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General Secretary Xi Jinping's speech at a gathering in celebration of the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China (CPC) has been published by the People's Publishing House. It is, in its own way, too important to leave to the publishing houses. It serves as an important self reflection--an institutional exercise of self-revolution by the core of the leadership of the Communist Party of China.
It is an especially useful read for
the way in which it crystalizes praxis within Chinese Marxist Leninism
in its current "New Era" historical stage of development. That praxis is
meant to serve as a sort of coding of the system premises that permits a
scientific approach to the organization and development of social and
productive forces under the guidance of the vanguard itself but as a
function of the system parameters, and its underlying foundational
constraints, outlooks and premises within which the world the vanguard
guides and sees is organized. It is, indeed, a system that is ready to
go entirely virtual, one the operational elements of which are now ready
for coding into machine systems that may undertake. scientifically and
efficiently, much of the "manual labor" of the Leninist project the
105th anniversary of which is now celebrated. That, indeed, is the way
in which the speech points not just to a celebration of the past but
toward the future general contradiction for a Leninist organization
undertaking its stewardship of the nation's productive and social forces
to efficiently move them along the Socialist Path toward its communist
ending.
The remarks in the original Chinese and in an annotated English translation (with thanks to Claude after some prompt and challenge based back and forth) follow below. My reflections, a summary of the text of the remarks and some reflections, follow here:
Summary:
The General Secretary's remarks were made at the ceremony marking the 105th anniversary of the CPC's founding (July 1, 2026). It follows a well-established genre in CPC ritualized political discourse. That is expected where the core of leadership speaks--both to establish a baseline of stability, to reinforce a common vocabulary In this case the forms were wrapped around expectations for significant anniversary speeches. These reassert founding mythos, historical achievement, ideological lineage, and forward-looking mobilization. More importantly. perhaps, the remarks follow the discursive framework of "praxis"--the continuous, dialectical cycle of theory and action, where theoretical understanding guides political action, and the results of that action are critically reflected upon to refine and develop further theory. Praxis is the fundamental structural discursive form of the remarks.
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| Pix credit here (Instagram Chinese Consulate Kolkata 1 June 2026) |
It is worth remembering that Marxist-Leninist political-economic system, like the machine systems it them builds in its own image, elaborates and protects its own internal grammar of legitimacy (contradiction analysis, self-revolution, the Basic Line, the people's democratic dictatorship, whole-process consultation) precisely so that its legitimacy claims don't have to answer to the liberal-democratic question of consent-through-competition. The system isn't hiding from that question; it has constructed an alternative constitutional vocabulary robust enough that the liberal question doesn't get traction inside it. Asking "but is it really democratic" in the liberal sense is a bit like asking whether a common-law trust is "really" a corporation — the terms don't map, and forcing the map is itself the distortion.
The General Secretary's remarks are organized in a five-part architecture that is familiar feature of speeches in the New Era. In this case its is divided among: (1) a commemorative framing and honors; (2) a five-part historical retrospective on "105 years of unremitting struggle"; (3) six enumerated "outstanding qualities" explaining Party success; (4) five enumerated imperatives ("must uphold…") for the road ahead, followed by specific policy paragraphs (military, Hong Kong/Macao, Taiwan, youth); and (5) a closing exhortation invoking urgency ("Time waits for no one").
Within that framework the General Secretary makes what may be divided into seven important points:
1. Reinforcing the foundational conception of historical inevitability and legitimacy. The Party's founding is presented not as a contingent event but as the necessary product of "the great awakening" of the Chinese people fused with Marxism-Leninism — establishing legitimacy through historical necessity rather than electoral consent.
2. The sequential linearity of the evolution of the historically necessary rise of the Chinese Communist vanguard. The General Secretary reasserts the four-stage periodization of CPC history: the New Democratic Revolution; socialist revolution and construction; reform and opening-up; and "socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era." Each of the five retrospective paragraphs ("105 years of unremitting struggle have…") ties a specific achievement (national liberation, the "path," Marxism's vitality, world-historical influence, Party-building) to this periodization. That follows the rhetorical model closely. It also opens the door to the future--sequential progress along a historically linear (Socialist) Path toward a Communist society lead to t he "New Era" now but also to the next stage of historical development--one that I have suggested elsewhere may well be grounded on the historical contradiction between the leadership of vanguard and its relationship to machine system technologies through which that leadership is exercised.
3. The temporal ideological block chain. The General Secretary describes the evolution of Chinese Marxist Leninism through its historical avatars--the ideological genealogy identifies the sequence of "sinicized" Marxism — Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the "Three Represents," the Scientific Outlook on Development, and Xi Jinping Thought — asserting continuity and cumulative development ("enrichment") rather than rupture between eras and leaders. Each, of course, is tied to its own general contradiction and to the historical conditions of the time within which the progress and development encased within each iterative Marxist-Leninist self and social revolutionary period is encased.
4. Six "outstanding qualities" are offered as the explanatory key ("关键密码," "key code") for CPC success: truth-seeking, mass rootedness, strategic initiative, adaptability/vanguard positioning, capacity for struggle, and self-rectification ("自我革命"/self-revolution). This is presented as the text's own thesis for why the Party endures — an explicit theory of legitimacy grounded in performance and moral-ideological superiority rather than procedural/electoral legitimacy. And it is one that the General Secretary has spoken to at length throughout his leadership.
5. The "five forwards". Five forward imperatives structure the mobilizational core: (a) fidelity to the Party's "basic theory, basic line, basic strategy" and the Four-fold Confidence; (b) reliance on the people via the Five-Sphere Plan, Four-Pronged Strategy, new development philosophy/pattern, and whole-process people's democracy; (c) risk/challenge management via "bottom-line thinking" and coordinating development and security; (d) continued promotion of a "community with a shared future for mankind" and the four Global Initiatives (Development, Security, Civilization, Governance); (e) continued "comprehensive and strict Party self-governance," including an explicit anti-corruption commitment.
6. Praxis. Having developed the theoretical side of praxis through the identification of the elaboration of a conceptualization matrix from out of the entanglements of the 6 qualities and five forwards, the General secretary then turns to the operational side of praxis. Specific policy commitments follow: military modernization tied to the "centenary goal" for the PLA (2027) and the ambition of a "world-class military"; reaffirmation of "one country, two systems" and the "patriots governing Hong Kong/Macao" principle; reaffirmation of the one-China principle, the 1992 Consensus, opposition to "Taiwan independence" and external interference, alongside language of cross-Strait "integration"; and a call to mobilize youth as the "shock force" of national rejuvenation.
7. The call to urgent action. The General Secretary closes his remarks in the traditional form: by rejecting complacency, invoking the mid-century "Second Centenary Goal," and repeating classical formulas of self-discipline ("modest, prudent, hard-working") alongside the "struggle" vocabulary that runs throughout.
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| Pix credit here ("Follow the Communist Party and Revitalize China,"1982) |
Reflections:
Read as a species of political constitutional text rather than oratory, the speech does not merely narrate the Party's history — it constitutes the Party anew, in the present, through the repetition and re-authorization of formulas that already carry constitutional weight inside the Chinese system. The device is anaphora: "105年不懈奋斗" ("105 years of unremitting struggle have…") six times over, then "坚定信心、接续奋斗，必须…" ("to firm up confidence… we must…") five times more. This is not ornament. It is the characteristic technique by which CPC doctrine is built — through parallel, enumerated formulations extractable later as authoritative shorthand, the way "Two Establishes," the "Four-fold Confidence," or "Two Safeguards" now circulate as portable units of doctrine independent of whatever speech first produced them. "为什么能的关键密码" ("the key code for why [the Party] can succeed") belongs to this same genre of coinage: compact, quotable, built for a second life in Party schools and study sessions rather than for this occasion alone.
What is the text doing, then, when it invokes the Basic Line (党的基本路线) directly — "党的基本理论、基本路线、基本方略" ("the Party's basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy") — as something the whole Party "must uphold"? Historically formulated as "one central task, two basic points" (economic construction as center; the Four Cardinal Principles and reform-and-opening as the two basic points), the Basic Line functions inside the party-state order less as statute than as a supra-legal referent, a constitutional "core" against which policy and even ordinary law are measured for fidelity. To invoke it here is not to argue a policy position; it is an act of self-referential constitutional maintenance — the Party citing its own foundational instrument as the continuing source of its authority, closer to constitutional recitation than to argument.
If the Basic Line supplies that core, the Four Cardinal Principles (四项基本原则 — the socialist road; the people's democratic dictatorship; the leadership of the Communist Party; Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought) supply its political-discipline pole, and this speech leans on that pole harder than on the developmental one. Nearly every one of the five forward imperatives circles back to a restatement of Party centrality — "uphold the Party's overall leadership and the Party Central Committee's centralized, unified leadership"; only the Party can be "the strong core of leadership"; "comprehensive and strict Party self-governance" is "永远在路上," a journey with no terminus. The effect is structural rather than argumentative: development, reunification, whole-process democracy, and the "community with a shared future for mankind" are each presented as downstream of unchallenged Party leadership, not as claims requiring it to be justified. The Four Cardinal Principles do their constitutional work here by being presupposed rather than defended — the premise the rest of the text is built to follow from, not a conclusion it argues toward.
A reading that hears in "斗争" mainly an echo of pre-1978 mass-mobilization language is not wrong, exactly, but it stops one step short of where the term is actually doing its work. In CPC theoretical vocabulary, struggle (斗争性) is the dialectical-materialist mechanism by which contradiction (矛盾) itself is identified, analyzed, and resolved — since Mao's On Contradiction, the name for the internal dynamic of any unity of opposites, not primarily a summons to combat an external enemy. Notice where the struggle-vocabulary actually sits in this text: "增强斗争本领" ("enhance the capacity for struggle"), "发扬斗争精神" ("foster the spirit of struggle"), "敢于斗争、善于斗争" ("dare to struggle and be skilled in struggle") cluster around a single sentence — "适应社会主要矛盾变化确立中心任务" ("establish central tasks in response to changes in the principal social contradiction") — that points directly at the Party's formally codified principal contradiction (社会主要矛盾), reformulated at the 19th Congress in 2017 as the contradiction between unbalanced and inadequate development and the people's ever-growing needs for a better life. The struggle-idiom, read this way, names the method for working that specific, currently operative contradiction — coordinating development and security, managing rising expectations against uneven delivery — rather than a nostalgic recurrence of Cultural-Revolution-era class struggle, a register the Party's own theoretical apparatus retired some decades ago while carefully preserving the dialectical form underneath it. That the "outstanding qualities" section opens with exactly this claim — a privileged method for "revealing and applying truth within the motion of social contradictions" — is confirmation that the struggle-vocabulary throughout is doing philosophical-methodological work, not merely rhetorical-militant work.
A further linkage the speech assumes without naming is between self-revolution (自我革命) and social revolution (社会革命), formally canonized as "以伟大自我革命引领伟大社会革命" ("leading the great social revolution with great self-revolution") in the 2021 Sixth Plenum's resolution on Party history and elaborated at length since in Party theoretical media. The doctrine holds the two revolutions in a dialectical, mutually reinforcing relationship rather than as separate projects: internal Party discipline supplies the political and organizational precondition — Party sources call it the "leadership force and fundamental guarantee" — for the transformation of society that only a Marxist vanguard party can undertake, while the tasks social revolution throws up in turn generate new demands on the Party's own discipline. The speech enacts this linkage structurally rather than stating it: the sixth "outstanding quality" (self-revolution) sits immediately before "comprehensive and strict Party self-governance," which sits immediately before the paragraphs on the military, Hong Kong/Macao, Taiwan, and youth — the self-revolution material positioned, textually, as precondition for everything that follows it. And the hinge does not stop at the border. Just as self-revolution is offered as the guarantee enabling domestic social revolution, the speech's move from Party self-governance directly into "人类命运共同体" and the four Global Initiatives extends the identical logic outward: an internally disciplined Party is the necessary condition for China's claimed capacity to offer "a new form of human civilization" externally. Internal rectification and external order-shaping are not two topics juxtaposed by convenience but two faces of one continuous claim.
The mass line deserves a correction here, not just a restatement. It is easy to fall into a conceptual trap--to embrace an analysis characterized that characterizes its underlying theory as substantially "feudal-paternalist," which was wrong — it conflated a critical aside about the techniques of Leninist governance (their migration from older bureaucratic forms toward data-driven ones) with the mass line's own normative content, which is a different thing. The mass line is perhaps better understood as a feedback loop on a collectivized platform in which all individuals are elements of one of more mass collectives. It is a feedback loop with a critical normative dimension — the vanguard party's obligation to stay answerable to the people as it moves society toward its stated goal — alongside a structural dimension tied to democratic centralism and the collective bodies through which that answerability gets institutionally channeled. Collectivization is understood as comprehensive--not just for patriotic collectives that participate in Whole Process People's Democracy ("全过程人民民主"), but also all people including the not patriotic elements for which the baseline division of the people's democratic dictatorship (人民民主专政) applies. Read against that settlement, "江山就是人民，人民就是江山" paired with "全过程人民民主" is not rhetorical flourish but a compressed restatement of a Leninist endogenous conception of democracy built on continuous formal consultation, coordinating collective organizations under Party leadership so that responsiveness and dictatorship-over-enemies sit as complements rather than contradictions it — rather than as an approximation of it. That reinforces the recursive self-contained theoretical basis of the system which the remarks celebrate but it also underscores its fundamental incompatibility with liberal democratic systems --and in the process amplifies mutual incomprehensibility.
Where does all this point? The speech's forward horizon is easy enough to read as generic exhortation — inevitably bound up and reaffirming the notion that the Socialist Path is not merely a road but perhaps also a conveyor belt on which the masses under the leadership of the CPC must move in the inevitable direction through the vicissitudes of each stage of its historical development until it reaches its goal. In the middle of the 21st century, that requires engagement with what the CPC has named the "Second Centenary Goal." At the same time it appears tied more precisely to two things held in view simultaneously: resolving the currently codified principal contradiction, and continuing to operationalize the developmental half of the Basic Line into an ever more elaborate policy stack. That is, as I have emphasized before--socialist modernization is the framework as well as the object and the action that animates appropriate movement along the Socialist Path. The Five-Sphere Integrated Plan, the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy, the "new development philosophy," the "new development pattern," "high-quality development," "Chinese-style modernization" — these are not free-standing slogans but successive, increasingly specific operationalizations of the same developmental mandate the Basic Line first fixed as "one central task." Their cumulative job is to translate an abstract contradiction-formula into a stack of executable programs whose success is explicitly bound, at mid-century, to "building in all respects a great modern socialist country." The closing urgency is therefore not merely rhetorical: it asserts that the window for resolving the current iteration of the contradiction through the current operational stack is itself finite, and that missing it would be a failure of the Basic Line's operationalization, not just of policy execution.
One last point, the basic elaboration of the cognitive cage of Chinese Marxist-Leninism is worth considering carefully. The object is not necessarily to study it as an object in itself; though that also rewards those who engage in that sort of study. Rather it reflects the formula--the cognitive premises, world rationalization, operational premises, taboos, aspirations, and ordering that are then reflected in virtually all products of the political-economic model--not just political but also social, cultural, technological, religious, and inter-active.
（2026年7月1日）
习近平
同志们，朋友们：
今天，我们隆重集会，庆祝中国共产党成立105周年，回顾我们党走过的光辉历程，展望党和人民事业发展的光明前景，动员全党全国各族人民满怀信心朝着全面建成社会主义现代化强国、实现中华民族伟大复兴的宏伟目标奋勇前进。
首先，我代表党中央，向全体中国共产党员致以节日的问候！向“七一勋章”获得者，向受表彰的全国优秀共产党员、优秀党务工作者、先进基层党组织表示热烈的祝贺！
同志们、朋友们！
105年前，在中国人民和中华民族的伟大觉醒中，在马克思列宁主义同中国工人运动的紧密结合中，中国共产党应运而生。从此，中国人民和中华民族有了最可靠的主心骨，内忧外患、积贫积弱的中国开启了翻天覆地的历史巨变。
105年来，我们党始终坚守为中国人民谋幸福、为中华民族谋复兴的初心使命，深刻洞察世界发展大势，准确把握各个历史时期社会主要矛盾变化，团结带领全国各族人民不懈奋斗，创造了新民主主义革命、社会主义革命和建设、改革开放和社会主义现代化建设、新时代中国特色社会主义的伟大成就，书写了中华民族几千年历史上最恢宏的史诗。
105年不懈奋斗，从根本上改变了中国人民的前途命运。我们党领导人民经过波澜壮阔的伟大斗争，推翻帝国主义、封建主义、官僚资本主义三座大山，建立人民当家作主的新中国，彻底结束旧中国半殖民地半封建社会的历史，实现人民生活从温饱不足到总体小康再到全面小康的历史性跨越。今天，中国人民已经把命运牢牢掌握在自己手中，正以自信、自立、自强的姿态阔步迈向更加美好的未来。
105年不懈奋斗，开辟了实现中华民族伟大复兴的正确道路。在革命、建设、改革和新时代的伟大实践中，我们党领导人民历尽千辛万苦，成功开辟和坚持了中国特色社会主义道路，仅用几十年时间就走完发达国家几百年走过的工业化历程，创造了经济快速发展和社会长期稳定两大奇迹。今天，中华民族伟大复兴势不可挡，展现出前所未有的光明前景。
105年不懈奋斗，展示了马克思主义的强大生命力。我们党坚持把马克思主义基本原理同中国具体实际相结合、同中华优秀传统文化相结合，不断推进马克思主义中国化时代化，形成毛泽东思想、邓小平理论、“三个代表”重要思想、科学发展观、新时代中国特色社会主义思想，极大丰富和发展了马克思主义。今天，中国特色社会主义事业的蓬勃生机和旺盛活力，充分检验了马克思主义的科学性和真理性，充分展现了马克思主义的人民性和实践性，充分彰显了马克思主义的开放性和时代性。
105年不懈奋斗，深刻影响了世界历史进程。我们党始终站在历史正确一边、站在人类文明进步一边，以自强不息的奋斗深刻改变了世界发展的趋势和格局。今天，党领导人民推进中国式现代化，创造了人类文明新形态，拓展了发展中国家走向现代化的途径。我们推动构建人类命运共同体，为解决人类重大问题贡献了中国智慧、中国方案、中国力量。党领导的社会主义中国，被公认为世界和平的建设者、全球发展的贡献者、国际秩序的维护者。
105年不懈奋斗，锻造了强大的中国共产党。我们党牢记马克思主义政党的性质宗旨和奋斗目标，大力弘扬伟大建党精神，历经磨难斗志弥坚，千锤百炼更加坚强。今天，我们党已经发展成为具有重大全球影响力的世界第一大执政党，得到人民衷心拥护和支持，是中国特色社会主义事业的坚强领导核心，完全无愧为伟大光荣正确的党。
同志们、朋友们！
105年来，我们取得的一切成就，是一代又一代中国共产党人团结带领中国人民不懈奋斗的结果。以毛泽东同志、邓小平同志、江泽民同志、胡锦涛同志为主要代表的中国共产党人，为中华民族伟大复兴建立了彪炳史册的伟大功勋！我们向他们表示崇高的敬意！
此时此刻，我们深切怀念毛泽东、周恩来、刘少奇、朱德、邓小平、陈云同志等老一辈革命家和江泽民同志，深切怀念为民族独立、人民解放和国家富强、人民幸福前仆后继、牺牲奉献的革命先烈、仁人志士。他们为国家和民族建立的丰功伟绩永载史册！他们的崇高精神永远铭记在亿万人民心中！
人民是历史的创造者，是真正的英雄。在这里，我代表党中央，向奋斗在各条战线的全国人民和各界人士，致以崇高的敬意！向香港特别行政区同胞、澳门特别行政区同胞、台湾同胞和海外侨胞，致以诚挚的问候！向一切同中国人民友好相处，关心支持中国革命、建设、改革事业的各国人民和朋友，致以衷心的谢意！
同志们、朋友们！
中国共产党之所以能够在105年奋斗中不断铸就辉煌，历史和人民之所以选择中国共产党，根本在于我们党具有其他政党和政治力量无可比拟的优秀特质。
——矢志追求真理，始终把准前进方向。我们党把马克思主义作为改造主观世界和客观世界的强大思想武器，坚持解放思想、实事求是、与时俱进、求真务实，注重在社会矛盾运动中揭示和运用真理，善于在实践中检验和发展真理，不断以新的理论指导新的实践，确保党和人民事业沿着正确方向前进。
——深深植根人民，始终拥有坚实根基。我们党牢记江山就是人民、人民就是江山，坚持立党为公、执政为民，自觉践行全心全意为人民服务的根本宗旨，坚定地同人民站在一起、想在一起、干在一起，拥有任何风浪都动摇不了的坚实根基。
——勇担历史使命，始终掌握战略主动。我们党胸怀共产主义远大理想、立志于中华民族千秋伟业，坚定地把历史和人民赋予的重任扛在肩上，坚持长远目标和阶段目标相统一，适应社会主要矛盾变化确立中心任务，制定和实施正确的路线方针政策，确保牢牢掌握事业发展的领导权和主动权。
——顺应发展潮流，始终走在时代前列。我们党秉持高度的历史自觉和宽广的世界眼光，清醒把握中国国情和时代主题，积极识变应变求变，锐意开拓进取，推动党的各项工作体现时代性、把握规律性、富于创造性，引领国家和民族在历史前进的逻辑中前进、在时代发展的潮流中发展，成为当之无愧的时代先锋、民族脊梁。
——敢于善于斗争，始终保持必胜信心。我们党坚持和发扬不怕牺牲、英勇斗争的精神，为了人民、国家、民族，为了理想信念，披荆斩棘、砥砺前行，无论敌人如何强大、道路如何艰险、挑战如何严峻，总是毫不畏惧、绝不退缩，以任凭风雨来袭、我自岿然不动的钢铁意志鼓舞全国人民不断从胜利走向胜利。
——注重强健自身，始终充满生机活力。我们党清醒认识到打铁必须自身硬，善于以时代发展要求审视自己、以强烈忧患意识警醒自己、以自我革命精神完善自己，高度重视自身建设，坚决清除一切损害党的先进性和纯洁性的因素、清除一切侵蚀党的健康肌体的病毒，在革命性锻造中更加坚强有力。
这些优秀特质，是中国共产党为什么能的关键密码。我们要结合新的实际，把党的优秀特质不断发扬光大，确保党永远不变质不变色不变味，始终具有强大创造力凝聚力战斗力。
同志们、朋友们！
“功崇惟志，业广惟勤。”实现新时代新征程党的使命任务，要求全体中国共产党人坚定信心、接续奋斗，不断创造无愧于时代和人民的新业绩。
——坚定信心、接续奋斗，必须坚持党的基本理论、基本路线、基本方略。党的基本理论、基本路线、基本方略是党和人民经过艰辛探索取得的重大成果，是党和国家事业的根本遵循。新征程上，全党必须保持道不变、志不改的定力，坚持党的全面领导和党中央集中统一领导，深入贯彻新时代中国特色社会主义思想，坚定道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信，继往开来、守正创新，做到不畏浮云遮望眼、乘风破浪不迷航。
——坚定信心、接续奋斗，必须紧紧依靠人民创造历史伟业。坚持和发展中国特色社会主义是全党全国各族人民共同的事业。新征程上，全党必须进一步提振干事创业的精气神，团结带领全国各族人民开拓进取，统筹推进“五位一体”总体布局、协调推进“四个全面”战略布局，完整准确全面贯彻新发展理念，加快构建新发展格局，扎实推动高质量发展。要践行以人民为中心的发展思想，发展全过程人民民主，不断巩固和发展各民族大团结、全国人民大团结、全体中华儿女大团结，充分激发亿万人民的积极性主动性创造性，凝聚起推进中国式现代化的磅礴力量。
——坚定信心、接续奋斗，必须积极应对前进道路上的风险挑战。我国发展正处于战略机遇和风险挑战并存、不确定难预料因素增多的时期，需要时刻准备经受风高浪急甚至惊涛骇浪的重大考验。新征程上，全党必须强化忧患意识、坚持底线思维，发扬斗争精神、增强斗争本领，更好统筹国内国际两个大局，统筹发展和安全，提高科学预见变化、及时洞察风险、有效应对挑战的能力，确保中华复兴号巨轮劈波斩浪、行稳致远。
——坚定信心、接续奋斗，必须持续推动构建人类命运共同体。随着百年变局加速演进，世界进入新的动荡变革期，人类又一次站在何去何从的十字路口。新征程上，我们要顺应人心所向、大势所趋，高举和平、发展、合作、共赢旗帜，弘扬全人类共同价值，推动构建新型国际关系，推动落实全球发展倡议、全球安全倡议、全球文明倡议、全球治理倡议，为世界和平与发展注入更多正能量。
——坚定信心、接续奋斗，必须持之以恒推进全面从严治党。全面从严治党永远在路上。新征程上，必须全面贯彻新时代党建思想，落实新时代党的建设总要求，着眼于提高党的长期执政能力、保持党的先进性和纯洁性、保持党同人民群众的血肉联系，健全全面从严治党体系，以党的政治建设为统领加强党的各方面建设，坚决打好反腐败斗争攻坚战持久战总体战，不断增强党的政治领导力、思想引领力、群众组织力、社会号召力，确保党在新时代坚持和发展中国特色社会主义的历史进程中始终成为坚强领导核心。
同志们、朋友们！
强国必须强军，军强才能国安。新征程上，必须全面贯彻新时代党的强军思想，贯彻新时代军事战略方针，坚持党对人民军队的绝对领导，坚定不移走中国特色强军之路，全面推进政治建军、改革强军、科技强军、人才强军、依法治军，高质量推进国防和军队现代化，如期实现建军一百年奋斗目标，加快把人民军队建成世界一流军队，坚决捍卫国家主权、安全、发展利益，为维护世界和平与发展作出更大贡献。
促进香港、澳门长期繁荣稳定，是中华民族伟大复兴的内在要求。新征程上，我们要全面准确、坚定不移贯彻“一国两制”、“港人治港”、“澳人治澳”、高度自治的方针，落实“爱国者治港”、“爱国者治澳”原则，提升港澳依法治理效能，促进港澳经济社会发展，支持港澳更好融入和服务国家发展大局。
解决台湾问题、实现祖国完全统一，是我们党矢志不渝的历史任务，是全体中华儿女的共同愿望。我们要深入贯彻新时代党解决台湾问题的总体方略，坚持一个中国原则和“九二共识”，团结广大台湾同胞，深化两岸交流合作和融合发展，坚决打击“台独”分裂势力，反对外部势力干涉，坚定推进祖国统一大业。
同志们、朋友们！
青年是实现中华民族伟大复兴的生力军。全党要重视青年、关心青年、支持青年，为青年成长成才创造条件。新时代中国青年要坚定不移听党话、跟党走，树立远大志向，勇担时代重任，把个人追求融入党和国家事业，只争朝夕、不负韶华，在新征程上跑好历史接力赛，用青春铺路、让理想闪光！
同志们、朋友们！
中国共产党105年的辉煌历史令人自豪，但我们决不能骄傲自满、止步不前。到本世纪中叶，我们要全面建成社会主义现代化强国、实现第二个百年奋斗目标。时间不等人！历史不等人！全党同志务必不忘初心、牢记使命，务必谦虚谨慎、艰苦奋斗，务必敢于斗争、善于斗争，紧紧依靠和团结带领全国各族人民奋进新征程、建功新时代，奋力创造新的历史辉煌！
Xi Jinping: Speech at the Gathering Celebrating the 105th Anniversary of the Founding of the Communist Party of China
July 1, 2026, 15:04
ANNOTATED TRANSLATION
(July 1, 2026)
Xi Jinping
Comrades, friends:
Today we gather in solemn assembly to celebrate the 105th anniversary of the founding of the Communist Party of China, to look back on the glorious journey our Party has traveled, to look ahead to the bright prospects for the development of the Party's and the people's cause, and to mobilize the whole Party and the people of all our country's ethnic groups to advance with full confidence toward the grand goal of building, in all respects, a great modern socialist country and realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.
First, on behalf of the Party Central Committee, I extend festive greetings to all members of the Communist Party of China! I extend warm congratulations to the recipients of the "July 1st Medal" [七一勋章 — a state honor first instituted in 2021, awarded to Party members of exceptional merit] and to the outstanding Party members, outstanding Party-affairs workers, and advanced grassroots Party organizations nationwide who have been commended!
Comrades, friends!
One hundred and five years ago, amid the great awakening of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation, and through the close integration of Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese labor movement, the Communist Party of China was born as history required [应运而生 — literally "arose in response to destiny/the times," a formula asserting historical inevitability rather than contingency]. From that moment, the Chinese people and the Chinese nation had the most reliable backbone [主心骨 — "backbone/mainstay," a term denoting the indispensable core around which all else coheres] and a China beset by troubles at home and threats from abroad, impoverished and weak, began an earth-shaking historic transformation.
Over these 105 years, our Party has held fast to its founding aspiration and mission — to seek happiness for the Chinese people and rejuvenation for the Chinese nation — has perceived with clarity the great trends of world development, has accurately grasped the changing principal contradictions of society in each historical period, and has united and led the people of all our ethnic groups in unremitting struggle, creating the great achievements of the New Democratic Revolution, of socialist revolution and construction, of reform and opening-up and socialist modernization, and of socialism with Chinese characteristics for a new era — writing the most magnificent epic in the several-thousand-year history of the Chinese nation.
105 years of unremitting struggle have fundamentally changed the destiny of the Chinese people. Leading the people through a magnificent and turbulent great struggle, our Party overthrew the "three great mountains" of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat-capitalism, established a New China in which the people are the masters of their own house, brought the history of old China's semi-colonial, semi-feudal society to a complete end, and achieved the historic leap of the people's livelihood — from insufficient food and clothing, to a moderately prosperous society in general terms, to a moderately prosperous society in all respects. Today the Chinese people have firmly grasped their own destiny in their own hands and, with the bearing of confidence, self-reliance, and self-strengthening, are striding toward an even better future.
105 years of unremitting struggle have opened the correct path to realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Through the great practice of revolution, construction, reform, and the new era, our Party led the people through untold hardship to successfully open up and uphold the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, completing in a few decades the industrialization process that took developed countries several hundred years, and creating the twin miracles of rapid economic development and long-term social stability. Today the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is unstoppable and presents prospects brighter than ever before.
105 years of unremitting struggle have demonstrated the powerful vitality of Marxism. Our Party has adhered to integrating the basic tenets of Marxism with China's concrete realities and with the fine traditional culture of China, continuously advancing the adaptation of Marxism to the Chinese context and to the times [马克思主义中国化时代化, conventionally "the sinicization and contemporization of Marxism"], forming Mao Zedong Thought, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the Important Thought of Three Represents, the Scientific Outlook on Development, and Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era — greatly enriching and developing Marxism. Today the vigorous vitality of the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics fully tests the scientific validity and truth of Marxism, fully demonstrates the people-centered and practical character of Marxism, and fully manifests the openness and contemporary relevance of Marxism.
105 years of unremitting struggle have profoundly influenced the course of world history. Our Party has always stood on the right side of history and on the side of the progress of human civilization, profoundly changing the trends and configuration of world development through self-strengthening struggle. Today, in leading the people to advance Chinese-style modernization, the Party has created a new form of human civilization and broadened the paths by which developing countries can approach modernization. We are promoting the building of a community with a shared future for mankind, contributing Chinese wisdom, Chinese solutions, and Chinese strength to the resolution of humanity's great problems. Socialist China, under the Party's leadership, is widely recognized as a builder of world peace, a contributor to global development, and a defender of the international order.
105 years of unremitting struggle have forged a powerful Communist Party of China. Our Party has kept firmly in mind the nature, purpose, and goals of a Marxist party, has vigorously carried forward the great founding spirit of the Party [伟大建党精神, a formulation coined by Xi in 2021 to canonize the Party's founding ethos], and — tempered ever stronger through hardship after hardship — has grown into the world's largest ruling party with major global influence, sincerely upheld and supported by the people, the strong core of leadership for the cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics, and one that is in every respect worthy of being called a great, glorious, and correct Party.
Comrades, friends!
All that we have achieved over these 105 years is the result of the unremitting struggle of generation after generation of Chinese Communists who united and led the Chinese people. The Chinese Communists represented chiefly by Comrades Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin, and Hu Jintao established great and illustrious merit for the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation! We pay our highest respects to them!
At this moment we deeply cherish the memory of Comrades Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi, Zhu De, Deng Xiaoping, Chen Yun, and other senior revolutionaries, and Comrade Jiang Zemin, and we deeply cherish the memory of the revolutionary martyrs and people of vision and integrity who, one after another, sacrificed and devoted themselves for national independence, the liberation of the people, and the prosperity of the country and the happiness of the people. Their outstanding achievements for the country and the nation will forever be recorded in history! Their lofty spirit will forever be engraved in the hearts of hundreds of millions of people!
The people are the creators of history, the true heroes. Here, on behalf of the Party Central Committee, I extend our highest respects to the people of the whole country and people from all walks of life who are striving on every front! I extend sincere greetings to our compatriots in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region, the Macao Special Administrative Region, our compatriots in Taiwan, and overseas Chinese! I extend heartfelt thanks to the peoples and friends of all countries who have maintained friendly relations with the Chinese people and who have cared for and supported China's cause of revolution, construction, and reform!
Comrades, friends!
The reason the Communist Party of China has been able to continuously forge glory across 105 years of struggle, and the reason history and the people chose the Communist Party of China, lies fundamentally in the fact that our Party possesses outstanding qualities [优秀特质] incomparable to any other party or political force.
— An unwavering pursuit of truth, always holding fast to the correct direction of advance. Our Party takes Marxism as its powerful ideological weapon for transforming both the subjective and the objective world, adheres to emancipating the mind, seeking truth from facts, keeping pace with the times, and being pragmatic and realistic, attaches importance to revealing and applying truth within the motion of social contradictions, is adept at testing and developing truth in practice, continually guides new practice with new theory, and ensures that the cause of the Party and the people advances along the correct direction.
— Deeply rooted among the people, always possessing a solid foundation. Our Party keeps firmly in mind that the country is the people, and the people are the country [江山就是人民，人民就是江山], adheres to founding the Party for the public good and exercising power for the people, consciously practices the fundamental purpose of wholeheartedly serving the people, resolutely stands with the people, thinks as the people think, and acts as the people act, possessing a foundation that no storm can shake.
— Boldly shouldering historic missions, always maintaining strategic initiative. Cherishing the lofty ideal of Communism and dedicated to the millennial great cause of the Chinese nation, our Party resolutely shoulders the heavy responsibility entrusted by history and the people, adheres to the unity of long-term goals and staged goals, establishes central tasks in response to changes in the principal social contradiction, formulates and implements correct lines, guidelines, and policies, and ensures it firmly holds the leadership and initiative in the development of the cause.
— Conforming to the tide of development, always standing at the forefront of the times. Upholding a high degree of historical self-awareness and a broad global vision, our Party clearly grasps China's national conditions and the themes of the times, actively identifies and responds to change and seeks change, forges ahead with resolve, and ensures that all of the Party's work embodies the character of the times, grasps underlying laws, and is rich in creativity — leading the country and the nation forward within the logic of historical advance and the tide of the development of the times, becoming a pioneer of the times and backbone of the nation in the fullest sense.
— Daring and skilled in struggle, always maintaining the confidence of certain victory. Our Party upholds and carries forward the spirit of fearing no sacrifice and fighting bravely; for the sake of the people, the country, and the nation, and for the sake of its ideals and convictions, it presses forward through brambles and thorns and, no matter how powerful the enemy, how perilous the road, or how severe the challenge, is never afraid and never retreats — inspiring the people of the whole country, with the iron will that "no matter what wind or rain assails me, I stand unmoved," to advance from victory to victory.
— Attaching importance to strengthening itself, always full of vitality. Our Party clearly recognizes that to forge iron, one must be strong oneself [打铁必须自身硬], is adept at examining itself against the demands of the development of the times, alerting itself with a strong sense of latent danger, and perfecting itself through the spirit of self-revolution [自我革命]; it attaches great importance to its own construction, resolutely eliminates every factor that damages the Party's advanced nature and purity, and eliminates every virus that erodes the healthy body of the Party — growing stronger and more powerful through revolutionary tempering.
These outstanding qualities are the key code to why the Communist Party of China can succeed [中国共产党为什么能的关键密码]. We must, in light of new realities, continue to carry forward and develop the Party's outstanding qualities, ensuring the Party never changes its nature, its color, or its character [永远不变质不变色不变味], and always possesses great capacity for creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness.
Comrades, friends!
"Great achievement lies in ambition; great enterprise lies in diligence" [功崇惟志，业广惟勤 — a classical Chinese aphorism]. Fulfilling the Party's mission and tasks on the new journey of the new era requires all Chinese Communists to firm up their confidence and continue the struggle without interruption, ceaselessly creating new achievements worthy of the times and the people.
— To firm up confidence and continue the struggle without interruption, we must uphold the Party's basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy. The Party's basic theory, basic line, and basic strategy are major achievements won by the Party and the people through arduous exploration, and are the fundamental guide for the cause of the Party and the state. On the new journey, the whole Party must maintain the resolve to keep to the path and keep to its aspirations unchanged, uphold the Party's overall leadership and the Party Central Committee's centralized, unified leadership, thoroughly implement Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era, firm up confidence in the path, in the theory, in the system, and in the culture [道路自信、理论自信、制度自信、文化自信 — the "Four-fold Confidence"], carry the past forward into the future, uphold fundamental principles and break new ground, and ensure that we are not led astray by drifting clouds and sail through wind and waves without losing our course.
— To firm up confidence and continue the struggle without interruption, we must rely closely on the people to create the great cause of history. Upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics is the common cause of the whole Party and the people of all our country's ethnic groups. On the new journey, the whole Party must further lift the morale for striving and undertaking work, unite and lead the people of all ethnic groups nationwide in forging ahead, coordinate and advance the Five-Sphere Integrated Plan [economic, political, cultural, social, and ecological construction] and the Four-Pronged Comprehensive Strategy, fully and accurately implement the new development philosophy on all fronts, accelerate the building of the new development pattern, and solidly promote high-quality development. We must put into practice the people-centered development philosophy, develop whole-process people's democracy, continuously consolidate and develop the great unity of all ethnic groups, the great unity of the whole nation's people, and the great unity of all Chinese sons and daughters, and fully arouse the initiative, enthusiasm, and creativity of the hundreds of millions of the people, gathering the mighty force to advance Chinese-style modernization.
— To firm up confidence and continue the struggle without interruption, we must actively respond to the risks and challenges on the road ahead. China's development is at a stage where strategic opportunities coexist with risks and challenges, and where uncertain and unforeseeable factors are increasing; we must be ready at all times to withstand major tests, even ones involving high winds and choppy seas or towering waves. On the new journey, the whole Party must strengthen its sense of latent danger, adhere to bottom-line thinking, foster the spirit of struggle, enhance the capacity for struggle, better coordinate the two overall domestic and international situations, coordinate development and security, and raise our ability to scientifically foresee change, to promptly detect risk, and to effectively respond to challenges — ensuring that the great ship of China's rejuvenation cuts through the waves and sails far and steady.
— To firm up confidence and continue the struggle without interruption, we must continuously promote the building of a community with a shared future for mankind. As the once-in-a-century changes accelerate, the world has entered a new period of turbulence and transformation, and humanity once again stands at a crossroads over which direction to take. On the new journey, we must conform to where people's hearts incline and to the general trend, hold high the banner of peace, development, cooperation, and mutual benefit, promote the common values of humanity, advance the building of a new type of international relations, and promote the implementation of the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, the Global Civilization Initiative, and the Global Governance Initiative, injecting more positive energy into world peace and development.
— To firm up confidence and continue the struggle without interruption, we must persevere in advancing comprehensive and strict Party self-governance. Comprehensive and strict Party self-governance is a journey with no end. On the new journey, we must fully implement the Party's Party-building thought for the new era, carry out the general requirements for Party building in the new era, and — with an eye to raising the Party's long-term governing capacity, preserving the Party's advanced nature and purity, and preserving the Party's flesh-and-blood ties with the masses — perfect the system of comprehensive and strict Party self-governance, strengthen every aspect of Party building with the Party's political building as the guiding principle, resolutely fight the tough, protracted, all-out battle against corruption, and continuously strengthen the Party's political leadership, capacity to guide thought, capacity to organize the masses, and capacity to rally society — ensuring that in the new era the Party remains, throughout the historical process of upholding and developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, the strong core of leadership.
Comrades, friends!
A strong country requires a strong military, and only a strong military can secure the nation. On the new journey we must fully implement the Party's military-strengthening thought for the new era, implement the military strategic guideline for the new era, uphold the Party's absolute leadership over the people's military, unswervingly follow the path of building a strong military with Chinese characteristics, comprehensively advance the building of the military through political work, through reform, through science and technology, and through talent, and govern the military in accordance with law, advance the modernization of national defense and the military with high quality, achieve on schedule the centenary goal for the founding of the People's Liberation Army, accelerate building the people's military into a world-class military, resolutely defend the country's sovereignty, security, and development interests, and make a greater contribution to safeguarding world peace and development.
Promoting the long-term prosperity and stability of Hong Kong and Macao is an intrinsic requirement of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. On the new journey we must comprehensively, accurately, and unswervingly implement the policies of "one country, two systems," "Hong Kong people governing Hong Kong," "Macao people governing Macao," and a high degree of autonomy, implement the principles of "patriots governing Hong Kong" and "patriots governing Macao," raise the effectiveness of law-based governance in Hong Kong and Macao, promote the economic and social development of Hong Kong and Macao, and support Hong Kong and Macao in better integrating into and serving the overall development of the country.
Resolving the Taiwan question and achieving the complete reunification of the motherland is a historic mission to which our Party is unswervingly committed, and the common aspiration of all Chinese sons and daughters. We must thoroughly implement the Party's overall strategy for resolving the Taiwan question in the new era, uphold the one-China principle and the "1992 Consensus," unite the broad ranks of our Taiwan compatriots, deepen cross-Strait exchange, cooperation, and integrated development, resolutely combat "Taiwan independence" separatist forces, oppose interference by external forces, and firmly advance the great cause of national reunification.
Comrades, friends!
Youth are the shock force for realizing the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. The whole Party must attach importance to, care for, and support young people, and create the conditions for young people to grow and to realize their talents. The young people of China in the new era must resolutely heed the Party's word and follow the Party, establish lofty aspirations, bravely shoulder the mission of the times, integrate their individual pursuits into the cause of the Party and the state, seize the day and live up to the prime of their youth [只争朝夕、不负韶华], run well the historical relay race on the new journey, pave the road with their youth, and let their ideals shine!
Comrades, friends!
The 105-year glorious history of the Communist Party of China is a source of pride, but we absolutely must not become complacent or self-satisfied, nor may we stop and go no further. By the middle of this century we must build, in all respects, a great modern socialist country and realize the Second Centenary Goal. Time waits for no one! History waits for no one! All comrades in the Party must never forget our founding aspiration, must keep firmly in mind our mission, must remain modest, prudent, and hard-working in plain living, must dare to struggle and be skilled in struggle, and must closely rely on and unite and lead the people of all our country's ethnic groups in forging ahead on the new journey and achieving great things in the new era — striving with all our might to create new historic glory!
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