Monday, November 25, 2019

Full Text of Remarks delivered at the 8th United Nations Forum for Business and Human Rights, 26 November 2019: “Peaches and Plums do not Speak, but they are so Attractive that a Path is Formed Below the trees” [桃李不言,下自成蹊]: China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the United Nations Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights



(Pix: The Lady and the Unicorn: À mon seul désir (Musée national du Moyen Âge, Paris))

The UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights has organized a session that may be of interest to some readers.  The Session, Building sustainable infrastructure: Lessons from the Belt and Road Initiative and other similar multi-state initiatives, will be chaired by Surya Deva, a Member, UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights.  Session participants include Mohamed Athman (Save Lamu); Larry Catá Backer (Penn State University); Flora Sapio (Università degli Studi di Napoli “L'Orientale”); and Wawa Wang (Sustainable Energy). The Session will take place Tuesday, November 26 (16:40 - 18:00).  We hope to see many of you there. The Session Concept Note may be accessed HERE

I have taken the opportunity here to post the full text of the remarks I prepared for the session.  The remarks are entitled: “Peaches and Plums do not Speak, but they are so Attractive that a Path is Formed Below the trees” [桃李不言,下自成蹊]: China’s Belt and Road Initiative and the United Nations Guiding Principles for Business and Human Rights.  As its title suggests, the remarks consider the points of necessary convergence between the emerging and robust system of global trade being developed by China through its Belt and Road Initiative and the normative framework of the UN Guiding Principle.  I suggest points of convergence as well as challenges to both systems for the necessary task of building a win-win common future.

Given the limited time available for presentation, I will only be able to deliver a much shortened version orally.  But I thought some might find it useful to consider the full text.  It follows below and may be accessed HERE, and may be downloaded HERE: Peaches and Plums do not Speak

(Bottom Pix: The Hunt of the Unicorn; Cloisters Museum, New York)

Saturday, November 23, 2019

习近平 学习马克思主义基本理论是共产党人的必修课 [Xi Jinping: "Learning the basic theory of Marxism is a compulsory course for communists"]--Text and Analysis



One of the great markers of the extraordinary development of Marxist-Leninist theory in China has been Xi Jinping's "New Era" campaign.Almost form the time of his rise to leadership within the core of the collective leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, there has been an increasingly pointed centering of the CCP's political work. And within that political work, the CCP leadership core has emphasized the need to develop the productive forces of Marxism Leninism first, within the Chinese context, and then to offer this transformed or evolving Marxism-Leninism (now aligned with the new global historical era) to the world in the form of the current Chinese global human rights and trade initiatives.


Since the 3rd Plenum, the CCP has appeared to accelerate its development of the productive forces of Marxism-Leninism in the service of its Basic Line, and of its engagement internally with the masses (through a yet to be fully developed renewal of the mass line) and externally through its Belt and Road Initiative and associated vision for a new global order.  This is not just politics of the sort that has grown decadent in many parts of the world; rather, as I have pointed out elsewhere (here, here, and here) this is essentially a moral and normative project.  At its core is the fundamental objective to change people and institutions to better point toward the ultimate obligation of the leading social forces (in the case of China its CCP) toward the establishment of a Communist Society (and again this is np surprise to those who read the CCP's own constitution).

It ought to be of great interest, then, when the leadership core of the CCP itself lends its name to an effort to further advance the theory (and thereafter practice) of Marxism-Leninism (with or without Chinese characteristics). Recently such an effort to advance Marxist theory was published in the flagship vehicle for such efforts--《求是》Qiú shì ("Seeking Truth"), a bi-monthly political theory periodical published by the Central Party School and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. Such was the case recently with the publication of 学习马克思主义基本理论是共产党人的必修课 [Learning the basic theory of Marxism is a compulsory course for communists] under the authorship of Xi Jinping [习近平 ]. The original coverage of the speech can be found here. Elements of Western political actors  were more critical.  See HERE

As is customary for such efforts, the essay is a reduction/transcription of a speech of the author deemed important enough to merit further distribution.  In this case it was derived from a speech given at the fifth collective study of the 19th Central Political Bureau on April 23, 2018.  The resulting essay is worth reading, of course, for the usual reasons--it is authored by the leadership core of the CCP and thus will have authoritative effects beyond those of any thoughts of lower ranked theorists inside or outside the CCP (much less of any foreigner), it signals direction and may be used as an indicator of where the CCP may be heading as it makes it sway to the 20th CCP National Congress, and because the authorities deem it important. But it is also worth reading as theory.  The revival of Marxism-Leninism, especially within official channels, has not been undertaken since the retrospectively unsuccessful efforts of middle Soviet period Stalinism. More importantly, the essay provides a view of emerging forms of Communist Internationalism that may be embedded in the great initiatives of China in seeking a larger role on the world stage--from the Belt and Road Initiative to Multilateral efforts to reshape international law.

This post includes the essay and its rough English translation along with some preliminary thoughts and engagement with the essay as theory within the context of China's Marxist Leninist New Era thought.

Friday, November 22, 2019

The Norway Pension Fund Global and Migrant Workers: Council on Ethics Recommends Exclusion of G4S PLC (UK)






The Pension Fund Global has recently distributed notice of the Recommendation, made substantially earlier, by the Council on Ethics that G4S PLC (G4S) be excluded from investment by the Government Pension Fund Global (GPFG) due to an unacceptable risk that the company is contributing to systematic human rights violations. The recommendation is based largely on an assessment of G4S's treatment of migrant workers in Qatar and the United Arab Emirates (the Emirates), who are in large measure migrant workers from India, Pakistan and Nepal, among others.

The recommendation, of course, is not unexpected.  And it continues a trend in Western Europe to put pressure on Gulf States with respect to their treatment of migrant and guest workers.  The decision comes on the heals of years of scandals relating to this issue that has caught a number of enterprises, most famously FIFA, in its net.  It represents a calculated but not imprudent strategy of threatening misbehaving states indirectly by going after the key business partners that are important to those states. That importance can be a function of prestige (FIFA) of of the management and maintenance of order among a large foreign population with respect to whom the rights of citizens are not to be accorded.

At a fundamental  level, of course, is the issue is one of disciplining states on the periphery of Europe with respect to migration in ways that might align these non-Western states with Western sensibilities, cautions, and approaches--all offered as global consensus positions. More fundamentally still, one can only wonder the extent to which the European crisis of migration--and especially its threat to what had once been a cosy set of European values, made more cozy still by the remoteness of migration of the sort encountered now--plays a role in both the policy drift of the Pension Fund Global and its instrumental use by Norway. Of course, that policy might also be assumed to have paid dividends as a means of expiating Europe's sins against Jews and Roma but on the bodies of people's other than Jews or Roma, and still comfortably removed from the European heartland.  That is not to say that the issues are neither profound nor the suffering of the migrant and other workers not profoundly distressing.  Indeed, it is altogether too easy to have a look and conclude that such conditions are intolerable.  And yet law, and the normative systems on which it relies for its legitimacy are not solely directed by a sense of personal outrage, nor by the stratagems of politics. And most fundamentally, the issues touched on touch on the nature of labor and line drawing on an essentially exploitative relationship--when does the demand of a labor "boss" to an "employee" become the command of "masters" to their "slaves." Those issues are only lightly touched on here and only at their extreme.  And yet they alsop merit much greater consideration.

For all that the Recommendation is at its most useful precisely for pointing out the global conditions that make it so easy for the situation condemned in the Gulf to arise virtually anywhere. It might have been more useful had it confronted the fundamental issue of labor-slavery in a more straightforward way.  There is an issue with respect to which enterprises are  in  a strong position to intervene and to change culture through their own behavior. Yet it is with respect to the issue of migration--and to its global resolution--that the attention of states (particularly) and enterprises (as complementary regulatory sources) ought to be moving to solve.  That resolution is not bound up in the piety of speeches or in the declaration of public bodies well insulated from close contact with the awful realities of these lives.  Moreover, as much as the power of markets and the societal field has grown, and as much as the largest corporate multinational production spaces may have regulatory authority within its sphere of activity, migration requires more than market power and regulatory authority over production chains. Here (at last) one comes face to face with one of the clearest residual duties of the state--the protection of its demos and its territorial space in a way compatible with internal constitutional principles and external principles of international law and norms.  To those ends, resolute action is required--in law and enforcement, public, domestic and international--from sources other than the Pension Fund Global, and through other than global business.

The Recommendation follows below and may be accessed here.


Monday, November 18, 2019

The American Pivot Toward Latin America--A Regional Approach to Cutting Cuba Off From its Most Dependable Sources of Hard Currency


I have been noting the emergence of Cuban strategies for re-integrating themselves into global financial markets on their own terms (e.g., Essay Posted: The External Capitalist and Internal Marxist). I also have been writing about the effects of the American pivot toward the Caribbean and the way it has been changing American strategies toward its rivals and enemies in the region--principal among them the states at the core of the Socialist Regional Trade Group ALBA (On the Front Lines of the U.S. Pivot Toward the Caribbean: The U.S. Announces Further Restrictions on Travel to Cuba as Part of its Comprehensive Caribbean Strategy; The Pivot Toward the Caribbean; Announcement of Changes in US Policy Toward Cuba and the Caribbean Region;  and "Remittances to Cuba Revisited: Impact of New Measures"). That has produced sanctions against Nicaragua and Venzuela. It now is likely to see a victory in the change of administration in Bolivia (for a critical discussion of the later, see Arturo López Levy)).
“These events send a strong signal to the illegitimate regimes in Venezuela and Nicaragua that democracy and the will of the people will always prevail,” Trump said, referring to two other leftist Latin American nations targeted by his administration. Trump said that the resignation of Morales, Bolivia’s first indigenous leader who was seeking a fourth term despite a constitutional prohibition, was a “significant moment for democracy in the Western Hemisphere.” (Trump: Bolivia leader’s resignation sign to ‘illegitimate regimes’).

Those effects and the pivot, however, have not been limited to the blocking of Cuba's access to hard currency via remittances, and petroleum via sanctions on Venezuela, or even the substantial increase in Cuba's cost of international capital through the lifting of prohibitions against Helms-Burton suits for recovery of damages related to listed confiscated property from the early 1960s.  The United States has also been moving against that other substantial source of hard currency--that acquired by the provision of Cuban doctors abroad.  The program had been relatively lucrative for Cuba, though it remains controversial in the West (The hidden world of the doctors Cuba sends overseas; Cuba’s greatest export? Medical diplomacy; How Doctors Became Cuba's Biggest Export).  But it has been shrinking--especially, for example after the last presidential election in Brazil (Thousands of Cuban doctors leave Brazil after Bolsonaro's win). 

Now American policy in Latin America has again proven useful in further shrinking Cuba's hard currency sourcing through its medical programs abroad.  The collapse of the Evo Morales government in Bolivia has now appeared to have cost Cuba its doctors program there (Cuba cries foul as doctors head home from Bolivia). The political and economic ramifications are hard to avoid.  Reporting on the issue by Marc Frank follows below.  


习近平:止暴制乱 恢复秩序是香港当前最紧迫的任务 [Xi Jinping: Stopping the storm and restoring order is Hong Kong's most urgent task at present]



There has been much coverage of the latest round of activity by students and government responses around the current situation in Hong Kong. While many governments, including that of the United States, will likely react in their own ways to the final resolution of the Hong Kong situation (e.g., U.S.--"What the US Is and Isn't Doing About Hong Kong"; H.R.3289 - Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act of 2019), it might be useful at this point to read carefully the statements of the core of the current Chinese leadership collective.

To that end I have provided below习近平:止暴制乱 恢复秩序是香港当前最紧迫的任务 [Xi Jinping: Stopping the storm and restoring order is Hong Kong's most urgent task at present] made available by Chinese state media organs on 14 November 2019. It is worth a careful read. Provided below is the official English and Chinese versions, along with a slightly different English translation of the original. Note as well the Chinese two thrust narrative strategy--first in controlling the interpretation and implications of action in Hong Kong, and second developing further the foreigner intervention rhetoric that has been evolving since June 2019. None of this is new but might be usefully read in light of changing conditions on the ground.

Sunday, November 17, 2019

Birgit Spiesshofer: "What is "sustainable"?" English Translation of Article published first (in German) in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Magazine Einspruch! (online) July 24, 2019


Dr. Birgit Spiesshofer has been undertaking truly important and path-breaking work in the area of the responsibility of business for harms that may be attached (that, of course, is the issue of the moment, that is the jurisprudence of "attachment") to the economic activities of enterprises and persons.  Her  monograph, Responsible Enterprise: The Emergence of a Global Economic Order (Munich: CH Beck, Oxford, Hart, 2018), is a remarkable analysis of the "state of the legal art"in this field and an excellent basis for thinking about the paths already being carved out for going forward (for my review of this work, see "The Enterprise of Responsibility:" Reviewing Birgit Spiesshofer, "Responsible Enterprise). 

Dr. Spiesshofer has recently written a short essay, What is Sustainable? The essay considers the hard, but rarely deeply engaged issue of manifesting sustainability as something other than what in the end invariably reduces itself to a set of usually incompatible "feel good" normative slogans that NGOs, the international community and business can embrace.  The focus in this case is on the work of the European Union (at least one governmental unit engaged in something ore than normative or narrative sloganeering) and its proposed sustainability taxonomy. It was originally published only in German, first published in the Frankfurter Allgemeine Magazine Einspruch! (online) July 24, 2019. DFr. Spiesshofer has translated the essay into English and the Frankfurter Allgemeine has graciously agreed to its re-posting here.

The essay and Dr. Spiesshofer's brief bio follow. 


Saturday, November 16, 2019

Lectures on Comparative Constitutionalism -- 比较立宪主义; East China University of Political Science and Law; Lectures, Resources and Materials



I am delighted to post more information on my Lectures on Comparative Constitutionalism -- 比较立宪主义. They may be accessed by scanning the QR Code above and by the link HERE.

The lectures are being delivered at East China University of Political Science and Law, Shanghai, China during the course of November and December 2019. The materials currently include PowerPoints, background information and resources. I will add the transcriptions of the Remarks for each lecture as they become available. The best part of the experience for me was the ability to be liberated from the constraints of seriously engaging with constitutional orders outside of the ideologies of the prior era and its assumptions of the existence of an ideal type of constitution.  More interesting still has been the ability to rethink constitutionalism in terms of data driven governance--that is, constitutionalism as a rating system (e.g., hidden ideology in the assumptions about data harvesting and analytics) with significant restrictions and privileges attached (via normative algorithm) depending on the place of the constitution within the rating spectrum.  Stay tuned!



Friday, November 15, 2019

At the 2019 UN Forum on Business and Human Rights: "Building sustainable infrastructure: Lessons from the Belt and Road Initiative and other similar multi-state initiatives



The UN Forum for Business and Human Rights will take place this year at the Palais de Justice in Geneva 25-27 November 2019. The theme this year is "Time to act: Governments as catalysts for business respect for human rights."  The Programme outline now available (tentative schedule only).  

The UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights has organized a session that may be of interest to some readers.  The Session, Building sustainable infrastructure: Lessons from the Belt and Road Initiative and other similar multi-state initiatives, will be chaired by Surya Deva, a Member, UN Working Group on Business and Human Rights.  Session participants include Mohamed Athman (Save Lamu); Larry Catá Backer (Penn State University); Flora Sapio (Università degli Studi di Napoli “L'Orientale”); and Wawa Wang (Sustainable Energy). The Session will take place Tuesday, November 26 • 16:40 - 18:00.  We hope to see many of you there. 

The Session Concept Note follows below and may be accessed HEREMore information about the 2019 theme and the Forum also follows below. 


Thursday, November 14, 2019

Video of Remarks Just Posted: "The Lawyer is not an Algorithm": Remarks on the Ethical Responsibilities of Lawyers in Relation to Sustainability and Corruption






With great thanks to the amazing Sara Seck, I was delighted to have been given the opportunity think through these challenges as part of a marvelous panel organized for the Joint Osler, Hoskin & Harcourt LLP Business Law Forum, and the Wickwire Legal Ethics Lecture, which for 2019 had as its theme “ The ethical and professional responsibilities of business lawyers: Business, Human Rights, and the Sustainable Development Goals.” The event took place at the Schulich School of Law, Dalhousie University, Halifax, Nova Scotia 26 September 2019. The PowerPoint of my remarks and a description of the event can be accessed here: The Lawyer is not an Algorithm": Remarks on the Ethical Responsibilities of Lawyers in Relation to Sustainability and Corruption

The video recording of the the remarks of this remarkable panel, including the brilliant interventions of John F. Sherman, III ( Shift); Penelope Simons (University of Ottawa); and Birgit Spiesshofer (University of Bremen and Dentons Europe LLPB) have just been posted.  For those interested, the video may be accessed here: watchwatch.


Wednesday, November 13, 2019

Luis Luis-- "Remittances to Cuba Revisited: Impact of New Measures"


(Pix Credit: Remittances in Cuba, What People Do with the Money, Havana Times (16 May 2019))

Our friends at the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy blog have just posted an excellent essay  written by one of its members, Louis Louis.  Luis R. Luis is an international economist long involved in international finance and investments as an officer of international organizations, commercial banks and investment management companies. He is a member of ASCE since its foundation and holds a PhD degree in economics from the University of Notre Dame. He has
 lectured at universities in the US, Europe and South America.

The essay, Remittances to Cuba Revisited: Impact of New Measures, suggests the emerging complexities of remittances as a measure of international relations.  It serves as a convergence point of economic leverage and underlines it importance not merely as an expression of humanitarian principles, but of transnational financial economics, and as a tool of international relations in this age of targeted sanctions.  

In this case, Cuba leverages its outbound migration by banking on  remittances as a source of hard currency otherwise may more difficult to obtain as the United States imposes targeted sanctions designed to keep Cuba from access to financial markets.  That produces an incentive to encourage outbound migration, and, at the same time, to use domestic recipients as the source from which it extracts hard currency through formal and informal taxation, and through the dollarization of portions of its economy. The United States, on the other hand, sees in both migration and remittances a mother tool for both economic leverage (through its ability to reduce the size or increase the cost) of remittances, and to use the migrant population for projecting the US narrative of Cuba within the US and toward the Island.  The potential and consequences are fascinating.

The essay follows below. That is followed by links to some studies of remittances to Cuba prepared by the Cuban Research Institute at Florida International University.'s School of International and Public Affairs.