Social Revolution (社会革命) as Self-Revolution (自我革命) and the New Quality Production of CPC Modernization: 习近平 深入推进党的自我革命 [Xi Jinping, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution] (Part of a speech at the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection on January 8, 2024))

Pix credit here

How does the Communist Party of China, and its cadres, scientifically undertake their own high quality productivity and in that way contribute to the further progress of socialist modernization with Chinese characteristics? What is the character of the innovation at the heart of new quality productivity? Is the innovation that characterizes forms of new or high quality productivity a process or an objective? Is it possible to be simultaneously both the object of modernization undertaken through new modalities of high quality production and also its guiding force. (The Party as a State Asset and “新质生产力” (New Quality Productivity):《中国共产党纪律处分条例》 ["Regulations on Disciplinary Actions of the Communist Party of China"]). These and other questions are central to the challenges that are presented in this stage in the historical development of the Chinese nation, with respect to the guidance and leadership of which the CPC plays a central role. 

It was to those questions that the CPC General Secretary  delivered an address at about the time of the 3rd Plenum of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was held (中国共产党第二十届中央委员会第三次全体会议公报 [Communiqué of the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China]). In those remarks,  习近平 深入推进党的自我革命 [Xi Jinping, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution] (Part of a speech at the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection on January 8, 2024)), the General Secretary outlined the relationship between the modernization of the CPC and the essence of its guiding and leadership role within the Chinese Marxist Leninist political-economic model.

 The essay is quite interesting on a number of levels.  First, like the development of the theoryof contradictions received from Soviet Stalinism (Foundations of Leninism (Об основах ленинизма), 1924 link to 1954 edition) and then elaborated in a more distinct way by Mao Zedong from the 1930s (On Contradiction), the essay marks the continuing to evolutionary Sinification of the old Stalinist theory-practice of criticism-self criticism from its early efforts at naturalization in the theory of Mao Zedong (here, in English), to its now quite distinct Chinese form as self-revolution (for a useful primer on the concept of self-revolution from 2015 on, see here). And with that evolution comes a fundamental broadening from the historical utilization of criticism and self-criticism (自我批评) as an essential feature of rectification campaigns (originally against Soviet intellectuals but significantly broadened thereafter to include policy, anti-patriotic elements, and cadre education and work styles) to an instrument for the institutional assessment and rectification of the Party apparatus itself under the guidance of the Central Committee (推进党的自我革命是我们党强身健体的自觉行动，是为了把党建设得更加坚强有力，更好坚持和加强党的领导。[Promoting the Party's self-revolution is a conscious action of our Party to strengthen itself, in order to build a stronger and more powerful Party, and to better uphold and strengthen the Party's leadership. ] Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution). 

But rectification assumes something of a potential distinct form in its new era as self-revolution form. It is now intimately tied into the notion of the New Era's "Great Social Revolution" (伟大社会革命) (Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution). One gets a sense of the meaning from general "for the massess" accounts of the term in Chinese Social media.  For example from Baidu:

社会革命是指人们改造社会的重大变革。其最深刻的根源是生产关系和生产力的矛盾。当现存的生产关系成为生产力继续发展的严重障碍时，就要求通过社会革命，改变旧的生产关系以及维护这种生产关系的旧的上层建筑，即改变社会制度解放被束缚的生产力，推动社会进一步向前发展。在阶级社会里，社会革命是阶级斗争的必然趋势和集中表现。[Social revolution refers to major changes in people's transformation of society. Its most profound root is the contradiction between production relations and productivity. When the existing production relations become a serious obstacle to the continued development of productivity, it is necessary to change the old production relations and the old superstructure that maintains such production relations through social revolution, that is, to change the social system to liberate the bound productivity and promote the further development of society. In a class society, social revolution is the inevitable trend and concentrated expression of class struggle.] (Baidu (社会革命)).

Social revolution marks the end of a revolutionary period that successfully resolves the unavoidable contradictions of the old social order moves a social collective. In this case it also signals that the the CPC has now matured definitively from that of a revolutionary Party to a Party in power, and from the representation of the vanguard of social forces, to its institutional manifestation as the CPC (" 社会革命又要求政治革命为自己开辟道路" [ Social revolution requires political revolution to pave the way for itself. ] (Baidu (社会革命)).). It suggests as well that the principal project of that post-revolutionary Party in Power is tied to modernization--and modernization is the fundamental expression through which the objectives of the social revolution is fulfilled. A recent article published in Red Flag Journal drives home the point (Cao Wenzhe, 'The fundamental purpose is to lead the great social revolution,' [曹文泽 以引领伟大社会革命为根本目的], Red Flag Journal 2024:8 (April 2024)) ("Leading social revolution with the self-revolution of the Party is an important experience of our Party's century-long struggle." [以党的自我革命引领社会革命，是我们党百年奋斗的重要经验]).

Indeed, the application of the forms and approaches of New Era Chinese style Socialist modernization--and principally those of new or high quality productivity, to the conflation f socialist modernization, socil revolution, new quality productivity and self revolution--is unavoidable. The General Secre4tary notes: 

To promote the self-revolution of the Party, we must unremittingly arm the whole Party with the Party's innovative theories, educate and guide the majority of Party members and cadres to work hard to deepen the transformation, absorb the ideological nutrition contained therein, such as firm ideals and beliefs, strengthen party spirit training, and improve spiritual realm and moral level, and constantly improve the firmness of the Party's self-revolution. [推进党的自我革命，必须坚持不懈用党的创新理论武装全党，教育引导广大党员、干部在深化转化上下功夫，汲取其中蕴含的坚定理想信念、加强党性锻炼、提升精神境界和道德水平等思想营养，不断提高党的自我革命的坚定性。] (Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution).

Pix credit here (1972)

At the heart of the transformative social revolution--itself a necessary predicate for the forward movement toward the establishment of a communist society--is the historical contradiction of cyclicity. Social revolution guided by the CPC's self-revolutionary practice is meant to break the cyclicity of the history of social collectives and achieve forward movement along the Socialist path. The General Secretary noted this as a critical conscious element of self-revolution at an institutional and cadre level. "Promoting the self-revolution of the Party is an important magic weapon to break out of the historical cycle of prosperity and decline." [推进党的自我革命是跳出治乱兴衰历史周期率的重要法宝。] (Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution). 

The counter-cyclicity strategy is bound up in “六个如何始终”, the six "how tos", synthesized by the General Secretary in January 2023 at the Second Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. These were posited as the unique problems that the CPC must solve [都是我们这个大党必须解决的独有难题]. They include:

如何始终不忘初心、牢记使命， [How to always keep in mind the original intention and mission]

如何始终统一思想、统一意志、统一行动， [How to always unify thoughts, will and action]

如何始终具备强大的执政能力和领导水平， [How to always have strong governing ability and leadership level]

如何始终保持干事创业精神状态， [How to always maintain an entrepreneurial spirit]

如何始终能够及时发现和解决自身存在的问题， [How to always be able to promptly discover and solve existing problems]

如何始终保持风清气正的政治生态， [How to always maintain a clean and upright political environment] (cite here: “六个如何始终”)

Pix Credit here (Resident Alien TV Series)

The dialectic semiosis of counter-cyclicity emerges from this listing. They suggest that the CPC, and its cadres are simultaneously both object and subject of strategies designed to avoid the trap of cyclicity. Cyclicity, itself is  the name for debilitation caused by an endless iteration of patterns that prevent a social collective from moving toward an object that is its goal (its object-ive; that is its act of assuming a thing/act is simultaneously both object and and the thing to which it pertains). To that end, transformation is necessary (in the form of institutional acts that are extra cyclical)"accumulating small victories into larger ones, and demonstrating the advantages of a large party in constantly solving the unique problems of a large party."  [积小胜为大胜，在不断解决大党独有难题中彰显大党优势] (Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution). Counter-cyclicity, then, is both dialectic and iterative--it seeks to avoid mimetic iteration strategically, grounded in an objectives polestar--the construction of a communist society requiring transformation of the social collective in a comprehensive way led by the social vanguard now institutionalized as the party in power. a. That is undertaken through techniques that form part of the practice of self-revolution. The six "how tos" builds a dialectic that echos criticism and self criticism re-imagined for institutional management through a series of compliance related operational principles that are conscious, hierarchical and Leninist.  And the transformation--modernization realized through new and high quality productivity of all aspects of the social order.

Pix credit here

That Leninism focuses on the curation of the institutional organization and operation of the Party itself. The Party is the institutional manifestation of the vanguard; the vanguard must undergo transform successfully if it is to lad the rest of the social collective toward transformation. For the Party there is self-revolution; for the masses, the mass line. One cannot transform society without transforming the Party first; modernization and its methods must be ingrained within the institutions and working style of the institution--the apparatus of self-revolutionary impetus--before it may be generalized among the rest of the social collective. This requires a different sort of cyclicity--a transformative one that envisions perhaps a loop stretched over time and space rather than a circle confined infinitely to a moment in time, to "constantly improve the system of norms for the party's self-revolution, and further form a virtuous cycle of discovering problems, correcting deviations, promoting innovation, and achieving overall improvement of governance capabilities by relying on the party's own strength" [不断完善党的自我革命制度规范体系，进一步形成依靠党的自身力量发现问题、纠正偏差、推动创新、实现执政能力整体性提升的良性循环] (Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution).

Pix credit here

This requires organizational frameworks and hierarchical structures. These systems themselves are an object of modernization as well as its driver. The agent of transformation must itself transform. This is another form of looping (of the virtuous Leninist cycles) built on dialectics but ordered hierarchically. One speaks here not just of traditional Party building and good organization working style--but like also of an organization that itself must follow the Socialist path. To that end, the care and guidance of cadres assumes a critical role--they serve as the connective tissue between the highest level of Party organization where transformation (self-revolution) is guided and also undertaken) and the fulfillment of the expectations of those transformation among the masses. "Adhere to the implementation of the standards for good cadres in the new era, strictly control the political, ability, and integrity, and enable the majority of party members and cadres to be loyal, clean, and responsible." [坚持落实新时代好干部标准，严把政治关、能力关、廉洁关，使广大党员干部做到忠诚干净担当] (Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution). 

And that brings self-revolution back to rectification in its New Era form of self-revolution. "We must combine the rectification of work style, discipline and anti-corruption, . . . so as to promote the self-revolution of the Party in a chain and layer by layer, and constantly achieve self-leap in reforming the old and establishing the new, adhering to the right path and innovation" [必须把正风肃纪反腐结合起来一起抓，. . . 以反腐惩恶清障碍，推动党的自我革命环环相扣、层层递进，不断在革故鼎新、守正创新中实现自身跨越。] (Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution). But this is new quality rectification.  Innovation in the production of rectification is essential for New Era modernization and a predicate for the self-revolution that is itself the means through which social revolution will be achieved. 

Nonetheless the more ancient footings of criticism and self-criticism have not entirely vanished. 

As we Chinese Communists, who base all our actions on the highest interests of the broadest masses of the Chinese people and who are fully convinced of the justice of our cause, never balk at any personal sacrifice and are ready at all times to give our lives for the cause, can we be reluctant to discard any idea, viewpoint, opinion or method which is not suited to the needs of the people? Can we be willing to allow political dust and germs to dirty our clean faces or eat into our healthy organism? Countless revolutionary martyrs have laid down their lives in the interests of the people, and our hearts are filled with pain as we the living think of them--can there be any personal interest, then, that we would not sacrifice or any error that we would not discard?(Mao Zedong, On Coalition Government (24 April 1945))

This brings the analysis back to the dual track nature of self-revolution: self-revolution for the Party and its cadres; social revolution (and transformation) for the masses. But that project, at least with respect to the central role of the CPC also brings its apparatus back to the mass line and the dialectic constitution of Leninist consultative democracy. 

Self-supervision and people's supervision are organically unified and complement each other. . . We must consciously accept people's supervision, and effectively integrate intra-Party supervision with supervision by state organs, democratic supervision, judicial supervision, mass supervision and public opinion supervision, so as to achieve a benign interaction and mutual benefit between self-discipline and external discipline. [自我监督和人民监督是有机统一、相辅相成的。. . 要自觉接受人民监督，切实把党内监督同国家机关监督、民主监督、司法监督、群众监督、舆论监督贯通起来，实现自律和他律良性互动、相得益彰。] (Xi, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution).

The path of self-revolution is paved with the principles of modernization; and modernization is built on the appropriate development of productive forces in each stage of historical development. That is the fundamental constitution of the nation where all forces are production; each is simultaneously object and driver of its own modernization, but the pathways toward new and high quality production suitable for the times  depends on the role of each collective within a Leninist social order. This essay provides a quite interesting window on the way that the CPC in its New Era approaches this challenge and its semiosis. 

The essay 习近平 深入推进党的自我革命 [Xi Jinping, Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution] (Part of a speech at the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection on January 8, 2024)) appears below in its original Chinese version and in a crude English translation.

深入推进党的自我革命

来源：《求是》2024/24 作者：习近平 2024-12-15 15:00:26

深入推进党的自我革命^※

习近平

  我们党作为世界上最大的马克思主义执政党，如何成功跳出治乱兴衰历史周期率、确保党永远不变质不变色不变味？这是摆在全党同志面前的一个战略性问题。党的十八大以来，在推进全面从严治党的伟大实践中，我们不断进行实践探索和理论思考，在毛泽东同志当年给出“让人民来监督政府”的第一个答案基础上，给出了第二个答案，那就是不断推进党的自我革命。

  在新时代10年全面从严治党的实践和理论探索中，我们不断深化对党的自我革命的认识，积累了丰富实践经验，形成了一系列重要理论成果，系统回答了我们党为什么要自我革命、为什么能自我革命、怎样推进自我革命等重大问题。

  我们党追求的理想崇高而神圣，肩负的使命艰巨而繁重，只有以时代发展的要求审视自己，以强烈的忧患意识警醒自己，以自我革命精神锻造自己，不断提高领导能力和执政水平，才能确保党始终不变质、不变色、不变味，始终成为中国特色社会主义事业的坚强领导核心。同时要看到，随着形势任务、外部环境变化和党员队伍自身变化，党内不可避免会出现各种矛盾和问题，必须以刀刃向内的勇气，及时消除各种消极影响，确保党始终充满蓬勃生机和旺盛活力。这就是为什么要推进党的自我革命的道理所在。

  2024年1月8日，中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席习近平在中国共产党第二十届中央纪律检查委员会第三次全体会议上发表重要讲话。 新华社记者 鞠鹏/摄

  勇于自我革命是我们党最鲜明的品格和最大优势。党的性质宗旨、初心使命决定了我们党始终代表最广大人民根本利益。不谋私利就有了彻底的自我革命精神，就能谋根本、谋大利，就能坚持真理、修正错误，敢于检视自身、常思己过；不讳疾忌医、不文过饰非，及时发现和解决自身存在的问题，就能有力回击一切利益集团、权势团体、特权阶层的“围猎”腐蚀。这是我们党始终保持先进性、纯洁性的奥秘所在，也是我们党能够推进自我革命的底气所在。

  深入推进党的自我革命，在实践中需要把握好以下问题。

  第一，以坚持党中央集中统一领导为根本保证。推进党的自我革命是我们党强身健体的自觉行动，是为了把党建设得更加坚强有力，更好坚持和加强党的领导。推进党的自我革命，必须在党中央领导下，统一谋划、统一部署、统一推进，始终沿着正确方向前进。

  第二，以引领伟大社会革命为根本目的。要针对伟大社会革命实践的新要求来谋划党的自我革命，用伟大社会革命发展的新成果来检验党的自我革命的实际成效，努力实现以党的自我革命引领伟大社会革命、以伟大社会革命促进党的自我革命。当前，就是要紧紧围绕党的中心任务来谋划和推进党的自我革命，使党的自我革命更好服从服务于党的中心任务。

  2024年10月15日至16日，中共中央总书记、国家主席、中央军委主席习近平在福建考察。这是15日下午，习近平在漳州市东山县谷文昌纪念馆考察。 新华社记者 谢环驰/摄

  第三，以新时代中国特色社会主义思想为根本遵循。推进党的自我革命，必须坚持不懈用党的创新理论武装全党，教育引导广大党员、干部在深化转化上下功夫，汲取其中蕴含的坚定理想信念、加强党性锻炼、提升精神境界和道德水平等思想营养，不断提高党的自我革命的坚定性。

  第四，以跳出历史周期率为战略目标。推进党的自我革命是跳出治乱兴衰历史周期率的重要法宝。要聚焦这个战略目标，以高度的政治警醒，及时清除侵蚀党的健康肌体的病毒，及时消除损害党的执政根基的各种隐患，始终保持党的肌体健康，不断巩固党的长期执政地位。

  第五，以解决大党独有难题为主攻方向。我们所说的大党独有难题主要体现为“六个如何始终”，解决这些难题绝非一朝一夕之功。推进党的自我革命必须坚持问题导向，保持战略定力，标本兼治、综合施策、协同发力、锲而不舍、久久为功，积小胜为大胜，在不断解决大党独有难题中彰显大党优势。

  第六，以健全全面从严治党体系为有效途径。要紧扣新时代党的建设总要求，坚持内容上全涵盖、对象上全覆盖、责任上全链条、制度上全贯通，坚持制度治党、依规治党，不断完善党的自我革命制度规范体系，进一步形成依靠党的自身力量发现问题、纠正偏差、推动创新、实现执政能力整体性提升的良性循环。

  第七，以锻造坚强组织、建设过硬队伍为重要着力点。要深入贯彻新时代党的组织路线，完善上下贯通、执行有力的组织体系，增强党组织政治功能和组织功能，着力解决党的领导弱化、党的建设缺失、管党治党不力等问题，推动各级党组织全面进步、全面过硬。坚持落实新时代好干部标准，严把政治关、能力关、廉洁关，使广大党员干部做到忠诚干净担当。

  第八，以正风肃纪反腐为重要抓手。必须把正风肃纪反腐结合起来一起抓，始终坚持严的基调、严的措施、严的氛围，以优良作风作引领，以严明纪律强保障，以反腐惩恶清障碍，推动党的自我革命环环相扣、层层递进，不断在革故鼎新、守正创新中实现自身跨越。

  第九，以自我监督和人民监督相结合为强大动力。自我监督和人民监督是有机统一、相辅相成的。推进党的自我革命，要强化党的自我监督，完善党内监督的各项制度机制，不断健全党内监督体系。要自觉接受人民监督，切实把党内监督同国家机关监督、民主监督、司法监督、群众监督、舆论监督贯通起来，实现自律和他律良性互动、相得益彰。

  实践发展永无止境，理论创新也无止境。要坚持解放思想、实事求是、与时俱进、守正创新，不断进行实践探索和理论创新，不断深化对党的自我革命的规律性认识，把党的自我革命的思路举措搞得更加严密，把每条战线、每个环节的自我革命抓具体、抓深入。

  ※这是习近平总书记2024年1月8日在二十届中央纪委三次全会上讲话的一部分。

 

 Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution
Source: "Seeking Truth" 2024/24 Author: Xi Jinping 2024-12-15 15:00:26

Deepen the Party's Self-Revolution※

Xi Jinping

As the world's largest Marxist ruling party, how can our party successfully break out of the historical cycle of governance, chaos, prosperity and decline and ensure that the party will never degenerate, change color or taste? This is a strategic issue facing all comrades in the party. Since the 18th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, in the great practice of promoting comprehensive and strict governance of the party, we have continuously conducted practical exploration and theoretical thinking. On the basis of Comrade Mao Zedong's first answer of "letting the people supervise the government", we have given a second answer, which is to continuously promote the party's self-revolution.

In the practice and theoretical exploration of comprehensive and strict governance of the party in the new era for 10 years, we have continuously deepened our understanding of the party's self-revolution, accumulated rich practical experience, and formed a series of important theoretical achievements, systematically answering major questions such as why our party should self-revolution, why it can self-revolution, and how to promote self-revolution.

The ideals pursued by our party are lofty and sacred, and the missions it shoulders are arduous and heavy. Only by examining ourselves with the requirements of the development of the times, alerting ourselves with a strong sense of crisis, forging ourselves with the spirit of self-revolution, and constantly improving our leadership and governance capabilities can we ensure that the party will never degenerate, change color, or change taste, and always become the strong leadership core of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. At the same time, we must see that with the changes in the situation, tasks, external environment, and the changes in the party members themselves, various contradictions and problems will inevitably arise within the party. We must have the courage to turn the knife inward and eliminate various negative influences in a timely manner to ensure that the party is always full of vigor and vitality. This is why we must promote the party's self-revolution.

On January 8, 2024, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, President of the State, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, delivered an important speech at the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of the Communist Party of China. Xinhua News Agency reporter Ju Peng/Photo

The courage to self-revolution is the most distinctive character and greatest advantage of our party. The nature, purpose, and original mission of the party determine that our party always represents the fundamental interests of the vast majority of the people. If we do not seek personal gain, we will have a thorough spirit of self-revolution, we will be able to seek fundamental and major interests, we will be able to uphold the truth, correct our mistakes, dare to examine ourselves, and often reflect on our own mistakes; we will not be afraid to hide our illnesses, nor will we whitewash our mistakes, and we will promptly discover and solve our own problems, and we will be able to effectively fight back against the "encirclement and corruption" of all interest groups, powerful groups, and privileged classes. This is the secret of our party's continued advancement and purity, and it is also the basis for our party to promote self-revolution.

In order to deepen the party's self-revolution, we need to grasp the following issues in practice.

First, we must adhere to the centralized and unified leadership of the Party Central Committee as the fundamental guarantee. Promoting the party's self-revolution is a conscious action of our party to strengthen itself, in order to build a stronger and more powerful Party, and better adhere to and strengthen the party's leadership. To promote the party's self-revolution, we must plan, deploy, and promote it in a unified manner under the leadership of the Party Central Committee, and always move forward in the right direction.

Second, we must take leading the great social revolution as the fundamental purpose. We must plan the self-revolution of the Party in light of the new requirements of the practice of the great social revolution, test the actual effectiveness of the self-revolution of the Party with the new achievements of the development of the great social revolution, and strive to achieve the great social revolution led by the self-revolution of the Party and the promotion of the self-revolution of the Party with the great social revolution. At present, we must closely focus on the Party's central tasks to plan and promote the self-revolution of the Party, so that the self-revolution of the Party can better serve the Party's central tasks.

From October 15 to 16, 2024, Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, President of the State, and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, visited Fujian. This is Xi Jinping's visit to the Gu Wenchang Memorial Hall in Dongshan County, Zhangzhou City on the afternoon of the 15th. Xinhua News Agency reporter Xie Huanchi/Photo

Third, take the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics as the fundamental guide. To promote the self-revolution of the Party, we must unremittingly arm the whole Party with the Party's innovative theories, educate and guide the majority of Party members and cadres to work hard to deepen the transformation, absorb the ideological nutrition contained therein, such as firm ideals and beliefs, strengthen party spirit training, and improve spiritual realm and moral level, and constantly improve the firmness of the Party's self-revolution.

Fourth, take breaking out of the historical cycle as the strategic goal. Promoting the self-revolution of the Party is an important magic weapon to break out of the historical cycle of prosperity and decline. We must focus on this strategic goal, with a high degree of political vigilance, promptly eliminate the viruses that erode the healthy body of the Party, promptly eliminate various hidden dangers that damage the Party's ruling foundation, always maintain the health of the Party's body, and continuously consolidate the Party's long-term ruling position.

Fifth, the main attack direction is to solve the unique problems of a large party. The unique problems of a large party we are talking about are mainly reflected in the "six hows", and solving these problems is by no means a one-day job. To promote the self-revolution of the Party, we must adhere to the problem orientation, maintain strategic determination, treat both the symptoms and the root causes, adopt comprehensive measures, work together, persevere, and work for a long time, accumulate small victories into big victories, and demonstrate the advantages of a large party in constantly solving the unique problems of a large party.

Sixth, take the improvement of the comprehensive and strict party governance system as an effective way. We must closely follow the general requirements of party building in the new era, adhere to full coverage of content, full coverage of objects, full chain of responsibilities, and full integration of systems, adhere to the system of governing the party and governing the party according to rules, and constantly improve the system of norms for the party's self-revolution, and further form a virtuous cycle of discovering problems, correcting deviations, promoting innovation, and achieving overall improvement of governance capabilities by relying on the party's own strength.

Seventh, focus on forging a strong organization and building a strong team. We must thoroughly implement the party's organizational line in the new era, improve the organizational system that is connected from top to bottom and has strong execution, enhance the political and organizational functions of party organizations, focus on solving problems such as weakened party leadership, lack of party building, and ineffective party management and governance, and promote the comprehensive progress and comprehensive improvement of party organizations at all levels. Adhere to the implementation of the standards for good cadres in the new era, strictly control the political, ability, and integrity, and enable the majority of party members and cadres to be loyal, clean, and responsible.

Eighth, take rectification of work style, discipline, and anti-corruption as an important starting point. We must combine the rectification of work style, discipline and anti-corruption, always adhere to the strict tone, strict measures and strict atmosphere, lead with good work style, strengthen guarantee with strict discipline, and clear obstacles with anti-corruption and punishment of evil, so as to promote the self-revolution of the Party in a chain and layer by layer, and constantly achieve self-leap in reforming the old and establishing the new, adhering to the right path and innovating.

Ninth, take the combination of self-supervision and people's supervision as a powerful driving force. Self-supervision and people's supervision are organically unified and complement each other. To promote the self-revolution of the Party, we must strengthen the Party's self-supervision, improve the various systems and mechanisms of intra-Party supervision, and constantly improve the intra-Party supervision system. We must consciously accept people's supervision, and effectively integrate intra-Party supervision with supervision by state organs, democratic supervision, judicial supervision, mass supervision and public opinion supervision, so as to achieve a benign interaction and mutual benefit between self-discipline and external discipline.

There is no end to the development of practice, and there is no end to theoretical innovation. We must persist in emancipating our minds, seeking truth from facts, keeping pace with the times, and adhering to the right path and making innovations, constantly carry out practical exploration and theoretical innovation, constantly deepen our understanding of the regularity of the Party's self-revolution, make the Party's self-revolution ideas and measures more rigorous, and make the self-revolution of every front and every link concrete and in-depth.

※This is part of General Secretary Xi Jinping's speech at the Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Commission for Discipline Inspection on January 8, 2024.