle East and bring enormous
benefits to the rest of the world. With American support and leadership, I believe this vision
can materialize much sooner than people think. And as the Prime Minister of Israel, I will do
everything in my power to make it happen. This is an opportunity that we and the world
should not let go by.
Ladies and gentlemen, Israel has made its choice. We seek to move forward to a bright age
of prosperity and peace. Iran and its proxies have also made their choice. They want to
move back to a dark age of terror and war.
And now I have a question, and I pose that question to you: What choice will you make?
Will your nation stand with Israel? Will you stand with democracy and peace? Or will you
stand with Iran, a brutal dictatorship that subjugates its own people and exports terrorism
across the globe?
In this battle between good and evil, there must be no equivocation. When you stand with
Israel, you stand for your own values and your own interests. Yes, we’re defending
ourselves, but we’re also defending you against a common enemy that, through violence
and terror, seeks to destroy our way of life. So there should be no confusion about this, but
unfortunately, there is a lot of it in many countries and in this very hall, as I’ve just heard.
Good is portrayed as evil, and evil is portrayed as good.
We see this moral confusion when Israel is falsely accused of genocide when we defend
ourselves against enemies who try to commit genocide against us. We see this too when
Israel is absurdly accused by the ICC Prosecutor of deliberately starving Palestinians in
Gaza.
What an absurdity. We help bring in 700,000 tons of food into Gaza. That’s more than 3,000
calories a day for every man, woman, and child in Gaza. We see this moral confusion when
Israel is falsely accused of deliberately targeting civilians.
We don’t want to see a single innocent person die. That’s always a tragedy. And that’s why
we do so much to minimize civilian casualties, even as our enemies use civilians as human
shields.
And no army has done what Israel is doing to minimize civilian casualties. We drop flyers.
We send text messages. We make phone calls by the millions to ensure that Palestinian
civilians get out of harm’s way. We spare no effort in this noble pursuit.
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We see yet another profound moral confusion when self-described progressives march
against the democracy of Israel. Don’t they realize they support the Iranian-backed goons
in Tehran and in Gaza, the goons who shot down protesters, murder women for not
covering their hair, and hang gays in public squares? Some progressives.
According to the U.S. Director of National Intelligence, Iran funds and fuels many of the
protesters against Israel. Who knows, maybe some of the protesters or even many of the
protesters outside this building now?
Ladies and gentlemen, King Solomon, who reigned in our eternal capital, Jerusalem, 3,000
years ago, proclaimed something that is familiar to all of you. He said: There is nothing new
under the sun.
Well, in an age of space travel, quantum physics, and artificial intelligence, some would
argue that’s a debatable statement. But one thing is undeniable: there is definitely nothing
new at the United Nations.
Take it from me. I first spoke from this podium as Israel’s ambassador to the UN in 1984.
That’s exactly 40 years ago. And in my maiden speech here, I spoke against a proposal to
expel Israel from this body. Four decades later, I find myself defending Israel against that
same preposterous proposal.
And who’s leading the charge this time? Not Hamas, but Abbas.
Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas. This is the man who claims he wants
peace with Israel, yet he still refuses to condemn the horrific massacre of October 7th.
He’s still paying hundreds of millions to terrorists who murdered Israelis and Americans.
It’s called Pay for Slay. The more you murder, the more you get paid.
And he still wages unremitting diplomatic warfare against Israel’s right to exist and against
Israel’s right to defend itself. And by the way, they amount to the same thing, because if you
can’t defend yourself, you can’t exist. Not in our neighborhood, certainly. And maybe not in
yours.
Standing at this podium 40 years ago, I told the sponsors of that outrageous resolution to
expel Israel: Gentlemen, check your fanaticism at the door. Today, I tell President Abbas
and all of you who would shamefully support that resolution: Check your fanaticism at the
door.
The singling out of the one and only Jewish state continues to be a moral stain on the
United Nations. It has made this once-respected institution contemptible in the eyes of
decent people everywhere. But for the Palestinians, this UN house of darkness is home
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court. They know that in this swamp of antisemitic bile, there’s an automatic majority
willing to demonize the Jewish state for anything. In this anti-Israel flat-earth society, any
false charge, any outlandish allegation can muster a majority.
In the last decade, there have been more resolutions passed against Israel in this hall, in
the UN General Assembly, than against the entire world combined. Actually, more than
twice as many. Since 2014, this body condemned Israel 174 times.
It condemned all the other countries in the world 73 times. That’s more than 100 extra
condemnations for the Jewish state. What hypocrisy. What a double standard. What a joke.
So, all the speeches you heard today, all the hostility directed at Israel this year—it’s not
about Gaza; it’s about Israel. It’s always been about Israel. About Israel’s very existence.
And I say to you, until Israel, until the Jewish state, is treated like other nations, until this
antisemitic swamp is drained, the UN will be viewed by fair-minded people everywhere as
nothing more than a contemptuous farce.
And given the antisemitism at the UN, it should surprise no one that the prosecutor at the
ICC, one of the UN’s affiliated organs, is considering issuing arrest warrants against me and
Israel’s defense minister, the democratically elected leaders of the democratic state of
Israel.
The ICC prosecutor’s rush to judgment, his refusal to treat Israel with its independent
courts the way other democracies are treated, is hard to explain by anything other than
pure antisemitism.
Ladies and gentlemen, the real war criminals are not in Israel. They’re in Iran. They’re in
Gaza, in Syria, in Lebanon, in Yemen. Those of you who stand with these war criminals,
those of you who stand with evil against good, with the curse against the blessing, those of
you who do so should be ashamed of yourselves.
But I have a message for you: Israel will win this battle. We will win this battle because we
don’t have a choice.
After generations in which our people were slaughtered, remorselessly butchered, and no
one raised a finger in our defense, we now have a state. We now have a brave army, an army
of incomparable courage, and we are defending ourselves.
As the book of Samuel says in the Bible:
"נֵ֣צַח יִשְׂרָאֵ֔ל לֹ֥א יְשַׁקֵּ֖ר"
"The eternity of Israel will not falter".
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In the Jewish people’s epic journey from antiquity, in our odyssey through the tempest and
upheavals of modern times, that ancient promise has always been kept and it will hold true
for all time.
To borrow a great poet’s phrase: Israel will not go gently into that good night. We will never
need to rage against the dying of the light because the torch of Israel will forever shine
bright.
To the people of Israel and to the soldiers of Israel, I say:Be strong and of good courage.
"֖ חִזְק֣וּ וְאִמְצ֔וּ אַל־תִּֽירְא֥וּ וְאַל־תַּעַרְצ֖וּ מִפְּנֵיהֶ֑ם כִּ֣יה' אֱ�קי� ה֚וּא הַהֹלֵ֣� עִמָּ֔� לֹ֥א יַרְפְּ�וְלֹ֥א יַעַזְבֶֽךּ"
עם ישראל חי!
The people of Israel live now, tomorrow, forever".
Source: Official Facebook of the Prime Minister of Israel
https://fb.watch/uSL1ykUIpY/





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