We live in an age of the vanguard. The core insights of Leninism--the need for a professional revolutionary class to propel forward the mission of the leading forces of society, and the legitimacy of vanguard leadership and guidance of society and its productive forces toward a specific set of goals pursuant to a specific set of principles--have now permeated virtually all advanced systems. It lives in public and private organizations. It finds expression in boards of directors of the largest liberal democratic multinational enterprises and within the organizational leadership structures of traditional Marxist vanguard collectives. It is the essence of the academy and the working style of its cores of public intellectuals in alliance with their counterparts in the press, enterprise bureaucracies, the think tanks, and the political classes. Yet its essence, as a set of normative premises about the authority and legitimacy of collective leadership within collective organizations, has become more rather than less powerful as the technologies for the management of all of society's productive forces becomes not merely more rationalized but now easier to implement. It is an essence that in its operational characteristics is as home in liberal democratic organs as it is in Marxist spaces. And yet that essence is itself an expression of the transitive nature of democratic organization (under any of these political systems) since, like the Messianism of Abrahamic religions, it suggests that perfection lies somewhere in the future and that the collectives that are vanguard organization (the fundamental character of Leninism) are the critical spaces within which a forward moving democratic culture can most legitimately be expressed until eventually society is transformed and the masses re- or trans-formed.
Certainly, it expresses itself differently in the two principal political systems each seeking to drive the normative discourse and naturalize its values and mechanics as the foundation of collective governance sensibilities. Liberal democratic vanguards exist in societal space (as least formally), and increasingly within drivers of markets; both then seeking to leverage their normative projects through influence over or control of the state apparatus (through the driving of elections of representatives that share their views; or within the operation of the state's administrative apparatus). The networks through which liberal democratic Leninism works are subtle, polycentric, cultural, social, economic, and political. They also assume a high tolerance of fracture and of the operation of competing sub-communities of vanguards. Traditional Marxist Leninist systems operate in equally subtle ways, but their vanguard's organizational relationship to societal, economic and political organs is formally more straightforward. More importantly, Marxist Leninist political theory does not require meaning making and a discursive style that must work around power relationships and the politics of the master narrative with euphemisms that purport to better align what is occurring with the acceptable interpretation of core normative systemic principles.
Those differences have driven the efforts, in the run up to the celebration of the centenary of the Chinese Communist Party, to refine and differentiate Chinese (Marxist) Leninism from other systems. It is this project of differentiation, of course, that is one of the defining characteristics of Chinese Leninism as developed under the leadership of Xi Jinping. Chinese New Era theory is framed not just in the development of a historically forward moving development within its particular context, but also a project of differentiation from oppositional variations of Leninist vanguard frameworks--particularly those of liberal democratic states. Those differences are important, to be sure, but they also point to the common sources from which divergence begins and the parallel development of the taste for and the expression of vanguardism in the construction of global leadership communities today.
This is much in evidence in some of the essays that have recently been published in the official theoretical journal Qiushi (《求是》), the leading official theoretical journal of the Chinese Communist Party, published bi-monthly by the Central Party School and the Central Committee. This post considers one of them: 求是网评论员：牢牢把握“九个必须” [Quishi Commentator--Firmly grasp the "Nine Musts"]. The "Nine Musts" nicely frame emerging Chinese New Era Leninism:. Each is set out with very brief comment here:
1. “必须坚持中国共产党坚强领导”。["We must uphold the strong leadership of the Chinese Communist Party."] The identification of a hierarchy of vanguard organizational legitimacy is the primary building block of Marxist Leninist approaches. The vanguard is not a passive but an active and engaged apparatus--the professional revolutionary as a metaphor for the working styles of vanguards irrespective of the systems in which they have been naturalized.
2. “必须团结带领中国人民不断为美好生活而奋斗”。 ["We must unite and lead the Chinese people to continuously strive for a better life."] The connection between the vanguard and the people is a central element of its legitimacy usually subsumed in either liberal democratic or Marxist systems as inherently democratic; but democracy is defined by the relationship between the vanguards and the masses rather than existing in some sort of exogenous form which shapes that vanguard-masses relationship.
3. “必须继续推进马克思主义中国化” ["We must continue to promote the Sinicization of Marxism"] Leninism is context oriented. Generalized principles of Leninism are inoperable except as a function of the context (national and historical) in which they operate.
4. “必须坚持和发展中国特色社会主义”。["We must uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics."] At some point Marxist vanguards will have to become clearer about their use of the term socialist. In some contexts Marxist socialism is an acknowledgement of the stage of development of the state and its masses which has not yet been able to establish a communist society (and thus socialism is understood as a pre-communist stage but always temporary in the long run). In others it serves as a euphemism for a permanent stage of pre-commuism that then permits substantial latitude to the Leninist vaguard. This latter positin is the more troublesome and in some cases for example in Cuba, can produce ideological difficulties that then contribute to error.
5. “必须加快国防和军队现代化”。["We must accelerate the modernization of national defense and the army."] Vanguards are always under siege. It is the nature of Leninism to construct the notion of a vanguard as an oppositional and transitive object, condition, or force. That state of being necessarily posits a great enemy against which societal, political, and in this context, violent forces must be deployed. But it also carries with it the notion--also expressed by liberal democratic vanguards of the primacy of the vanguard over the forces of violence t creates (and at least ideologically) must direct.
6. “必须不断推动构建人类命运共同体”。["We must continue to promote the construction of a community with a shared future for mankind."] Communist internationalism has become a more prominent feature of Chinese Marxist Leninism; it shares that ambition with liberal democratic internationalism. The consequence is the need to dveelop Leninist approaches to relationships with competitors, enemies, and potential adherents. Leninism is a proselytizing force--the way the Abrahamic faiths, each in their turn were (sometimes more and sometimes less) aggressively proselytizing. Internationalism is the arena where contests among vanguards may be undertaken for the conversion of souls and the advance of vanguad normative projects while avoiding violence.
7. “必须进行具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争”。["We must carry out the great struggle with many new historical characteristics."] All vanguards struggle. One sees it in the Great Societal Cultural Revolution in the United States that has accelerated since 2008 and which is still unfinished. It is a feature of all professional revolutionaries before their triumph, as well as the core feature of the revolutionary responsibility after victory. It in that guise serves as the discursive framework for manifesting the normative structures of relationships between the vanguard and the masses--whether one deals with masses in liberal democratic or Marxist contexts.
8. “必须加强中华儿女大团结”。["We must strengthen the unity of the Chinese sons and daughters."] The core of the vanguard's responsibility is reflected in its relationship to its masses. The obligation to its masses, its principal leadership role, is to naturalize the sensibilities, beliefs, and practices of the vanguard within the masses. In this context education is the key. It is the core lesson that the Chinese central authorities learned the hard way from the situation in Hong Kong in 2019-2020; and one that the liberal democratic vanguard is relearning now through its aggressive projects of narrative control in schools and within the streams of societal discourse.
9. “必须不断推进党的建设新的伟大工程”。["We must continue to advance the great new project of party building." ]. Vanguards are self-reflexive projects. They always wind up where they start--in and with themselves. his is not so much a criticism as a principle of organizational integrity. Vanguard autonomy, its self-reflexive sense of mission and its development in the face of a historically and contextually driven progress toward a goal necessarily require the principal focus of vanguards to be on themselves. That poses two great challenges--challenges that in the Western context were nicely underscored by great sociologist system theorists thinkers (the organic machine) and those that saw in the body politic an organism of a different sort (the biology of politics and its expression as "statistics"). The first touches on communication (with and eventually absorption) of the masses (which sit outside the vanguard body)--this is the core of the vanguard's "party work" and its operation the rules of its working style. The second touches on interactions with other vanguards. It is to the second element that neither liberal democratic nor Ner Era Marxist Leninist vanguards have yet succeeded in organizing consistent with their values and the realities of the world in which thy operate.
And thus the central contradiction of Leninist vanguard theory in this historical era--the contradiction between vanguard internal integrity and external expression of its core legitimating duty with respect to the masses on the one hand and with autonomous vanguards on the other.
All vanguards pay attention to its own internal
integrity first--to change with the times and to ensure that as a
unified though differentiated organism, it is disciplined enough and its
vision clear enough to do what it must to bring the masses closer
toward the normative goals for which it has been established and form
which it believes its mandate derives. And that is the essence of Leninism--the conviction that society must be led, that its leadership is normatively grounded and scientifically expressed (fides et ratio under a distinctive set of normative objects), that social prosperity, stability and advancement to a higher state is dependent on the work of the vanguard collective, that this vanguard collective works best through interlocking systems of leadership and collectives up to the smallest core of leadership at the top, and that the vanguard must do what it can to ensure the preservation of itself, its mandate, and the progress toward its objectives against all who oppose--internally (the unpatriotic, the unreformed) and externally (the infidel, and systems). The "Nine Musts" provides an important example of the articulation of Leninism within its Chinese and Marxist context in the contemporary age. One can, as well produce similar sets of "Musts" for other Leninist systems, though of course, one could not use the word Leninist to describe its framework, nor "musts" as its principles--but that goes to discourse rather than meaning.
The essay follows below in the original Chinese and in a crude English translation.
求是网评论员：牢牢把握“九个必须”
来源：求是网 作者：求是网评论员 2021-07-21 16:16:02
以史为鉴、开创未来。
“初心易得，始终难守。以史为鉴，可以知兴替。我们要用历史映照现实、远观未来，从中国共产党的百年奋斗中看清楚过去我们为什么能够成功、弄明白未来我们怎样才能继续成功，从而在新的征程上更加坚定、更加自觉地牢记初心使命、开创美好未来。”
回望历史，是为了更好地前行。中国共产党的百年历史蕴含着丰富的思想和启迪、智慧和营养，为奋进新征程提供了丰厚滋养和强大力量。在庆祝中国共产党成立100周年大会上的重要讲话中，习近平总书记站在实现第一个百年奋斗目标的历史高地，眺望第二个百年奋斗目标雄伟壮丽的新征程，围绕以史为鉴、开创未来提出了“九个必须”的根本要求，并对坚持和完善“一国两制”、推进祖国和平统一进程提出明确要求，对广大青年提出殷切期望。
“必须坚持中国共产党坚强领导”。100年前，历史和人民选择了中国共产党。中华民族近代以来180多年的历史、中国共产党成立以来100年的历史、中华人民共和国成立以来70多年的历史都一再证明，这一选择是正确的、必然的。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记深刻阐述这个道理，再次强调：办好中国的事情，关键在党；没有中国共产党，就没有新中国，就没有中华民族伟大复兴。新征程上，总书记明确要求，坚持党的全面领导，不断完善党的领导，充分发挥党总揽全局、协调各方的领导核心作用。
“必须团结带领中国人民不断为美好生活而奋斗”。为人民而生，因人民而兴，始终同人民在一起，为人民利益而奋斗，是我们党立党兴党强党的根本出发点和落脚点。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记再次宣示我们党人民至上的根本立场，强调“江山就是人民、人民就是江山，打江山、守江山，守的是人民的心”。总书记特别重申：“中国共产党始终代表最广大人民根本利益，与人民休戚与共、生死相依，没有任何自己特殊的利益，从来不代表任何利益集团、任何权势团体、任何特权阶层的利益。”总书记掷地有声地宣告：“任何想把中国共产党同中国人民分割开来、对立起来的企图，都是绝不会得逞的！9500多万中国共产党人不答应！14亿多中国人民也不答应！”新征程上，总书记明确要求，紧紧依靠人民创造历史，践行以人民为中心的发展思想，发展全过程人民民主，推动人的全面发展、全体人民共同富裕取得更为明显的实质性进展。
“必须继续推进马克思主义中国化”。我们党的历史，就是一部不断推进马克思主义中国化，不断推进理论创新、进行理论创造的历史。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记鲜明指出，“马克思主义是我们立党立国的根本指导思想，是我们党的灵魂和旗帜”，“中国共产党为什么能，中国特色社会主义为什么好，归根到底是因为马克思主义行！”新征程上，总书记明确要求，坚持把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合，用马克思主义观察时代、把握时代、引领时代，继续发展当代中国马克思主义、21世纪马克思主义。
“必须坚持和发展中国特色社会主义”。中国特色社会主义是党和人民历经千辛万苦、付出巨大代价取得的根本成就，是实现中华民族伟大复兴的正确道路，必须毫不动摇、坚定不移地走下去。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记深刻指出，“走自己的路，是党的全部理论和实践立足点，更是党百年奋斗得出的历史结论”。总书记全面总结中国特色社会主义取得的重大成就，指出中国特色社会主义“创造了中国式现代化新道路，创造了人类文明新形态”。这一重大论断，全新概括了中国特色社会主义的重大理论和实践意义，丰富和拓展了“中国式现代化”重大命题。新征程上，总书记明确要求，坚持党的基本理论、基本路线、基本方略，在自己选择的道路上昂首阔步走下去，把中国发展进步的命运牢牢掌握在自己手中。
中华民族拥有在5000多年历史演进中形成的灿烂文明，中国共产党拥有百年奋斗实践和70多年执政兴国经验，走自己的路，具有无比广阔的舞台，具有无比深厚的历史底蕴，具有无比强大的前进定力。习近平总书记严正宣告：“我们积极学习借鉴人类文明的一切有益成果，欢迎一切有益的建议和善意的批评，但我们绝不接受‘教师爷’般颐指气使的说教！”
“必须加快国防和军队现代化”。强国必须强军，军强才能国安。人民军队为党和人民建立了不朽功勋，是保卫红色江山、维护民族尊严的坚强柱石，也是维护地区和世界和平的强大力量。党指挥枪、坚持党对人民军队的绝对领导，是建军之本、强军之魂。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记深刻指出，“坚持党指挥枪、建设自己的人民军队，是党在血与火的斗争中得出的颠扑不破的真理”。新征程上，总书记明确要求，全面贯彻新时代党的强军思想，坚持党对人民军队的绝对领导，把人民军队建设成为世界一流军队，以更强大的能力、更可靠的手段捍卫国家主权、安全、发展利益。
“必须不断推动构建人类命运共同体”。100年来，中国共产党为中国人民谋幸福，也为促进人类进步事业而奋斗，为人类文明和进步事业作出了卓越贡献。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记再次强调：“中国共产党关注人类前途命运，同世界上一切进步力量携手前进，中国始终是世界和平的建设者、全球发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者！”新征程上，总书记鲜明宣示，高举和平、发展、合作、共赢旗帜，奉行独立自主的和平外交政策，推动建设新型国际关系，推动构建人类命运共同体，推动共建“一带一路”高质量发展，推动历史车轮向着光明的目标前进。
中国人民是崇尚正义、不畏强暴的人民，中华民族是具有强烈民族自豪感和自信心的民族。中国人民不惹事，但也不怕事，有坚决维护和平的强大信心和意志。习近平总书记誓言铿锵：“中国人民从来没有欺负、压迫、奴役过其他国家人民，过去没有，现在没有，将来也不会有。同时，中国人民也绝不允许任何外来势力欺负、压迫、奴役我们，谁妄想这样干，必将在14亿多中国人民用血肉筑成的钢铁长城面前碰得头破血流！”
“必须进行具有许多新的历史特点的伟大斗争”。100年来，我们党在斗争中诞生、在斗争中发展、在斗争中壮大。敢于斗争、敢于胜利，是中国共产党不可战胜的强大精神力量。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记再次强调，“实现伟大梦想就要顽强拼搏、不懈奋斗。今天，我们比历史上任何时期都更接近、更有信心和能力实现中华民族伟大复兴的目标，同时必须准备付出更为艰巨、更为艰苦的努力”。新征程上，总书记明确要求，增强忧患意识、始终居安思危，贯彻总体国家安全观，统筹发展和安全，逢山开道、遇水架桥，勇于战胜一切风险挑战。
“必须加强中华儿女大团结”。统一战线是我们党的一大政治优势，是团结凝聚力量的基本方式。在百年奋斗历程中，中国共产党始终把统一战线摆在重要位置，不断巩固和发展最广泛的统一战线，团结一切可以团结的力量、调动一切可以调动的积极因素，最大限度凝聚起共同奋斗的力量。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记总结我们党统一战线的优良传统，再次强调，“爱国统一战线是中国共产党团结海内外全体中华儿女实现中华民族伟大复兴的重要法宝”。新征程上，总书记明确要求，形成海内外全体中华儿女心往一处想、劲往一处使的生动局面，汇聚起实现民族复兴的磅礴力量。
“必须不断推进党的建设新的伟大工程”。勇于自我革命，从严管党治党，是我们党最鲜明的品格，也是我们党最大的优势。在这篇重要讲话中，习近平总书记深刻总结我们党的历史，指出：“我们党历经千锤百炼而朝气蓬勃，一个很重要的原因就是我们始终坚持党要管党、全面从严治党，不断应对好自身在各个历史时期面临的风险考验，确保我们党在世界形势深刻变化的历史进程中始终走在时代前列，在应对国内外各种风险挑战的历史进程中始终成为全国人民的主心骨！”党和人民的事业推进到哪里，党的建设就要跟进到哪里。新征程上，总书记明确要求，牢记打铁必须自身硬的道理，增强全面从严治党永远在路上的政治自觉，确保党在新时代坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的历史进程中始终成为坚强领导核心。
（编辑：吴晓迪）
Commentator of Qiushi.com: Firmly grasp the "Nine Musts"
Source: Qiushi.com Author: Qiushi.com Commentator 2021-07-21 16:16:02
Learn from history and create the future.
"The original intention is easy to obtain, but it is always difficult to keep. History is a mirror to know the rise and fall. We must use history to reflect reality and see the future from a long distance. From the centuries of struggle of the Communist Party of China, we can see why we can succeed in the past and how we can continue to succeed in the future. , So as to be more determined and more conscious on the new journey to keep in mind the original mission and create a better future."
Looking back at history is to move forward better. The centuries-old history of the Communist Party of China contains rich ideas and enlightenment, wisdom and nutrition, which provide rich nourishment and powerful force for the new journey. In an important speech at the celebration of the 100th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, General Secretary Xi Jinping stood on the historical high ground to achieve the first centenary goal, looking at the majestic new journey of the second centenary goal, and put forward a proposal for taking history as a mirror and creating the future. The fundamental requirements of the "nine musts" and clear requirements for upholding and perfecting "one country, two systems" and advancing the process of peaceful reunification of the motherland, and ardent expectations for the vast number of young people.
"We must adhere to the strong leadership of the Chinese Communist Party." 100 years ago, history and the people chose the Chinese Communist Party. The history of more than 180 years of the Chinese nation in modern times, the history of 100 years since the founding of the Communist Party of China, and the history of more than 70 years since the founding of the People's Republic of China have repeatedly proved that this choice is correct and inevitable. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping elaborated on this principle, and once again emphasized that the key to running China's affairs lies in the party; without the Communist Party of China, there would be no New China, and there would be no great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. On the new journey, the general secretary made clear requirements to uphold the party’s overall leadership, continuously improve the party’s leadership, and give full play to the party’s role as the core of leadership in overseeing the overall situation and coordinating all parties.
"It is necessary to unite and lead the Chinese people to constantly strive for a better life." Living for the people, prospering because of the people, always staying with the people, and striving for the people's interests are the fundamental starting point and goal of our party to build a party, rejuvenate the party and strengthen the party. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping once again declared our party's fundamental stance on the supremacy of the people, emphasizing that "the country is the people, the people are the country, fight the country, guard the country, and guard the heart of the people." The general secretary reiterated in particular: "The Communist Party of China has always represented the fundamental interests of the overwhelming majority of the people. It has no special interests of its own, and has never represented the interests of any interest group, any powerful group, or any privileged class." The secretary declared loudly and loudly: "Any attempt to separate and confront the Chinese Communist Party from the Chinese people will never succeed! More than 95 million Chinese Communists will not agree! More than 1.4 billion Chinese people will not agree either!" On the new journey, the general secretary clearly requested that, relying on the people to create history, practice the people-centered development idea, develop the whole process of people’s democracy, promote the all-round development of people, and make all people prosperous to make more obvious substantive progress. .
"We must continue to promote the Sinicization of Marxism." The history of our party is a history of continuously advancing the sinicization of Marxism, continuously advancing theoretical innovation, and carrying out theoretical creation. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping clearly pointed out that “Marxism is the fundamental guiding ideology of our party and the country, and it is the soul and banner of our party.” “Why is the Chinese Communist Party and why is socialism with Chinese characteristics good? It’s because of Marxism!" On the new journey, the General Secretary clearly requested that the basic principles of Marxism be combined with China’s specific realities and Chinese excellent traditional culture. We should use Marxism to observe, grasp, and lead the era, and continue. Develop contemporary Chinese Marxism and 21st century Marxism.
"It is necessary to uphold and develop socialism with Chinese characteristics." Socialism with Chinese characteristics is a fundamental achievement made by the party and people through untold hardships and a huge price. It is the correct path to achieve the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. It must unswervingly and unswervingly go on. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out that "to walk one's own way is the basis of all theories and practices of the party, and it is the historical conclusion drawn by the party's centuries of struggle." The general secretary comprehensively summarized the major achievements made by socialism with Chinese characteristics and pointed out that socialism with Chinese characteristics "created a new path of Chinese-style modernization and a new form of human civilization." This major thesis newly summarized the major theoretical and practical significance of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and enriched and expanded the major propositions of "Chinese-style modernization." On the new journey, the general secretary clearly requested that he adhere to the party's basic theories, basic lines, and basic strategies, and march forward with his head on the path he chose, and firmly control the destiny of China's development and progress in his own hands.
The Chinese nation has a splendid civilization formed in more than 5,000 years of historical evolution. The Communist Party of China has a century of hard work and more than 70 years of experience in governing and rejuvenating the country. It walks its own way. It has an incomparably broad stage, an incomparably profound historical background, and an incomparably powerful advance. Concentration. General Secretary Xi Jinping solemnly declared: "We are actively learning and drawing on all the useful achievements of human civilization, and welcome all useful suggestions and well-intentioned criticism, but we will never accept the preaching preaching of the'master teacher'!"
"The modernization of national defense and the army must be accelerated." A strong country must have a strong army, and a strong army can ensure national security. The People's Army has established immortal feats for the party and the people. It is a strong pillar to defend the red world and safeguard the dignity of the nation, and it is also a powerful force for safeguarding regional and world peace. The party’s command of the guns and upholding the party’s absolute leadership over the people’s army are the foundation and the soul of building a strong army. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly pointed out that "persisting in the party's command of guns and building its own people's army is an unbreakable truth drawn by the party in the struggle of blood and fire." On the new journey, the General Secretary clearly requested to fully implement the party’s idea of strengthening the army in the new era, uphold the party’s absolute leadership over the people’s army, build the people’s army into a world-class army, and defend national sovereignty with stronger capabilities and more reliable means. , Security and development interests.
"We must continue to promote the construction of a community with a shared future for mankind." Over the past 100 years, the Communist Party of China has worked for the happiness of the Chinese people, has also worked hard to promote the cause of human progress, and has made outstanding contributions to the cause of human civilization and progress. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping once again emphasized: "The Communist Party of China is concerned about the future and destiny of mankind, and marches forward hand in hand with all progressive forces in the world. China has always been a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, and a defender of international order. !" On the new journey, the General Secretary made a clear statement to hold high the banner of peace, development, cooperation, and win-win, pursue an independent foreign policy of peace, promote the building of a new type of international relations, promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind, and promote the high quality of the “Belt and Road” initiative. Development drives the wheel of history towards a bright goal.
The Chinese people are people who uphold justice and are not afraid of powerful violent peoples. The Chinese nation is a nation with a strong sense of national pride and self-confidence. The Chinese people do not cause trouble, but they are not afraid of trouble, and they have strong confidence and will to resolutely maintain peace. General Secretary Xi Jinping vowed sonorously: "The Chinese people have never bullied, oppressed, or enslaved the people of other countries. They have not, have not, and will never have them in the future. At the same time, the Chinese people will never allow any foreign forces to bully, oppress, or enslave us. Anyone who wants to do this is delusional and will surely face bloodshed before the Great Wall of Steel built with the flesh and blood of more than 1.4 billion Chinese people!"
"There must be a great struggle with many new historical characteristics." In the past 100 years, our party was born in struggle, developed in struggle, and expanded in struggle. Dare to fight and dare to win is the invincible and powerful spiritual force of the Chinese Communist Party. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping once again emphasized, “To realize the great dream requires tenacious hard work and unremitting struggle. Today, we are closer, more confident and capable of achieving the goal of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation than at any time in history. At the same time, we must be prepared to make harder and harder efforts." On the new journey, the General Secretary made clear requirements to enhance the awareness of danger, always be prepared for danger in times of peace, implement the overall national security concept, coordinate development and security, clear the way in the mountains, build bridges in the water, and be brave to overcome all risks and challenges.
"The unity of the Chinese people must be strengthened." The united front is a major political advantage of our party and the basic way of uniting and cohesive strength. In the course of a hundred years of struggle, the Communist Party of China has always placed the united front in an important position, continuously consolidating and developing the most extensive united front, uniting all forces that can be united, mobilizing all positive factors that can be mobilized, and maximizing the strength for common struggle. . In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping summed up the fine traditions of our party’s united front and once again emphasized that “the patriotic united front is an important magic weapon for the Chinese Communist Party to unite all Chinese sons and daughters at home and abroad to realize the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation”. On the new journey, the General Secretary clearly requested that a vivid situation in which all Chinese people at home and abroad think about each other and move forward together, and gather the majestic power to realize national rejuvenation.
"We must continue to advance the great new project of party building." The courage to self-revolution and strict management of the party are the most distinctive characteristic of our party, and it is also our party's greatest advantage. In this important speech, General Secretary Xi Jinping profoundly summarized the history of our party and pointed out: "Our party has been tempered and vigorous. A very important reason is that we have always insisted that the party should manage the party, administer the party strictly in an all-round way, and continue to respond. Take good care of the risk tests faced by ourselves in various historical periods to ensure that our party is always at the forefront of the times in the historical process of profound changes in the world situation, and has always become the backbone of the people of the whole country in the historical process of responding to various risks and challenges at home and abroad!" Wherever the cause of the people and the people is advanced, the party building must follow up. On the new journey, the General Secretary clearly requested that, keeping in mind that iron must be hard-pressed, strengthen the political consciousness of comprehensively and strictly governing the party and always on the road, and ensure that the party will always remain a strong core leader in the historical process of adhering to and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics in the new era.
(Editor: Wu Xiaodi)
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